II. Virtue, according to Aristotle (Ethic. Nic. 1. 2. c. 5. et seq. et

1. 3. {241} c. 4. et seq.), consists in the habit of mediocrity

according to right reason. Every particular virtue, according to him,

lies in a kind of middle between two opposite vices, of which the one

offends from being too much, the other from being too little affected

by a particular species of objects. Thus the virtue of fortitude or

courage lies in the middle between the opposite vices of cowardice and

of presumptuous rashness, of which the one offends from being too

much, and the other from being too little affected by the objects of

fear. Thus too the virtue of frugality lies in a middle between

avarice and profusion, of which the one consists in an excess, the

other in a defect of the proper attention to the objects of

self-interest. Magnanimity, in the same manner, lies in a middle

between the excess of arrogance and the defect of pusillanimity, of

which the one consists in too extravagant, the other in too weak a

sentiment of our own worth and dignity. It is unnecessary to observe

that this account of virtue corresponds, too, pretty exactly with what

has been said above concerning the propriety and impropriety of

conduct.

According to Aristotle (Ethic. Nic. lib. ii. ch. 1, 2, 3, and 4.),

indeed, virtue did not so much consist in those moderate and right

affections, as in the habit of this moderation. In order to understand

this, it is to be observed, that virtue may be considered either as

the quality of an action, or the quality of a person. Considered as

the quality of an action, it consists, even according to Aristotle, in

the reasonable moderation of the affection from which the action

proceeds, whether this disposition be habitual to the person or not.

Considered as the quality of a person, it consists in the habit of

this reasonable moderation, in its having become the customary and

usual disposition of the mind. Thus the action which proceeds from an

occasional fit of generosity is undoubtedly a generous action, but the

man who performs it, is not necessarily a generous person, because it

may be the single action of the kind which he ever performed. The

motive and disposition of heart, from which this action was performed,

may have been quite just and proper: but as this happy mood seems to

have been the effect rather of accidental humour than of any thing

steady or permanent in the character, it can reflect no great honour

on the performer. When we denominate a character generous or

charitable, or virtuous in any respect, we mean to signify that the

disposition expressed by each of those appellations is the usual and

customary disposition of the person. But single actions of any kind,

how proper and suitable soever, are of little consequence to show that

this is the case. If a single action was sufficient to stamp the

character of any virtue upon the person who performed it, the most

worthless of mankind might lay claim to all the virtues; since there

is no man who has not, upon some occasions, acted with prudence,

justice, temperance, and fortitude. But though single actions, how

laudable soever, reflect very little praise upon the {242} person who

performs them, a single vicious action performed by one whose conduct

is usually pretty regular, greatly diminishes and sometimes destroys

altogether our opinion of his virtue. A single action of this kind

sufficiently shows that his habits are not perfect, and that he is

less to be depended upon, than, from the usual train of his behaviour,

we might have been apt to imagine.

Aristotle too (Mag. Mor. lib. i. ch. 1.) when he made virtue to

consist in practical habits, had it probably in his view to oppose the

doctrine of Plato, who seems to have been of opinion that just

sentiments and reasonable judgments concerning what was fit to be done

or to be avoided, were alone sufficient to constitute the most perfect

virtue. Virtue, according to Plato, might be considered as a species

of science, and no man, he thought, could see clearly and

demonstratively what was right and what was wrong, and not act

accordingly. Passion might make us act contrary to doubtful and

uncertain opinions, not to plain and evident judgments. Aristotle, on

the contrary, was of opinion that no conviction of the understanding

was capable of getting the better of inveterate habits, and that our

good morals arose not from knowledge but from action.

III. According to Zeno,[6] the founder of the Stoical doctrine, every

animal was by nature recommended to its own care, and was endowed with

the principle of self-love, that it might endeavour to preserve, not

only its existence, but all the different parts of its nature, in the

best and most perfect state of which they were capable.

[Footnote 6: See Cicero de finibus, lib. iii.; also Diogenes Laertius

in Zenone, lib. vii. segment 84.]

The self-love of man embraced, if I may say so, his body and all its

different members, his mind and all its different faculties and

powers, and desired the preservation and maintenance of them all in

their best and most perfect condition. Whatever tended to support this

state of existence was, therefore, by nature pointed out to him as fit

to be chosen; and whatever tended to destroy it, as fit to be

rejected. Thus health, strength, agility, and ease of body as well as

the external conveniences which could promote these; wealth, power,

honours, the respect and esteem of those we live with; were naturally

pointed out to us as things eligible, and of which the possession was

preferable to the want. On the other hand, sickness, infirmity,

unwieldiness, pain of body, as well as all the external

inconveniences which tend to occasion or bring on any of them;

poverty, the want of authority, the contempt or hatred of those we

live with; were, in the same manner, pointed out to us as things to be

shunned and avoided. In each of those two opposite classes of objects,

there were some which appeared to be more the objects either of choice

or rejection, than others in the same class. Thus, in the first class,

health appeared evidently preferable to strength, and strength to

agility; reputation to power, and power to riches. And thus too, in

the second class, sickness was more to be avoided than {243}

unwieldiness of body, ignominy than poverty, and poverty than the loss

of power. Virtue and the propriety of conduct consisted in choosing

and rejecting all different objects and circumstances according as

they were by nature rendered more or less the objects of choice or

rejection; in selecting always from among the several objects of

choice presented to us, that which must be chosen, when we could not

obtain them all; and in selecting, too, out of the several objects of

rejection offered to us, that which was least to be avoided, when it

was not in our power to avoid them all. By choosing and rejecting with

this just and accurate discernment, by thus bestowing upon every

object the precise degree of attention it deserved, according to the

place which it held in this natural scale of things, we maintained,

**according to the Stoics, that perfect rectitude of conduct which

constituted the essence of virtue. This was what they called to live

consistently, to live according to nature, and to obey those laws and

directions which nature, or the Author of nature, had prescribed for

our conduct.

So far the Stoical idea of propriety and virtue is not very different

from that of Aristotle and the ancient Peripatetics.

Among those primary objects which nature had recommended to us as

eligible, was the prosperity of our family, of our relations, of our

friends, of our country, of mankind, and of the universe in general.

Nature too, had taught us, that as the prosperity of two was

preferable to that of one, that of many, or of all, must be infinitely

more so. That we ourselves were but one, and that consequently

wherever our prosperity was inconsistent with that, either of the

whole, or of any considerable part of the whole, it ought, even in our

own choice, to yield to what was so vastly preferable. As all the

events in this world were conducted by the providence of a wise,

powerful, and good God, we might be assured that whatever happened

tended to the prosperity and perfection of the whole. If we ourselves,

therefore, were in poverty, in sickness, or in any other calamity, we

ought, first of all, to use our utmost endeavours, so far as justice

and our duty to others will allow, to rescue ourselves from this

disagreeable circumstance. But if, after all we could do, we found

this impossible, we ought to rest satisfied that the order and

perfection of the universe required that we should in the mean time

continue in this situation. And as the prosperity of the whole should,

even to us, appear preferable to so insignificant a part as ourselves,

our situation, whatever it was, ought from that moment to become the

object of our liking, if we would maintain that complete propriety and

rectitude of sentiment and conduct in which consisted the perfection

of our nature. If, indeed, any opportunity of extricating ourselves

should offer, it became our duty to embrace it. The order of the

universe, it was evident, no longer required our continuance in this

situation, and the great Director of the world plainly called upon us

to leave it, by so clearly pointing out {244} the road which we were

to follow. It was the same case with the adversity of our relations,

our friends, our country. If, without violating any more sacred

obligation, it was in our power to prevent or put an end to their

calamity, it undoubtedly was our duty to do so. The propriety of

action, the rule which Jupiter had given us for the direction of our

conduct, evidently required this of us. But if it was altogether out

of our power to do either, we ought then to consider this event as the

most fortunate which could possibly have happened: because we might be

assured that it tended most to the prosperity and order of the whole,

which was that we ourselves, if we were wise and equitable, ought most

of all to desire. It was our own final interest considered as a part

of that whole, of which the prosperity ought to be, not only the

principal, but the sole object of our desire.

'In what sense,' says Epictetus, 'are some things said to be according

to our nature, and others contrary to it? It is in that sense in which

we consider ourselves as separated and detached from all other things.

For thus it may be said to be according to the nature of the foot to

be always clean. But if you consider it as a foot, and not as

something detached from the rest of the body, it must behove it some

times to trample in the dirt, and sometimes to tread upon thorns, and

sometimes, too, to be cut off for the sake of the whole body; and if

it refuses this, it is no longer a foot. Thus, too, ought we to

conceive with regard to ourselves. What are you? A man. If you

consider yourself as something separated and detached, it is agreeable

to your nature to live to old age, to be rich, to be in health. But if

you consider yourself as a man, and as a part of a whole, upon account

of that whole, it will behove you sometimes to be in sickness,

sometimes to be exposed to the inconveniency of a sea voyage,

sometimes to be in want, and at last perhaps to die before your time.

Why then do you complain? Do not you know that by doing so, as the

foot ceases to be a foot, so you cease to be man?'

A wise man never complains of the destiny of Providence, nor thinks

the universe in confusion when he is out of order. He does not look

upon himself as a whole, separated and detached from every other part

of nature, to be taken care of by itself and for itself. He regards

himself in the light in which he imagines the great genius of human

nature, and of the world, regards him. He enters, if I may say so,

into the sentiments of that divine Being, and considers himself as an

atom, a particle, of an immense and infinite system, which must and

ought to be disposed of according to the conveniency of the whole.

