POLITICAL WORK.
Party politics have always been very prominent in Liverpool, partly no
doubt due to the old Conservative associations, and partly to the
presence in the city of so many Orangemen. Liverpool in my time has been
mainly Conservative, and indeed, except for a brief period, this party
has held the Town Hall and ruled over the municipal destinies of the
town. It is, however, pleasant to recognise the good work done by the
Liberals, who have always taken their share of committee work and most
loyally helped forward the government of the city. The annual fight for
the possession of the Town Hall has not been so much to secure party
domination in the city as to control its representation in Parliament.
This was an important consideration when the city voted as one unit for
its three members. But it is of less importance now that the city is
divided up into nine wards, each having its own representative in
Parliament. The day may come when politics will happily cease to
influence the municipal elections.
My earliest recollection of a general election is of being present on
the hustings erected in front of the Town Hall. The nominations took
place on the hustings, and the occasion was taken advantage of to ply
the candidates with questions, and the proceedings seldom ended without
some horse-play, the throwing of rotten eggs and bags of flour, etc. Of
those prominent in these early elections I remember Tom Bold, the Tory
tactician; Alderman Livingston, always to the front in a political
fight; Mr. Alderman Rigby, the Blucher of the party. Money flowed
freely, and also beer on the day of the election, and the town was kept
more or less in a turmoil. All must rejoice in the quiet and orderly
character of an election day under the new conditions which now prevail.
Very shortly after entering the Town Council I was asked to undertake
the duties of "Whip," though we did not then dignify the position by
that high-sounding name; in other words I acted as honorary secretary to
the Conservative party in the Council. The appointment was probably made
at the instance of my brother Arthur, who was already very active in the
political world, but for business reasons could not at that time make
himself very prominent. "Party" politics were never very congenial to
me, although all my leanings were Conservative. I have felt that "Party"
makes one acquainted with strange bedfellows, and induces men to do and
say things from which they would shrink in everyday life; and I think
"party" considerations are carried too far, and the best interests of
the country are too often sacrificed at its call.
In my early years the parliamentary representation of the borough was
divided, Mr. T. B. Horsfall and Mr. Ewart being our members. I knew them
only slightly. Mr. S. R. Graves defeated Mr. Ewart in 1865. Mr. Graves
had a fine commanding presence and all the address and _bonhomie_ of an
Irishman. He quickly became very popular at Westminster and did
excellent work for Liverpool. His knowledge of shipping was much
appreciated in the House, and it was generally expected that he would be
the Secretary or the First Lord of the Admiralty, but his career was
prematurely cut off, to the great grief of Liverpool; he died in 1873.
His statue stands in St. George's Hall. I was secretary to the memorial
committee. After defraying the cost of the statue we devoted the balance
of the money collected to the endowment of "Graves" scholars at the
Seamen's Orphanage, an institution with which Mr. Graves had been very
closely identified.
The parliamentary candidates for the vacancy were Mr. John Torr, a
prominent merchant, who stood in the Conservative interest, and Mr.
William S. Caine, another Liverpool man, supported by the Radicals and
teetotalers. I acted as the honorary Secretary for Mr. Torr. The
election was hotly contested, but Mr. Torr was returned by a majority
of nearly 2,000. In those days we paid much court and deference to our
members. They were held in high personal esteem, always received the
hospitality of our leading men, and were never allowed to stay at an
hotel.
Lord Sandon became our member in 1868, defeating Mr. William Rathbone.
Naturally a very delicate man with a highly strung nervous system, the
representation of such an important constituency as Liverpool was a
source of much anxiety to him. Any subject brought under his notice
became to him a matter of the first and most urgent importance. Lord
Sandon was a true aristocrat, refined in manner and most courteous and
considerate to all. He continued to represent Liverpool until 1880, when
he succeeded his father in the Peerage and became the Earl of Harrowby.
Upon the death of Mr. Torr in 1880, Mr. Edward Whitley became our
member. Mr. Whitley had for many years been the most popular man in
Liverpool. An ardent Conservative, a good Evangelical Churchman, and
excelling in good works, the name of Edward Whitley was a household word
in Liverpool. He was the leader of the Tory party in the Council, and
was a frequent speaker, but his speeches, though fluent, were not
convincing. Mr. Whitley, although a very diligent member, was not a
conspicuous success in Parliament; he failed to catch the ear of the
House. Few men have done more for their native town or were more highly
respected in their day and generation. He died in 1892.
In 1885 the party representation of Liverpool underwent an important
change, a partition of the city into nine divisions being effected, each
returning one member. It has seemed to me that this has involved some
loss of individuality on the part of the nine members, and that
Liverpool has taken comparatively little interest in their doings, and I
am inclined to doubt if the city exercises as much influence in the
affairs of the nation, or if our local parliamentary business is as well
looked after.