Assured of the wisdom which directs all the events of human life,

whatever lot befalls him, he accepts it with joy, satisfied that, if

he had known all the connections and dependencies of the different

parts of the universe, it is the very lot which he himself would have

wished for. If it is life, he is contented to live; and if it is

death, as nature must have no further {245} occasion for his presence

here, he willingly goes where he is appointed. I accept, said a

cynical philosopher, whose doctrines were in this respect the same as

those of the Stoics, I accept, with equal joy and satisfaction,

whatever fortune can befall me. Riches or poverty, pleasure or pain,

health or sickness, all is alike: nor would I desire that the gods

should in any respect change my destination. If I was to ask of them

any thing beyond what their bounty has already bestowed, it should be

that they would inform me beforehand what it was their pleasure should

be done with me, that I might of my own accord place myself in this

situation, and demonstrate the cheerfulness with which I embraced

their allotment. If I am going to sail, says Epictetus, I choose the

best ship and the best pilot, and I wait for the fairest weather that

my circumstances and duty will allow. Prudence and propriety, the

principles which the gods have given me for the direction of my

conduct, require this of me; but they require no more: and if,

notwithstanding, a storm arises, which neither the strength of the

vessel nor the skill of the pilot are likely to withstand, I give

myself no trouble about the consequence. All that I had to do is done

already. The directors of my conduct never command me to be miserable,

to be anxious, desponding, or afraid. Whether we are to be drowned, or

to come to a harbour, is the business of Jupiter, not mine. I leave it

entirely to his determination, nor ever break my rest with considering

which way he is likely to decide it, but receive whatever may come

with equal indifference and security.

From this perfect confidence in that benevolent wisdom which governs

the universe, and from this entire resignation to whatever order that

wisdom might think proper to establish, it necessarily followed, that

to the Stoical wise man, all the events of human life must be in a

great measure indifferent. His happiness consisted altogether, first,

in the contemplation of the happiness and perfection of the great

system of the universe, of the good government of the great republic

of gods and men, of all rational and sensible beings; and, secondly,

in discharging his duty, in acting properly in the affairs of this

great republic whatever little part that wisdom had assigned to him.

The propriety or impropriety of his endeavours might be of great

consequence to him. Their success or disappointment could be of none

at all; could excite no passionate joy or sorrow, no passionate desire

or aversion. If he preferred some events to others, if some situations

were the objects of his choice and others of his rejection, it was not

because he regarded the one as in themselves in any respect better

than the other, or thought that his own happiness would be more

complete in what is called the fortunate than in what is regarded as

the distressful situation; but because the propriety of action, the

rule which the gods had given him for the direction of his conduct,

required him to choose and reject in this manner. All his affections

were absorbed and swallowed up in {246} two great affections; in that

for the discharge of his own duty, and in that for the greatest

possible happiness of all rational and sensible beings. For the

gratification of this latter affection, he rested with the most

perfect security upon the wisdom and power of the great Superintendent

of the universe. His sole anxiety was about the gratification of the

former; not about the event, but about the propriety of his own

endeavours. Whatever the event might be, he trusted to a superior

power and wisdom for turning it to promote that great end which he

himself was most desirous of promoting.

This propriety of choosing and rejecting, though originally pointed

out to us, and as it were recommended and introduced to our

acquaintance by the things, and for the sake of the things, chosen and

rejected; yet when we had once become thoroughly acquainted with it,

the order, the grace, the beauty which we discerned in this conduct,

the happiness which we felt resulted from it, necessarily appeared to

us of much greater value than the actual obtaining of all the

different objects of choice, or the actual avoiding of all those of

rejection. From the observation of this propriety arose the happiness

and the glory; from the neglect of it, the misery and the disgrace of

human nature.

But to a wise man, to one whose passions were brought under perfect

subjection to the ruling principles of his nature, the exact

observation of this propriety was equally easy upon all occasions. Was

he in prosperity, he returned thanks to Jupiter for having joined him

with circumstances which were easily mastered, and in which there was

little temptation to do wrong. Was he in adversity, he equally

returned thanks to the director of this spectacle of human life, for

having opposed to him a vigorous athlete, over whom, though the

contest was likely to be more violent, the victory was more glorious,

and equally certain. Can there be any shame in that distress which is

brought upon us without any fault of our own, and in which we behave

with perfect propriety? There can, therefore, be no evil, but, on the

contrary, the greatest good and advantage. A brave man exults in those

dangers in which, from no rashness of his own, his fortune has

involved him. They afford an opportunity of exercising that heroic

intrepidity, whose exertion gives the exalted delight which flows from

the consciousness of superior propriety and deserved admiration. One

who is master of all his exercises has no aversion to measure his

strength and activity with the strongest. And, in the same manner, one

who is master of all his passions, does not dread any circumstance in

which the Superintendent of the universe may think proper to place

him. The bounty of that divine Being has provided him with virtues

which render him superior to every situation. If it is pleasure, he

has temperance to refrain from it; if it is pain, he has constancy to

bear it; if it is danger or death, he has magnanimity and fortitude to

despise it. The events of human life can never find him unprepared, or

at a loss how to maintain that {247} propriety of sentiment and

conduct which, in his own apprehension, constitutes at once his glory

and his happiness.

Human life the Stoics appear to have considered as a game of great

skill; in which, however, there was a mixture of chance, or of what is

vulgarly understood to be chance. In such games the stake is commonly

a trifle, and the whole pleasure of the game arises from playing well,

from playing fairly, and playing skilfully. If notwithstanding all his

skill, however, the good player should, by the influence of chance,

happen to lose, the loss ought to be a matter, rather of merriment,

than of serious sorrow. He has made no false stroke; he has done

nothing which he ought to be ashamed of; he has enjoyed completely the

whole pleasure of the game. If, on the contrary, the bad player

notwithstanding all his blunders, should, in the same manner, happen

to win, his success can give him but little satisfaction. He is

mortified by the remembrance of all the faults which he committed.

Even during the play he can enjoy no part of the pleasure which it is

capable of affording. From ignorance of the rules of the game, fear

and doubt and hesitation are the disagreeable sentiments that precede

almost every stroke which he plays; and when he has played it, the

mortification of finding it a gross blunder, commonly completes the

unpleasing circle of his sensations. Human life, with all the

advantages which can possibly attend it, ought, according to the

Stoics, to be regarded but as a mere twopenny stake; a matter by far

too insignificant to merit any anxious concern. Our only anxious

concern ought to be, not about the stake, but about the proper method

of playing. If we placed our happiness in winning the stake, we placed

it in what depended upon causes beyond our power and out of our

direction. We necessarily exposed ourselves to perpetual fear and

uneasiness, and frequently to grievous and mortifying disappointments.

If we placed it in playing well, in playing fairly, in playing wisely

and skilfully; in the propriety of our own conduct in short; we placed

it in what, by proper discipline, education, and attention, might be

altogether in our own power, and under our own direction. Our

happiness was perfectly secure, and beyond the reach of fortune. The

event of our actions, if it was out of our power, was equally out of

our concern, and we could never feel either fear or anxiety about it;

nor ever suffer any grievous, or even any serious disappointment.

Human life itself, as well as every different advantage or

disadvantage which can attend it, might, they said, according to

different circumstances, be the proper object either of our choice or

of our rejection. If, in our actual situation, there were more

circumstances agreeable to nature than contrary to it; more

circumstances which were the objects of choice than of rejection;

life, in this case, was, upon the whole, the proper object of choice,

and the propriety of conduct required that we should remain in it. If,

on the other hand, there {248} were, in our actual situation, without

any probable hope of amendment, more circumstances contrary to nature

than agreeable to it; more circumstances which were the objects of

rejection than of choice; life itself, in this case, became, to a wise

man, the object of rejection, and he was not only at liberty to remove

out of it, but the propriety of conduct, the rule which the gods had

given him for the direction of his conduct, required him to do so. I

am ordered, says Epictetus, not to dwell at Nicopolis. I do not dwell

there. I am ordered not to dwell at Athens. I do not dwell at Athens.

I am ordered not to dwell in Rome. I do not dwell in Rome. I am

ordered to dwell in the little and rocky island of Gyaræ. I go and

dwell there. But the house smokes in Gyaræ. If the smoke is moderate,

I will bear it, and stay there. If it is excessive, I will go to a

house from whence no tyrant can remove me. I keep in mind always that

the door is open, that I can walk out when I please, and retire to

that hospitable house which is at all times open to all the world; for

beyond my undermost garment, beyond my body, no man living has any

power over me. If your situation is upon the whole disagreeable; if

your house smokes too much for you, said the Stoics, walk forth by all

means. But walk forth without repining; without murmuring or

complaining. Walk forth calm, contented, rejoicing, returning thanks

to the gods, who, from their infinite bounty, have opened the safe and

quiet harbour of death, at all times ready to receive us from the

stormy ocean of human life; who have prepared this sacred, this

inviolable, this great asylum, always open, always accessible;

altogether beyond the reach of human rage and injustice; and large

enough to contain both all those who wish, and all those who do not

wish to retire to it: an asylum which takes away from every man every

pretence of complaining, or even of fancying that there can be any

evil in human life, except such as he may suffer from his own folly

and weakness.

The Stoics, in the few fragments of their philosophy which have come

down to us, sometimes talk of leaving life with a gaiety, and even

with a levity, which, were we to consider those passages by

themselves, might induce us to believe that they imagined we could

with propriety leave it whenever we had a mind, wantonly and

capriciously, upon the slightest disgust or uneasiness. 'When you sup

with such a person,' says Epictetus, 'you complain of the long stories

which he tells you about his Mysian wars. "Now my friend," says he,

"having told you how I took possession of an eminence at such a place,

I will tell you how I was besieged in such another place." But if you

have a mind not to be troubled with his long stories, do not accept of

his supper. If you accept of his supper, you have not the least

pretence to complain of his long stories. It is the same case with

what you call the evils of human life. Never complain of that of which

it is at all times in your power to rid yourself.' Notwithstanding

this gaiety and even {249} levity of expression, however, the

alternative of leaving life, or of remaining in it, was, according to

the Stoics, a matter of the most serious and important deliberation.

We ought never to leave it till we were distinctly called upon to do

so by that superintending Power which had originally placed us in it.

But we were to consider ourselves as called upon to do so, not merely

at the appointed and unavoidable term of human life. Whenever the

providence of that superintending Power had rendered our condition in

life upon the whole the proper object rather of rejection than of

choice; the great rule which he had given us for the direction of our

conduct, then required us to leave it. We might then be said to hear

the awful and benevolent voice of that divine Being distinctly calling

upon us to do so.

It was upon this account that, according to the Stoics, it might be

the duty of a wise man to remove out of life though he was perfectly

happy; while, on the contrary, it might be the duty of a weak man to

remain in it, though he was necessarily miserable. If, in the

situation of the wise man, there were more circumstances which were

the natural objects of rejection than of choice, the whole situation

became the object of rejection, and the rule which the gods had given

him for the direction of his conduct, required that he should remove

out of it as speedily as particular circumstances might render

convenient. He was, however, perfectly happy even during the time that

he might think proper to remain in it. He had placed his happiness,

not in obtaining the objects of his choice, or in avoiding those of

his rejection; but in always choosing and rejecting with exact

propriety; not in the success, but in the fitness of his endeavours

and exertions. If, in the situation of the weak man, on the contrary,

there were more circumstances which were the natural objects of choice

than of rejection; his whole situation became the proper object of

choice, and it was his duty to remain in it. He was unhappy, however,

from not knowing how to use those circumstances. Let his cards be ever

so good, he did not know how to play them, and could enjoy no sort of

real satisfaction, either in the progress, or in the event of the

game, in whatever manner it might happen to turn out. (Cicero de

finibus, lib. 3. c. 13.)

The propriety, upon some occasions, of voluntary death, though it was,

perhaps, more insisted upon by the Stoics, than by any other sect of

ancient philosophers, was, however, a doctrine common to them all,

even to the peaceable and indolent Epicureans. During the age in which

flourished the founders of all the principal sects of ancient

philosophy; during the Peloponnesian war and for many years after its

conclusion, all the different republics of Greece were, at home,

almost always distracted by the most furious factions; and abroad,

involved in the most sanguinary wars, in which each fought, not merely

for superiority or dominion, but either completely to extirpate all

its enemies, or, what was not less cruel, to reduce them into the

vilest of {250} all states, that of domestic slavery, and to sell

them, man, woman, and child, like so many herds of cattle, to the

highest bidder in the market. The smallness of the greater part of

those states, too, rendered it, to each of them, no very improbable

event, that it might itself fall into that very calamity which it had

so frequently, either, perhaps, actually inflicted, or at least

attempted to inflict upon some of its neighbours. In this disorderly

state of things, the most perfect innocence, joined to both the

highest rank and the greatest public services, could give no security

to any man that, even at home and among his own relations and

fellow-citizens, he was not, at some time or another, from the

prevalence of some hostile and furious faction, to be condemned to the

most cruel and ignominious punishment. If he was taken prisoner in

war, or if the city of which he was a member was conquered, he was

exposed, if possible, to still greater injuries and insults. But every

man naturally, or rather necessarily, familiarizes his imagination

with the distresses to which he foresees that his situation may

frequently expose him. It is impossible that a sailor should not

frequently think of storms and shipwrecks and foundering at sea, and

of how he himself is likely both to feel and to act upon such

occasions. It was impossible, in the same manner, that a Grecian

patriot or hero should not familiarize his imagination with all the

different calamities to which he was sensible his situation must

frequently, or rather constantly, expose him. As an American savage

prepares his death-song, and considers how he should act when he has

fallen into the hands of his enemies, and is by them put to death in

the most lingering tortures, and amidst the insults and derision of

all the spectators; so a Grecian patriot or hero could not avoid

frequently employing his thoughts in considering what he ought both to

suffer and to do in banishment, in captivity, when reduced to slavery,

when put to the torture, when brought to the scaffold. But the

philosophers of all the different sects very justly represented

virtue; that is, wise, just, firm and temperate conduct; not only as

the most probable, but as the certain and infallible road to happiness

even in this life. This conduct, however, could not always exempt, and

might even sometimes expose the person who followed it to all the

calamities which were incident to that unsettled situation of public

affairs. They endeavoured, therefore, to show that happiness was

either altogether, or at least in a great measure, independent of

fortune; the Stoics, that it was so altogether; the Academic and

Peripatetic philosophers, that it was so in a great measure. Wise,

prudent, and good conduct was, in the first place, the conduct most

likely to ensure success in every species of undertaking; and

secondly, though it should fail of success, yet the mind was not left

without consolation. The virtuous man might still enjoy the complete

approbation of his own breast; and might still feel that, how untoward

soever things might be without, all was calm and peace and {251}

concord within. He might generally comfort himself, too, with the

assurance that he possessed the love and esteem of every intelligent

and impartial spectator, who could not fail both to admire his

conduct, and to regret his misfortune.

Those philosophers endeavoured, at the same time, to show, that the

greatest misfortunes to which human life was liable, might be

supported more easily than was commonly imagined. They endeavoured to

point out the comforts which a man might still enjoy when reduced to

poverty, when driven into banishment, when exposed to the injustice of

popular clamour, when labouring under blindness, under deafness, in

the extremity of old age, upon the approach of death. They pointed

out, too, the considerations which might contribute to support his

constancy under the agonies of pain and even of torture, in sickness,

in sorrow for the loss of children, for the death of friends and

relations, etc. The few fragments which have come down to us of what

the ancient philosophers had written upon these subjects, form,

perhaps, one of the most instructive, as well as one of the most

interesting remains of antiquity. The spirit and manhood of their

doctrines make a wonderful contrast with the desponding, plaintive,

and whining tone of some modern systems.

But while those ancient philosophers endeavoured in this manner to

suggest every consideration which could, as Milton says, arm the

obdured breast with stubborn patience, as with triple steel; they, at

the same time, laboured above all to convince their followers that

there neither was nor could be any evil in death; and that, if their

situation became at any time too hard for their constancy to support,

the remedy was at hand, the door was open, and they might, without

fear, walk out when they pleased. If there was no world beyond the

present, death, they said, could be no evil; and if there was another

world, the gods must likewise be in that other, and a just man could

fear no evil while under their protection. Those philosophers, in

short, prepared a death-song, if I may say so, which the Grecian

patriots and heroes might make use of upon the proper occasions; and,

of all the different sects, the Stoics, I think it must be

acknowledged, had prepared by far the most animated and most spirited

song.

Suicide, however, never seems to have been very common among the

Greeks. Excepting Cleomenes, I cannot at present recollect any very

illustrious either patriot or hero of Greece, who died by his own

hand. The death of Aristomenes is as much beyond the period of true

history as that of Ajax. The common story of the death of

Themistocles, though within that period, bears upon its face all the

marks of a most romantic fable. Of all the Greek heroes whose lives

have been written by Plutarch, Cleomenes appears to have been the only

one who perished in this manner. Theramines, Socrates, and Phocion,

who certainly did not want courage, suffered themselves to be sent to

prison, and {252} submitted patiently to that death to which the

injustice of their fellow-citizens had condemned them. The brave

Eumenes allowed himself to be delivered up, by his own mutinous

soldiers, to his enemy Antigonus, and was starved to death, without

attempting any violence. The gallant Philopoe men suffered himself to

be taken prisoner by the Messenians, was thrown into a dungeon, and

was supposed to have been privately poisoned. Several of the

philosophers, indeed, are said to have died in this manner; but their

lives have been so very foolishly written, that very little credit is

due to the greater part of the tales which are told of them. Three

different accounts have been given of the death of Zeno the Stoic. One

is, that after enjoying, for ninety-eight years, the most perfect

state of health, he happened, in going out of his school, to fall; and

though he suffered no other damage than that of breaking or

dislocating one of his fingers, he struck the ground with his hand,

and, in the words of the Niobe of Euripides, said, _I come, why

doest thou call me?_ and immediately went home and hanged himself.