The effacement of the private member is due very much to his inability
to initiate legislation. If he introduces a bill it has to run the
chances of the ballot, and if it is a good measure and gets a good place
in the ballot, it is too frequently adopted by the Government, and in
this way the private member loses his individuality and there is little
inducement for him to originate legislation.
Mr. Rathbone, when he was our member, had an office and a staff of
clerks in his house at Prince's Gate, London, for the purpose of looking
after the parliamentary business of Liverpool, and it has never since
been so systematically and so well attended to.
The contest for the County in 1868, when Mr. Gladstone and Mr. R. A.
Cross (now Lord Cross) were the candidates, is very fresh in my memory.
The question of the day was the Irish church. Mr. Gladstone delivered a
series of very brilliant addresses, but to the surprise of everyone Mr.
Cross's replies were equally brilliant, and we thought very crushing. We
took the candidates, Cross and Blackburn, in a coach and four, to
canvass Colonel Blundell at Crosby Hall, and Mr. Weld Blundell at Ince.
I was shortly afterwards made chairman of the Waterloo Polling District,
and in 1880 became chairman of the Southport Division. The first contest
in this division was between our candidate, Mr. John Edwards Moss (now
Sir John Edwards Moss, Bart.), and Dr. Pilkington (now Sir George
Pilkington). It was an uphill fight; Southport had always been a Radical
place, and remained true to her Radical principles. The electors were
very fastidious; they took exception to our candidate wearing rings on
his fingers, and helping himself while speaking to a little sherry and
water out of his flask. We unfortunately lost the election.
When the next election came round, we had to look about for another
candidate, and tried for several, but they were not attracted to
Southport; in the end we invited the Honourable George Curzon, the
eldest son of Lord Scarsdale, of Kedleston. He had lately been defeated
at Derby, but he was a young man, only 27, with a record of a very
brilliant university career, and had been president of the Union at
Oxford. Mr. Curzon accepted our invitation, and came down to Southport
to deliver his first speech, which was very brilliant, and quite took
everyone by surprise. He was very boyish in looks, which occasioned one
rough Lancashire man to get up in the meeting and exclaim, "Thou art
o'er young for us." Mr. Curzon quickly replied, "If you will return me
as your member I promise I will improve upon that every day I live."
In moving a vote of confidence in Mr. Curzon I predicted that he would
one day be Prime Minister, he so greatly impressed me with his
intellectual power and great eloquence.
Mr. Curzon made a splendid and most active candidate. He addressed
meetings in every village in the division, every speech was carefully
thought out and prepared, and his industry was remarkable. When he
stayed, as he frequently did, at "Ramleh," he retired to his room after
breakfast and we did not see him again until dinner-time; he had been
engaged all day working at his speech. He had the gift of taking pains.
We won the election only by a majority of 460. Mr. Curzon remained our
member for thirteen years, until he was appointed Viceroy of India. We
fought three contests, winning each with an increased majority, until at
the last election, in 1895, Mr. Curzon's majority was 804. His opponent,
then Sir Herbert Naylor-Leyland, was formerly a Conservative, and as
such stood for Colchester. He was made a baronet by the Liberals, and
came and fought Southport as a Radical. When he stood for Colchester as
a Conservative he had made abundant use of Mr. Curzon's speeches at
Southport, delivering them as his own, and we did not fail to make
capital of this amusing episode when he stood as a Radical for
Southport.
Lady Naylor-Leyland was a beautiful American woman, one of the society
beauties of the day, and she created a sensation as she drove about in
an open carriage all decked with roses. But Mrs. Curzon was equally
attractive; she was a bride, and had most charming and winning manners,
and her presence on our platforms was a great help. It was my duty as
chairman to escort her to our meetings, and I remember almost the last
words she said to me on leaving Southport were, "Sir William, I shall
always think of you getting me through crowds." Mr. Curzon occupied a
furnished house at Southport during the election, and I stayed part of
the time with them; and shall never forget Mrs. Curzon's gracious manner
and her loving devotion to her husband. Alas for him and his great
career, she died too soon. She gave her life, I fear, that she might
support her husband in the splendid discharge of his duties in India.
Lord Curzon has gone into the House of Lords, where he will, I have no
doubt, render great and distinguished service to the country; but had
Lady Curzon lived I feel he would have entered the more congenial
atmosphere of the Commons, and my prophecy that he would one day be
Prime Minister would have been fulfilled.
The following incident proves the one great secret of Lord Curzon's
success in life has been his remarkable industry. He made a journey to
Persia, and wrote a book which is to-day the standard work on Persia. He
was anxious to make an index, which he could have had done for him for a
small expenditure, but he preferred to do it himself in his own way, and
for this purpose he remained in rooms at Croydon for a month hard at
work, and I believe I was the only person who knew his address.
The value of Lord Curzon's work in India cannot very well be overstated.