At that great age, one should think, he might have had a little more

patience. Another account is, that, at the same age, and in

consequence of a like accident, he starved himself to death. The third

account is, that, at seventy-two years of age, he died in the natural

way; by far the most probable account of the three, and supported too

by the authority of a cotemporary, who must have had every opportunity

of being well-informed; of Persæus, originally the slave, and

afterwards the friend and disciple of Zeno. The first account is given

by Apollonius of Tyre, who flourished about the time of Augustus

Cæsar, between two and three hundred years after the death of Zeno. I

know not who is the author of the second account. Apollonius, who was

himself a Stoic, had probably thought it would do honour to the

founder of a sect which talked so much about voluntary death, to die

in this manner by his own hand. Men of letters, though, after their

death, they are frequently more talked of than the greatest princes or

statesmen of their times, are generally, during their life, so obscure

and insignificant that their adventures are seldom recorded by

cotemporary historians. Those of after-ages, in order to satisfy the

public curiosity, and having no authentic documents either to support

or to contradict their narratives, seem frequently to have fashioned

them according to their own fancy; and almost always with a great

mixture of the marvellous. In this particular case the marvellous,

though supported by no authority, seems to have prevailed over the

probable, though supported by the best. Diogenes Laertius plainly

gives the preference to the story of Apollonius. Lucian and Lactantius

appear both to have given credit to that of the great age and of the

violent death.

This fashion of voluntary death appears to have been much more

prevalent among the proud Romans, than it ever was among the lively,

ingenious, and accommodating Greeks. Even among the Romans, the {253}

fashion seems not to have been established in the early and, what are

called, the virtuous ages of the republic. The common story of the

death of Regulus, though probably a fable, could never have been

invented, had it been supposed that any dishonour could fall upon that

hero, from patiently submitting to the tortures which the

Carthaginians are said to have inflicted upon him. In the later ages

of the republic, some dishonour, I apprehend, would have attended this

submission. In the different civil wars which preceded the fall of the

commonwealth, many of the eminent men of all the contending parties

chose rather to perish by their own hands, than to fall into those of

their enemies. The death of Cato, celebrated by Cicero, and censured

by Cæsar, and become the subject of a very serious controversy

between, perhaps, the two most illustrious advocates that the world

had ever beheld, stamped a character of splendour upon this method of

dying which it seems to have retained for several ages after. The

eloquence of Cicero was superior to that of Cæsar. The admiring

prevailed greatly over the censuring party, and the lovers of liberty,

for many ages afterwards, looked up to Cato as to the most venerable

martyr of the republican party. The head of a party, the Cardinal de

Retz observes, may do what he pleases; as long as he retains the

confidence of his own friends, he can never do wrong; a maxim of which

his eminence had himself, upon several occasions, an opportunity of

experiencing the truth. Cato, it seems, joined to his other virtues

that of an excellent bottle companion. His enemies accused him of

drunkenness, but, says Seneca, whoever objected this vice to Cato,

will find it easier to prove that drunkenness is a virtue, than that

Cato could be addicted to any vice.

Under the Emperors this method of dying seems to have been, for a long

time, perfectly fashionable. In the epistles of Pliny we find an

account of several persons who chose to die in this manner, rather

from vanity and ostentation, it would seem, than from what would

appear, even to a sober and judicious Stoic, any proper or necessary

reason. Even the ladies, who are seldom behind in following the

fashion, seem frequently to have chosen, most unnecessarily, to die in

this manner; and, like the ladies in Bengal, to accompany, upon some

occasions, their husbands to the tomb. The prevalence of this fashion

certainly occasioned many deaths which would not otherwise have

happened. All the havoc, however, which this, perhaps the highest

exertion of human vanity and impertinence, could occasion, would,

probably, at no time, be very great.

The principle of suicide, the principle which would teach us, upon

some occasions, to consider that violent action as an object of

applause and approbation, seems to be altogether a refinement of

philosophy. Nature, in her sound and healthful state, seems never to

prompt us to suicide. There is, indeed, a species of melancholy (a

disease to which human nature, among its other calamities, is

unhappily subject) which {254} seems to be accompanied with, what one

may call, an irresistible appetite for self-destruction. In

circumstances often of the highest external prosperity, and sometimes

too, in spite even of the most serious and deeply impressed sentiments

of religion, this disease has frequently been known to drive its

wretched victims to this fatal extremity. The unfortunate persons who

perish in this miserable manner, are the proper objects, not of

censure, but of commiseration. To attempt to punish them, when they

are beyond the reach of all human punishment, is not more absurd than

it is unjust. That punishment can fall only on their surviving friends

and relations, who are always perfectly innocent, and to whom the loss

of their friend, in this disgraceful manner, must always be alone a

very heavy calamity. Nature, in her sound and healthful state, prompts

us to avoid distress upon all occasions; upon many occasions to defend

ourselves against it, though at the hazard, or even with the certainty

of perishing in that defence. But, when we have neither been able to

defend ourselves from it, nor have perished in that defence, no

natural principle, no regard to the approbation of the supposed

impartial spectator, to the judgment of the man within the breast,

seems to call upon us to escape from it by destroying ourselves. It is

only the consciousness of our own weakness, of our own incapacity to

support the calamity with proper manhood and firmness, which can drive

us to this resolution. I do not remember to have either read or heard

of any American savage, who, upon being taken prisoner by some hostile

tribe, put himself to death, in order to avoid being afterwards put to

death in torture, and amidst the insults and mockery of his enemies.

He places his glory in supporting those torments with manhood, and in

retorting those insults with tenfold contempt and derision.

This contempt of life and death, however, and, at the same time, the

most entire submission to the order of Providence; the most complete

contentment with every event which the current of human affairs could

possibly cast up, may be considered as the two fundamental doctrines

upon which rested the whole fabric of Stoical morality. The

independent and spirited, but often harsh Epictetus, may be considered

as the great apostle of the first of those doctrines: the mild, the

humane, the benevolent Antoninus, of the second.

The emancipated slave of Epaphroditus, who, in his youth, had been

subjected to the insolence of a brutal master, who, in his riper

years, was, by the jealousy and caprice of Domitian, banished from

Rome and Athens, and obliged to dwell at Nicopolis, and who, by the

same tyrant, might expect every moment to be sent to Gyaræ, or,

perhaps, to be put to death; could preserve his own tranquillity only

by fostering in his mind the most sovereign contempt of human life. He

never exults so much, accordingly; his eloquence is never so animated

as when he represents the futility and nothingness of all its

pleasures and all its pains.

{255} The good-natured emperor, the absolute sovereign of the whole

civilized part of the world, who certainly had no peculiar reason to

complain of his own allotment, delights in expressing his contentment

with the ordinary course of things, and in pointing out beauties even

in those parts of it where vulgar observers are not apt to see any.

There is a propriety and even an engaging grace, he observes, in old

age as well as in youth; and the weakness and decrepitude of the one

state are as suitable to nature as the bloom and vigour of the other.

Death, too, is just as proper a termination of old age, as youth is of

childhood, or manhood of youth. 'As we frequently say,' he remarks

upon another occasion, 'that the physician has ordered to such a man

to ride on horseback, or to use the cold bath, or to walk barefooted;

so ought we to say, that Nature, the great conductor and physician of

the universe, has ordered to such a man a disease, or the amputation

of a limb, or the loss of a child.' By the prescriptions of ordinary

physicians the patient swallows many a bitter potion, undergoes many a

painful operation. From the very uncertain hope, however, that health

may be the consequence, he gladly submits to all. The harshest

prescriptions of the great Physician of nature, the patient may, in

the same manner, hope will contribute to his own health, to his own

final prosperity and happiness: and he may be perfectly assured that

they not only contribute, but are indispensably necessary to the

health, to the prosperity and happiness of the universe, to the

furtherance and advancement of the great plan of Jupiter. Had they not

been so, the universe would never have produced them; its all-wise

Architect and Conductor would never have suffered them to happen. As

all, even the smallest of the co-existent parts of the universe, are

exactly fitted to one another, and all contribute to compose one

immense and connected system, so all, even apparently the most

insignificant of the successive events which follow one another, make

parts, and necessary parts, of that great chain of causes and effects

which had no beginning, and which will have no end; and which, as they

all necessarily result from the original arrangement and contrivance

of the whole; so they are all essentially necessary, not only to its

prosperity, but to its continuance and preservation. Whoever does not

cordially embrace whatever befalls him, whoever is sorry that it has

befallen him, whoever wishes that it had not befallen him, wishes, so

far as in him lies, to stop the motion of the universe, to break that

great chain of succession, by the progress of which that system can

alone be continued and preserved, and, for some little conveniency of

his own, to disorder and discompose the whole machine of the world. 'O

world,' says he, in another place, 'all things are suitable to me

which are suitable to thee. Nothing is too early or too late to me

which is seasonable for thee. All is fruit to me which thy seasons

bring forth. From thee are all things; in thee are all things; for

thee are all things. One man {256} says, O beloved city of Cecrops.

Wilt not thou say, O beloved city of God?'

From these very sublime doctrines the Stoics, or at least some of the

Stoics, attempted to deduce all their paradoxes.

The Stoical wise man endeavoured to enter into the views of the great

Superintendent of the universe, and to see things in the same light in

which that divine Being beheld them. But, to the great Superintendent

of the universe, all the different events which the course of his

providence may bring forth, what to us appear the smallest and the

greatest, the bursting of a bubble, as Mr. Pope says, and that of a

world, for example, were perfectly equal, were equally parts of that

great chain which he had predestined from all eternity, were equally

the effects of the same unerring wisdom, of the same universal and

boundless benevolence. To the Stoical wise man, in the same manner,

all those different events were perfectly equal. In the course of

those events, indeed, a little department, in which he had himself

some little management and direction, had been assigned to him. In

this department he endeavoured to act as properly as he could, and to

conduct himself according to those orders which, he understood, had

been prescribed to him. But he took no anxious or passionate concern

either in the success, or in the disappointment of his own most

faithful endeavours. The highest prosperity and the total destruction

of that little department, of that little system which had been in

some measure committed to his charge, were perfectly indifferent to

him. If those events had depended upon him, he would have chosen the

one, and he would have rejected the other. But as they did not depend

upon him, he trusted to a superior wisdom, and was perfectly satisfied

that the event which happened, whatever it might be, was the very

event which he himself, had he known all the connections and

dependencies of things, would most earnestly and devoutly have wished

for. Whatever he did under the influence and direction of those

principles was equally perfect; and when he stretched out his finger,

to give the example which they commonly made use of, he performed an

action in every respect as meritorious, as worthy of praise and

admiration, as when he laid down his life for the service of his

country. As, to the great Superintendent of the universe, the greatest

and the smallest exertions of his power, the formation and dissolution

of a world, the formation and dissolution of a bubble, were equally

easy, were equally admirable, and equally the effects of the same

divine wisdom and benevolence; so, to the Stoical wise man, what we

would call the great action required no more exertion than the little

one, was equally easy, proceeded from exactly the same principles, was

in no respect more meritorious, nor worthy of any higher degree of

praise and admiration.

As all those who had arrived at this state of perfection were equally

{257} happy, so all those who fell in the smallest degree short of it,

how nearly soever they might approach to it, were equally miserable.

As the man, they said, who was but an inch below the surface of the

water, could no more breathe than he who was an hundred yards below

it; so the man who had not completely subdued all his private,

partial, and selfish passions, who had any other earnest desire but

that for the universal happiness, who had not completely emerged from

that abyss of misery and disorder into which his anxiety for the

gratification of those private, partial, and selfish passions had

involved him, could no more breathe the free air of liberty and

independency, could no more enjoy the security and happiness of the

wise man, than he who was most remote from that situation. As all the

actions of the wise man were perfect and equally perfect; so all those

of the man who had not arrived at this supreme wisdom were faulty,

and, as some Stoics pretended, equally faulty. As one truth, they

said, could not be more true, nor one falsehood more false than

another; so an honourable action could not be more honourable, nor a

shameful one more shameful than another. As in shooting at a mark, the

man who missed it by an inch had equally missed it with him who had

done so by a hundred yards; so the man who, in what to us appears the

most insignificant action, had acted improperly and without a

sufficient reason, was equally faulty with him who had done so in,

what to us appears, the most important; the man who has killed a cock,

for example, improperly and without a sufficient reason, was as

criminal as he who had murdered his father.

If the first of those two paradoxes should appear sufficiently

violent, the second is evidently too absurd to deserve any serious

consideration. It is, indeed, so very absurd that one can scarce help

suspecting that it must have been in some measure misunderstood or

misrepresented. At any rate, I cannot allow myself to believe that

such men as Zeno or Cleanthes, men, it is said, of the most simple as

well as of the most sublime eloquence, could be the authors, either of

these, or of the greater part of the other Stoical paradoxes, which

are in general mere impertinent quibbles, and do so little honour to

their system that I shall give no further account of them. I am

disposed to impute them rather to Chrysippus, the disciple and

follower, indeed, of Zeno and Cleanthes, but who, from all that has

been delivered down to us concerning him, seems to have been a mere

dialectical pedant, without taste or elegance of any kind. He may have

been the first who reduced their doctrines into a scholastic or

technical system of artificial definitions, divisions, and

subdivisions; one of the most effectual expedients, perhaps, for

extinguishing whatever degree of good sense there may be in any moral

or metaphysical doctrine. Such a man may very easily be supposed to

have understood too literally some animated expressions of his masters

in describing the happiness of the man of {258} perfect virtue, and

the unhappiness of whoever might fall short of that character.

The Stoics in general seem to have admitted that there might be a

degree of proficiency in those who had not advanced to perfect virtue

and happiness. They distributed those proficients into different

classes, according to the degree of their advancement; and they called

the imperfect virtues which they supposed them capable of exercising,

not rectitudes, but proprieties, fitnesses, decent and becoming

actions, for which a plausible or probable reason could be assigned,

what Cicero expresses by the Latin word _officia_, and Seneca, I

think more exactly, by that of _convenientia_. The doctrine of

those imperfect, but attainable virtues, seems to have constituted

what we may call the practical morality of the Stoics. It is the

subject of Cicero's Offices; and is said to have been that of another

book written by Marcus Brutus, but which is now lost.

The plan and system which Nature has sketched out for our conduct,

seems to us to be altogether different from that of the Stoical

philosophy.

By Nature the events which immediately affect that little department

in which we ourselves have some little management and direction, which

immediately affect ourselves, our friends, our country, are the events

which interest us the most, and which chiefly excite our desires and

aversions, our hopes and fears, our joys and sorrows. Should those

passions be, what they are very apt to be, too vehement, Nature has

provided a proper remedy and correction. The real or even the

imaginary presence of the impartial spectator, the authority of the

man within the breast, is always at hand to overawe them into the

proper tone and temper of moderation.

If, notwithstanding our most faithful exertions, all the events which

can affect this little department, should turn out the most

unfortunate and disastrous, Nature has by no means left us without

consolation. That consolation may be drawn, not only from the complete

approbation of the man within the breast, but, if possible, from a

still nobler and more generous principle, from a firm reliance upon,

and a reverential submission to, that benevolent wisdom which directs

all the events of human life, and which, we may be assured, would

never have suffered those misfortunes to happen, had they not been

indispensably necessary for the good of the whole.

Nature has not prescribed to us this sublime contemplation as the

great business and occupation of our lives. She only points it out to

us as the consolation of our misfortunes. The Stoical philosophy

prescribes it as the great business and occupation of our lives. That

philosophy teaches us to interest ourselves earnestly and anxiously in

no events, external to the good order of our own minds, to the

propriety of our own choosing and rejecting, except in those which

concern a {259} department where we neither have nor ought to have any

sort of management or direction, the department of the great

Superintendent of the universe. By the perfect apathy which it

prescribes to us, by endeavouring, not merely to moderate, but to

eradicate all our private, partial, and selfish affections, by

suffering us to feel for whatever can befall ourselves, our friends,

our country, not even the sympathetic and reduced passions of the

impartial spectator, it endeavours to render us altogether indifferent

and unconcerned in the success or miscarriage of every thing which

Nature has prescribed to us as the proper business and occupation of

our lives.

The reasonings of philosophy, it may be said, though they may confound

and perplex the understanding, can never break down the necessary

connection which Nature has established between causes and their

effects. The causes which naturally excite our desires and aversions,

our hopes and fears, our joys and sorrows, would no doubt,

notwithstanding all the reasonings of Stoicism, produce upon each

individual, according to the degree of his actual sensibility, their

proper and necessary effects. The judgments of the man within the

breast, however, might be a good deal affected by those reasonings,

and that great inmate might be taught by them to attempt to overawe

all our private, partial, and selfish affections into a more or less

perfect tranquillity. To direct the judgments of this inmate is the

great purpose of all systems of morality. That the Stoical philosophy

had very great influence upon the character and conduct of its

followers, cannot be doubted; and that, though it might sometimes

incite them to unnecessary violence, its general tendency was to

animate them to actions of the most heroic magnanimity and most

extensive benevolence.

IV. Besides these ancient, there are some modern systems, according to

which virtue consists in propriety; or in the suitableness of the

affection from which we act, to the cause or object which excites it.

The system of Dr. Clark, which places virtue in acting according to

the relation of things, in regulating our conduct according to the

fitness or incongruity which there may be in the application of

certain actions to certain things, or to certain relations: that of

Mr. Wollaston, which places it in acting according to the truth of

things, according to their proper nature and essence, or in treating

them as what they really are, and not as what they are not: that of my

Lord Shaftesbury, which places it in maintaining a proper balance of

the affections, and in allowing no passion to go beyond its proper

sphere; are all of them more or less inaccurate descriptions of the

same fundamental idea.

None of those systems either give, or even pretend to give, any

precise or distinct measure by which this fitness or propriety of

affection can be ascertained or judged of. That precise and distinct

measure can be found no where but in the sympathetic feelings of the

impartial and well-informed spectator.

{260} The description of virtue, besides, which is either given, or at

least meant and intended to be given in each of those systems, for

some of the modern authors are not very fortunate in their manner of

expressing themselves, is no doubt quite just, so far as it goes.

There is no virtue without propriety, and wherever there is propriety

some degree of approbation is due. But still this description is

imperfect. For though propriety is an essential ingredient in every

virtuous action, it is not always the sole ingredient. Beneficent

actions have in them another quality by which they appear not only to

deserve approbation but recompense. None of those systems account

either easily or sufficiently for that superior degree of esteem which

seems due to such actions, or for that diversity of sentiment which

they naturally excite. Neither is the description of vice more

complete. For, in the same manner, though impropriety is a necessary

ingredient in every vicious action, it is not always the sole

ingredient; and there is often the highest degree of absurdity and

impropriety in very harmless and insignificant actions. Deliberate

actions, of a pernicious tendency to those we live with, have, besides

their impropriety, a peculiar quality of their own by which they

appear to deserve, not only disapprobation, but punishment; and to be

the objects, not of dislike merely, but of resentment and revenge: and

none of those systems easily and sufficiently account for that

superior degree of detestation which we feel for such actions.

-----

CHAP. II.--_Of those Systems which make Virtue consist in

Prudence._

THE most ancient of those systems which make virtue consist in

prudence, and of which any considerable remains have come down to us,

is that of Epicurus, who is said, however, to have borrowed all the

leading principles of his philosophy from some of those who had gone

before him, particularly from Aristippus; though it is very probable,

notwithstanding this allegation of his enemies, that at least his

manner of applying those principles was altogether his own.