Travelling through India some two years after his return home, we found
everywhere the impress of his remarkable industry and thoughtfulness.
One day when visiting the _cutcherry_ of a far distant province, we
found the entire system of correspondence had been personally revised by
the late Viceroy. On another occasion, the engineer of a coal mine to
whom I was talking told me that the Viceroy visited his mine and
personally interested himself in obtaining improved traffic facilities
on the railway. On another day, when visiting a palace at Delhi, we
found a number of Italians restoring the mosaics; they informed us they
were still in the pay of Lord and Lady Curzon. I could go on enumerating
instances of his activity and his abiding interest in India. In the
restoration of the old landmarks and monuments in India, Lord Curzon has
done a work which for generations to come will make his name memorable.
After Lord Curzon retired from Southport we had another election; this
time Lord Skelmersdale, now the Earl of Lathom, was our candidate, and
Sir Herbert Naylor-Leyland our opponent. The fight was a severe one. We
missed the great personality of Mr. Curzon, and although Lord
Skelmersdale was an industrious candidate, and was very ably assisted by
Lady Skelmersdale, we lost the election. After this I retired from the
chairmanship of the division, and was presented by the Southport
Conservative Association with a handsome silver bowl.
I congratulated myself as a political leader that I was able to
accomplish the conversion of the two largest landowners in the Southport
Division, Mr. Weld-Blundell, of Ince Hall, and Colonel Blundell, of
Crosby Hall. They had been for generations Liberal, and in the 1868
election Mr. Gladstone stayed with Mr. Weld-Blundell; but in 1886, on
the Home Rule for Ireland question, they both supported Mr. Curzon, held
meetings for us in their villages, and on the day of the election
Colonel Blundell rode down to the poll at the head of his tenants.
These, however, did not all vote for us. They had always voted Liberal
and did not know why they should change because the squire had done so.
Crosby Hall and Ince were pleasant country houses to visit in the days
of the old squires. It is strange that although the two estates march
together the families have never inter-married since 1401.
The duties of a chairman of a division, in which both parties are evenly
balanced, are not light, and can only be successfully accomplished if
made personal. The secret of political success lies largely in
organisation, and this must be vigilantly carried on in times when there
is no political excitement, and when there is apparently no reason to
work. A political organisation to be of any value must be continuous and
must be thorough; it is not possible to organise a party on the eve of
an election; you must have trusty lieutenants who know their work and do
it. One of the weaknesses of any party organisation is the number of
loafers, men ready to shout, but who are not capable of steady work. The
quiet, but not very exciting task of looking after the register,
watching removals, and having a careful canvass and cross-canvass of
every elector, is the organisation and work which wins elections.
We had in Southport many excellent leaders, Mr. John Formby, Mr.
Beauford, Mr. Clinning, and many others I could name, with whom it was a
great pleasure to work, and my political association with the Southport
Division will ever remain with me as a sunny memory.
I have declined several invitations to stand for Parliament--on two
occasions from Southport, one from Walton, one from Everton, and more
recently one from Westmorland. When in business it was not possible for
me to enter Parliament, as my brother Arthur was already a member; and I
have since felt that if a member is to make any position in Parliament
he should enter the house on the right side of fifty.
Of late years my Free Trade principles have been a barrier to my taking
an active part on the Conservative side. I did my best to prevent my
friends delivering themselves up to Tariff Reform, and published a
series of letters in the _Daily Post_ on Free Trade _v._ Protection,
which were afterwards published in pamphlet form, and had a very
extensive circulation.
Economic subjects have been my favourite studies, and I have seen much
of the working of Protection in America. In 1870 I delivered an address
on Free Trade before the New York Chamber of Commerce, and at their
request I repeated this address before the Chambers of Commerce in
Cleveland, Chicago, etc., but with little success. The question of a
Tariff had already become "political." I was present in America during
some of their industrial crises, upon which I addressed several letters
to the London _Times_ and _Standard_. It is difficult to describe the
intensity and the prolonged suffering caused by the over-production
encouraged by Protection, with no outlet save the home market. The only
relief was the "scrapping" of the surplus manufacturing power, which
brought great suffering to the working people. I have since written many
papers on the subject; the controversy does not therefore come upon me
as something new. This is not the place, however, to discuss these
matters, but one cannot understand Liverpool becoming enamoured with
Tariff Reform. Liverpool lives on her shipping and carrying trade, and
whatever else may happen, this is at least certain, that Tariff Reform
must reduce the quantity of imports and exports, and there must be less
freight for our shipping to carry. Tariff Reform may give temporary
prosperity to the manufacturer, but if ever adopted will be a serious
blow to the trade and prosperity of Liverpool, and indeed of Lancashire,
as the cotton manufacturing industry depends entirely upon our ability
to turn cotton into yarn and cloth at the lowest possible cost.