According to Epicurus (Cicero de finibus, lib. i. Diogenes Laert. 1.

x.) bodily pleasure and pain were the sole ultimate objects of natural

desire and aversion. That they were always the natural objects of

those passions, he thought required no proof. Pleasure might, indeed,

appear sometimes to be avoided; not, however, because it was pleasure,

but because, by the enjoyment of it, we should either forfeit some

greater pleasure, or expose ourselves to some pain that was more to be

avoided than this pleasure was to be desired. Pain, in the same

manner, might appear sometimes to be eligible; not, however, because

it was pain, but because by enduring it we might either avoid a still

{261} greater pain, or acquire some pleasure of much more importance.

That bodily pain and pleasure, therefore, were always the natural

objects of desire and aversion, was, he thought, abundantly evident.

Nor was it less so, he imagined, that they were the sole ultimate

objects of those passions. Whatever else was either desired or

avoided, was so, according to him, upon account of its tendency to

produce one or other of those sensations. The tendency to procure

pleasure rendered power and riches desirable, as the contrary tendency

to produce pain made poverty and insignificancy the objects of

aversion. Honour and reputation were valued, because the esteem and

love of those we live with were of the greatest consequence both to

procure pleasure and to defend us from pain. Ignominy and bad fame, on

the contrary, were to be avoided, because the hatred, contempt, and

resentment of those we lived with, destroyed all security, and

necessarily exposed us to the greatest bodily evils.

All the pleasures and pains of the mind were, according to Epicurus,

ultimately derived from those of the body. The mind was happy when it

thought of the past pleasures of the body, and hoped for others to

come: and it was miserable when it thought of the pains which the body

had formerly endured, and dreaded the same or greater thereafter.

But the pleasures and pains of the mind, though ultimately derived

from those of the body, were vastly greater than their originals. The

body felt only the sensation of the present instant, whereas the mind

felt also the past and the future, the one by remembrance, the other

by anticipation, and consequently both suffered and enjoyed much more.

When we are under the greatest bodily pain, he observed, we shall

always find, if we attend to it, that it is not the suffering of the

present instant which chiefly torments us, but either the agonizing

remembrance of the past, or the yet more horrible dread of the future.

The pain of each instant, considered by itself, and cut off from all

that goes before and all that comes after it, is a trifle, not worth

the regarding. Yet this is all which the body can ever be said to

suffer. In the same manner, when we enjoy the greatest pleasure, we

shall always find that the bodily sensation, the sensation of the

present instant, makes but a small part of our happiness, that our

enjoyment chiefly arises either from the cheerful recollection of the

past, or the still more joyous anticipation of the future, and that

the mind always contributes by much the largest share of the

entertainment.

Since our happiness and misery, therefore, depended chiefly on the

mind, if this part of our nature was well disposed, if our thoughts

and opinions were as they should be, it was of little importance in

what manner our body was affected. Though under great bodily pain, we

might still enjoy a considerable share of happiness, if our reason and

judgment maintained their superiority. We might entertain ourselves

{262} with the remembrance of past, and with the hopes of future

pleasure; we might soften the rigour of our pains, by recollecting

what it was which, even in this situation, we were under any necessity

of suffering. That this was merely the bodily sensation, the pain of

the present instant, which by itself could never be very great. That

whatever agony we suffered from the dread of its continuance, was the

effect of an opinion of the mind, which might be corrected by juster

sentiments; by considering that, if our pains were violent, they would

probably be of short duration; and that if they were of long

continuance, they would probably be moderate, and admit of many

intervals of ease; and that, at any rate, death was always at hand and

within call to deliver us, which as, according to him, it put an end

to all sensation, either of pain or pleasure, could not be regarded as

an evil. When we are, said he, death is not; and when death is, we are

not; death therefore can be nothing to us.

If the actual sensation of positive pain was in itself so little to be

feared, that of pleasure was still less to be desired. Naturally the

sensation of pleasure was much less pungent than that of pain. If,

therefore, this last could take so very little from the happiness of a

well-disposed mind, the other could add scarce any thing to it. When

the body was free from pain and the mind from fear and anxiety, the

superadded sensation of bodily pleasure could be of very little

importance; and though it might diversify, could not properly be said

to increase the happiness of this situation.

In ease of body, therefore, and in security of tranquillity of mind,

consisted, according to Epicurus, the most perfect state of human

nature, the most complete happiness which man was capable of enjoying.

To obtain this great end of natural desire was the sole object of all

the virtues, which, according to him, were not desirable upon their

own account, but chiefly upon account of their tendency to bring about

this situation.

Prudence, for example, though, according to this philosophy, the

source and principle of all the virtues, was not desirable upon its

own account. That careful and laborious and circumspect state of mind,

ever watchful and ever attentive to the most distant consequences of

every action, could not be a thing pleasant or agreeable for its own

sake, but upon account of its tendency to procure the greatest goods

and to keep off the greatest evils.

To abstain from pleasure too, to curb and restrain our natural

passions for enjoyment, which was the office of temperance, could

never be desirable for its own sake. The whole value of this virtue

arose from its utility, from its enabling us to postpone the present

enjoyment for the sake of a greater to come, or to avoid a greater

pain that might ensue from it. Temperance, in short, was, according to

the Epicureans, nothing but prudence with regard to pleasure.

{263} To support labour, to endure pain, to be exposed to danger or to

death, the situations which fortitude would often lead us into, were

surely still less the objects of natural desire. They were chosen only

to avoid greater evils. We submitted to labour, in order to avoid the

greater shame and pain of poverty, and we exposed ourselves to danger

and to death in defence of our liberty and property, the means and

instruments of pleasure and happiness; or in defence of our country,

in the safety of which our own was necessarily comprehended. Fortitude

enabled us to do all this cheerfully, as the best which, in our

present situation, could possibly be done, and was in reality no more

than prudence, good judgment, and presence of mind in properly

appreciating pain, labour, and danger, always choosing the less in

order to avoid the greater evil.

It is the same case with justice. To abstain from what is another's

was not desirable on its own account, and it could not surely be

better for you, that I should possess what is my own, than that you

should possess it. You ought, however, to abstain from whatever

belongs to me, because by doing otherwise you will provoke the

resentment and indignation of mankind. The security and tranquillity

of your mind will be entirely destroyed. You will be filled with fear

and consternation at the thought of that punishment which you will

imagine that men are at all times ready to inflict upon you, and from

which no power, no art, no concealment, will ever, in your own fancy,

be sufficient to protect you. The other species of justice which

consists in doing proper good offices to different persons, according

to the various relations of neighbours, kinsmen, friends, benefactors,

superiors, or equals, which they may stand in to us, is recommended by

the same reasons. To act properly in all these different relations

procures us the esteem and love of those we live with; as to do

otherwise excites their contempt and hatred. By the one we naturally

secure, by the other we necessarily endanger our own ease and

tranquillity, the great and ultimate objects of all our desires. The

whole virtue of justice, therefore, the most important of all the

virtues, is no more than discreet and prudent conduct with regard to

our neighbours.

Such is the doctrine of Epicurus concerning the nature of virtue. It

may seem extraordinary that this philosopher, who is described as a

person of the most amiable manners, should never have observed, that,

whatever may be the tendency of those virtues, or of the contrary

vices, with regard to our bodily ease and security, the sentiments

which they naturally excite in others are the objects of a much more

passionate desire or aversion than all their other consequences; that

to be amiable, to be respectable, to be the proper object of esteem,

is by every well-disposed mind more valued than all the ease and

security which love, respect, and esteem can procure us; that, on the

contrary, to be odious, to be contemptible, to be the proper object of

indignation, is {264} more dreadful than all that we can suffer in our

body from hatred, contempt, or indignation; and that consequently our

desire of the one character, and our aversion to the other, cannot

arise from any regard to the effects which either of them may produce

upon the body.

This system is, no doubt, altogether inconsistent with that which I

have been endeavouring to establish. It is not difficult, however, to

discover from what phasis, if I may say so, from what particular view

or aspect of nature, this account of things derives its probability.

By the wise contrivance of the Author of nature, virtue is upon all

ordinary occasions, even with regard to this life, real wisdom, and

the surest and readiest means of obtaining both safety and advantage.

Our success or disappointment in our undertakings must very much

depend upon the good or bad opinion which is commonly entertained of

us, and upon the general disposition of those we live with, either to

assist or to oppose us. But the best, the surest, the easiest, and the

readiest way of obtaining the advantageous, and of avoiding the

unfavourable judgments of others, is undoubtedly to render ourselves

the proper objects of the former and not of the latter. 'Do you

desire,' said Socrates, 'the reputation of a good musician? The only

sure way of obtaining it, is to become a good musician. Would you

desire in the same manner to be thought capable of serving your

country either as a general or as a statesman? The best way in this

case too is really to acquire the art and experience of war and

government, and to become really fit to be a general or a statesman.

And in the same manner if you would be reckoned sober, temperate,

just, and equitable, the best way of acquiring this reputation is to

become sober, temperate, just, and equitable. If you can really render

yourself amiable, respectable, and the proper object of esteem, there

is no fear of your not soon acquiring the love, the respect, and

esteem of those you live with.' Since the practice of virtue,

therefore, is in general so advantageous, and that of vice so contrary

to our interest, the consideration of those opposite tendencies

undoubtedly stamps an additional beauty and propriety upon the one,

and a new deformity and impropriety upon the other. Temperance,

magnanimity, justice, and beneficence, come thus to be approved of,

not only under their proper characters, but under the additional

character of the highest wisdom and most real prudence. And in the

same manner, the contrary vices of intemperance, pusillanimity,

injustice, and either malevolence or sordid selfishness, come to be

disapproved of, not only under their proper characters, but under the

additional character of the most short-sighted folly and weakness.

Epicurus appears in every virtue to have attended to this species of

propriety only. It is that which is most apt to occur to those who are

endeavouring to persuade others to regularity of conduct. When men by

their practice, and perhaps too by their maxims, manifestly show that

the natural beauty of virtue is not like to have much effect upon

{265} them, how is it possible to move them but by representing the

folly of their conduct, and how much they themselves are in the end

likely to suffer by it?

By running up all the different virtues too to this one species of

propriety, Epicurus indulged a propensity, which is natural to all

men, but which philosophers in particular are apt to cultivate with a

peculiar fondness, as the great means of displaying their ingenuity,

the propensity to account for all appearances from as few principles

as possible. And he, no doubt, indulged this propensity still further,

when he referred all the primary objects of natural desire and

aversion to the pleasures and pains of the body. The great patron of

the atomical philosophy, who took so much pleasure in deducing all the

powers and qualities of bodies from the most obvious and familiar, the

figure, motion, and arrangement of the small parts of matter, felt no

doubt a similar satisfaction, when he accounted, in the same manner,

for all the sentiments and passions of the mind from those which are

most obvious and familiar.

The system of Epicurus agreed with those of Plato, Aristotle, and

Zeno, in making virtue consist in acting in the most suitable manner

to obtain (Prima naturæ) primary objects of natural desire. It

differed from all of them in two other respects; first, in the

account which it gave of those primary objects of natural desire; and

secondly, in the account which it gave of the excellence of virtue, or

of the reason why that quality ought to be esteemed.

The primary objects of natural desire consisted, according to

Epicurus, in bodily pleasure and pain, and in nothing else: whereas,

according to the other three philosophers, there were many other

objects, such as knowledge, such as the happiness of our relations, of

our friends, and of our country, which were ultimately desirable for

their own sakes.

Virtue too, according to Epicurus, did not deserve to be pursued for

its own sake, nor was itself one of the ultimate objects of natural

appetite, but was eligible only upon account of its tendency to

prevent pain and to procure ease and pleasure. In the opinion of the

other three, on the contrary, it was desirable, not merely as the

means of procuring the other primary objects of natural desire, but as

something which was in itself more valuable than them all. Man, they

thought, being born for action, his happiness must consist, not merely

in the agreeableness of his passive sensations, but also in the

propriety of his active exertions.

-----

CHAP. III.--_Of those Systems which make Virtue consist in

Benevolence._

THE system which makes virtue consist in benevolence, though I think

{266} not so ancient as all those which I have already given an

account of, is, however, of very great antiquity. It seems to have

been the doctrine of the greater part of those philosophers who, about

and after the age of Augustus, called themselves Eclectics, who

pretended to follow chiefly the opinions of Plato and Pythagoras, and

who upon that account are commonly known by the name of the later

Platonists.

In the divine nature, according to these authors, benevolence or love

was the sole principle of action, and directed the exertion of all the

other attributes. The wisdom of the Deity was employed in finding out

the means for bringing about those ends which his goodness suggested,

and his infinite power was exerted to execute them. Benevolence,

however, was still the supreme and governing attribute, to which the

others were subservient, and from which the whole excellency, or the

whole morality, if I may be allowed such an expression, of the divine

operations, was ultimately derived. The whole perfection and virtue of

the human mind consisted in some resemblance or participation of the

divine perfections, and, consequently, in being filled with the same

principle of benevolence and love which influenced all the actions of

the Deity. The actions of men which flowed from this motive were alone

truly praise-worthy, or could claim any merit in the sight of the

Deity. It was by actions of charity and love only that we could

imitate, as became us, the conduct of God, that we could express our

humble and devout admiration of his infinite perfections, that by

fostering in our own minds the same divine principle, we could bring

our own affections to a greater resemblance with his holy attributes,

and thereby become more proper objects of his love and esteem; till we

arrived at that immediate converse and communication with the Deity to

which it was the great object of this philosophy to raise us.

This system, as it was much esteemed by many ancient fathers of the

Christian church, so after the Reformation it was adopted by several

divines of the most eminent piety and learning and of the most amiable

manners; particularly, by Dr. Ralph Cudworth, by Dr. Henry More, and

by Mr. John Smith of Cambridge. But of all the patrons of this system,

ancient or modern, the late Dr. Hutcheson was undoubtedly, beyond all

comparison, the most acute, the most distinct, the most philosophical,

and what is of the greatest consequence of all, the soberest and most

judicious.

That virtue consists in benevolence is a notion supported by many

appearances in human nature. It has been observed already, that proper

benevolence is the most graceful and agreeable of all the affections,

that it is recommended to us by a double sympathy, that as its

tendency is necessarily beneficent, it is the proper object of

gratitude and reward, and that upon all these accounts it appears to

our natural sentiments to possess a merit superior to any other. It

has been observed, too, that even the weaknesses of benevolence are

not very {267} disagreeable to us, whereas those of every other

passion are always extremely disgusting. Who does not abhor excessive

malice, excessive selfishness, or excessive resentment? But the most

excessive indulgence even of partial friendship is not so offensive.

It is the benevolent passions only which can exert themselves without

any regard or attention to propriety, and yet retain something about

them which is engaging. There is something pleasing even in mere

instinctive good-will, which goes on to do good offices without once

reflecting whether by this conduct it is the proper object either of

blame or approbation. It is not so with the other passions. The moment

they are deserted, the moment they are unaccompanied by the sense of

propriety, they cease to be agreeable.

As benevolence bestows upon those actions which proceed from it, a

beauty superior to all others, so the want of it, and much more the

contrary inclination, communicates a peculiar deformity to whatever

evidences such a disposition. Pernicious actions are often punishable

for no other reason than because they show a want of sufficient

attention to the happiness of our neighbour.

Besides all this, Dr. Hutcheson (Inquiry concerning Virtue, sect. 1.

and 2.) observed, that whenever in any action, supposed to proceed

from benevolent affections, some other motive had been discovered, our

sense of the merit of this action was just so far diminished as this

motive was believed to have influenced it. If an action, supposed to

proceed from gratitude, should be discovered to have arisen from an

expectation of some new favour, or if what was apprehended to proceed

from public spirit, should be found out to have taken its origin from

the hope of a pecuniary reward, such a discovery would entirely

destroy all notion of merit or praise-worthiness in either of these

actions. Since, therefore, the mixture of any selfish motive, like

that of a baser alloy, diminished or took away altogether the merit

which would otherwise have belonged to any action, it was evident, he

imagined, that virtue must consist in pure and disinterested

benevolence alone.

When those actions, on the contrary, which are commonly supposed to

proceed from a selfish motive, are discovered to have arisen from a

benevolent one, it greatly enhances our sense of their merit. If we

believed of any person that he endeavoured to advance his fortune from

no other view but that of doing friendly offices, and of making proper

returns to his benefactors, we should only love and esteem him the

more. And this observation seemed still more to confirm the

conclusion, that it was benevolence only which could stamp upon any

action the character of virtue.

Last of all, what, he imagined, was an evident proof of the justness

of this account of virtue, in all the disputes of casuists concerning

the rectitude of conduct, the public good, he observed, was the

standard to which they constantly referred; thereby universally

acknowledging {268} that whatever tended to promote the happiness of

mankind was right and laudable and virtuous, and the contrary, wrong,

blamable, and vicious. In the late debates about passive obedience and

the right of resistance, the sole point in controversy among men of

sense was whether universal submission would probably be attended with

greater evils than temporary insurrections when privileges were

invaded. Whether what, upon the whole, tended most to the happiness of

mankind, was not also morally good, was never once, he said, made a

question by them.

Since benevolence, therefore, was the only motive which could bestow

upon any action the character of virtue, the greater the benevolence

which was evidenced by any action, the greater the praise which must

belong to it.

Those actions which aimed at the happiness of a great community, as

they demonstrated a more enlarged benevolence than those which aimed

only at that of a smaller system, so were they, likewise,

proportionally the more virtuous. The most virtuous of all affections,

therefore, was that which embraced as its object the happiness of all

intelligent beings. The least virtuous, on the contrary, of those to

which the character of virtue could in any respect belong, was that

which aimed no further than at the happiness of an individual, such as

a son, a brother, a friend.

In directing all our actions to promote the greatest possible good, in

submitting all inferior affections to the desire of the general

happiness of mankind, in regarding one's self but as one of the many,

whose prosperity was to be pursued no further than it was consistent

with, or conducive to that of the whole, consisted the perfection of

virtue.

Self-love was a principle which could never be virtuous in any degree

of in any direction. It was vicious whenever it obstructed the general

good. When it had no other effect than to make the individual take

care of his own happiness, it was merely innocent, and though it

deserved no praise, neither ought it to incur any blame. Those

benevolent actions which were performed, notwithstanding some strong

motive from self-interest, were the more virtuous upon that account.

They demonstrated the strength and vigour of the benevolent principle.

Dr. Hutcheson[7] was so far from allowing self-love to be in any case

a motive of virtuous actions, that even a regard to the pleasure of

self-approbation, to the comfortable applause of our own consciences,

according to him, diminished the merit of a benevolent action. This

was a selfish motive, he thought, which, so far as it contributed to

any action, demonstrated the weakness of that pure and disinterested

benevolence which could alone stamp upon the conduct of man the

character of virtue. In the common judgments of mankind, however, this

regard {269} to the approbation of our own minds is so far from being

considered as what can in any respect diminish the virtue of any

action, that it is often rather looked upon as the sole motive which

deserves the appellation of virtuous.

[Footnote 7: Inquiry concerning Virtue, sect. 2. art. 4.; also

Illustrations on the Moral Sense, sect. 5, last paragraph.]

Such is the account given of the nature of virtue in this amiable

system, a system which has a peculiar tendency to nourish and support

in the human heart the noblest and the most agreeable of all

affections, and not only to check the injustice of self-love, but in

some measure to discourage that principle altogether, by representing

it as what could never reflect any honour upon those who were

influenced by it.

As some of the other systems which I have already given an account of,

do not sufficiently explain from whence arises the peculiar excellency

of the supreme virtue of beneficence, so this system seems to have the

contrary defect, of not sufficiently explaining from whence arises our

approbation of the inferior virtues of prudence, vigilance,

circumspection, temperance, constancy, firmness. The view and aim of

our affections, the beneficent and hurtful effects which they tend to

produce, are the only qualities at all attended to in this system.

Their propriety and impropriety, their suitableness and

unsuitableness, to the cause which excites them, are disregarded

altogether.

Regard to our own private happiness and interest, too, appear upon

many occasions very laudable principles of action. The habits of

oeconomy, industry, discretion, attention, and application of

thought, are generally supposed to be cultivated from self-interested

motives, and at the same time are apprehended to be very praise-worthy

qualities, which deserve the esteem and approbation of every body. The

mixture of a selfish motive, it is true, seems often to sully the

beauty of those actions which ought to arise from a benevolent

affection. The cause of this, however, is not that self-love can never

be the motive of a virtuous action, but that the benevolent principle

appears in this particular case to want its due degree of strength,

and to be altogether unsuitable to its object. The character,

therefore, seems evidently imperfect, and upon the whole to deserve

blame rather than praise. The mixture of a benevolent motive in an

action to which self-love alone ought to be sufficient to prompt us,

is not so apt indeed to diminish our sense of its propriety, or of the

virtue of the person who performs it. We are not ready to suspect any

person of being defective in selfishness. This is by no means the weak

side of human nature, or the failing of which we are apt to be

suspicious. If we could really believe, however, of any man, that, was

it not from a regard to his family and friends, he would not take

that proper care of his health, his life, or his fortune, to which

self-preservation alone ought to be sufficient to prompt him, it would

undoubtedly be a failing, though one of those amiable failings which

render a person rather the object of pity than of contempt or hatred.

It would still, however, somewhat diminish the {270} dignity and

respectableness of his character. Carelessness and want of oeconomy

are universally disapproved of, not, however, as proceeding from a

want of benevolence, but from a want of proper attention to the

objects of self-interest.

Though the standard by which casuists frequently determine what is

right or wrong in human conduct, be its tendency to the welfare or

disorder of society, it does not follow that a regard to the welfare

of society should be the sole virtuous motive of action, but only

that, in competition, it ought to cast the balance against all other

motives.

Benevolence may, perhaps, be the sole principle of action in the

Deity, and there are several not improbable arguments which tend to

persuade us that it is so. It is not easy to conceive what other

motive an independent and all-perfect Being, who stands in need of

nothing external, and whose happiness is complete in himself, can act

from. But whatever may be the case with the Deity, so imperfect a

creature as man, the support of whose existence requires so many

things external to him, must often act from many other motives. The

condition of human nature were peculiarly hard, if those affections,

which, by the very nature of our being, ought frequently to influence

our conduct, could upon no occasion appear virtuous, or deserve esteem

and commendation from any body.

Those three systems, that which places virtue in propriety, that which

places it in prudence, and that which makes it consist in benevolence,

are the principal accounts which have been given of the nature of

virtue. To one or other of them, all the other descriptions of virtue,

how different soever they may appear, are easily reducible.

That system which places virtue in obedience to the will of the Deity,

may be accounted either among those which make it consist in prudence,

or among those which make it consist in propriety. When it is asked,

why we ought to obey the will of the Deity, this question, which would

be impious and absurd in the highest degree, if asked from any doubt

that we ought to obey him, can admit but of two different answers. It

must either be said that we ought to obey the will of the Deity

because he is a Being of infinite power, who will reward us eternally

if we do so, and punish us eternally if we do otherwise: or it must be

said, that independent of any regard to our own happiness, or to

rewards and punishments of any kind, there is a congruity and fitness

that a creature should obey its creator, that a limited and imperfect

being should submit to one of infinite and incomprehensible

perfections. Besides one or other of these two, it is impossible to

conceive that any other answer can be given to this question. If the

first answer be the proper one, virtue consists in prudence, or in the

proper pursuit of our own final interest and happiness; since it is

upon this account that we are obliged to obey the will of the Deity.

If the second answer be the proper one, virtue must consist in

propriety, since the ground of our {271} obligation to obedience is

the suitableness or congruity of the sentiments of humility and

submission to the superiority of the object which excites them.

That system which places virtue in utility, coincides too with that

which makes it consist in propriety. According to this system, all

those qualities of the mind which are agreeable or advantageous,

either to the person himself or to others, are approved of as

virtuous, and the contrary are disapproved of as vicious. But the

agreeableness or utility of any affection depends upon the degree

which it is allowed to subsist in. Every affection is useful when it

is confined to a certain degree of moderation; and every affection is

disadvantageous when it exceeds the proper bounds. According to this

system therefore, virtue consists not in any one affection, but in the

proper degree of all the affections. The only difference between it

and that which I have been endeavouring to establish, is, that it

makes utility, and not sympathy, or the correspondent affection of the

spectator, the natural and original measure of this proper degree.

-----

CHAP. IV.--_Of Licentious Systems._

ALL those systems, which I have hitherto given an account of, suppose

that that there is a real and essential distinction between vice and

virtue, whatever these qualities may consist in. There is a real and

essential difference between the propriety and impropriety of any

affection, between benevolence and any other principle of action,

between real prudence and short-sighted folly or precipitate rashness.

In the main, too, all of them contribute to encourage the

praiseworthy, and to discourage the blameable disposition.

It may be true, perhaps, of some of them, that they tend, in some

measure, to break the balance of the affections, and to give the mind

a particular bias to some principles of action, beyond the proportion

that is due to them. The ancient systems, which place virtue in

propriety, seem chiefly to recommend the great, the awful, and the

respectable virtues, the virtues of self-government and self-command;

fortitude, magnanimity, independency upon fortune, the contempt of all

outward accidents, of pain, poverty, exile and death. It is in these

great exertions that the noblest propriety of conduct is displayed.

The soft, the amiable, the gentle virtues, all the virtues of

indulgent humanity are, in comparison, but little insisted upon, and

seem, on the contrary, by the Stoics in particular, to have been often

regarded as weaknesses, which it behoved a wise man not to harbour in

his breast.

The benevolent system, on the other hand, while it fosters and

encourages all those milder virtues in the highest degree, seems

entirely to neglect the more awful and respectable qualities of the

mind. It {272} even denies them the appellation of virtues. It calls

them moral abilities, and treats them as qualities which do not

deserve the same sort of esteem and approbation, that is due to what

is properly denominated virtue. All those principles of action which

aim only at our own interest, it treats, if that be possible, still

worse. So far from having any merit of their own, they diminish, it

pretends, the merit of benevolence, when they co-operate with it; and

prudence, it is asserted, when employed only in promoting private

interest, can never even be imagined a virtue.

That system, again, which makes virtue consist in prudence only, while

it gives the highest encouragement to the habits of caution,

vigilance, sobriety, and judicious moderation, seems to degrade

equally both the amiable and respectable virtues, and to strip the

former of all their beauty, and the latter of all their grandeur.

But notwithstanding these defects, the general tendency of each of

those three systems is to encourage the best and most laudable habits

of the human mind, and it were well for society, if, either mankind in

general, or even those few who pretend to live according to any

philosophical rule, were to regulate their conduct by the precepts of

any one of them. We may learn from each of them something that is both

valuable and peculiar. If it was possible, by precept and exhortation,

to inspire the mind with fortitude and magnanimity, the ancient

systems of propriety would seem sufficient to do this. Or if it was

possible, by the same means, to soften it into humanity, and to awaken

the affections of kindness and general love towards those we live

with, some of the pictures which the benevolent system presents us,

might seem capable of producing this effect. We may learn from the

system of Epicurus, though undoubtedly the most imperfect of all the

three, how much the practice of both the amiable and respectable

virtues is conducive to our own interest, to our own ease and safety

and quiet even in this life. As Epicurus placed happiness in the

attainment of ease and security, he exerted himself in a particular

manner to show that virtue was, not merely the best and the surest,

but the only means of acquiring those invaluable possessions. The good

effects of virtue upon our inward tranquillity and peace of mind, are

what other philosophers have chiefly celebrated. Epicurus, without

neglecting this topic, has chiefly insisted **upon the influence of

that amiable quality on our outward prosperity and safety. It was upon

this account that his writings were so much studied in the ancient

world by men of all different philosophical parties. It is from him

that Cicero, the great enemy of the Epicurean system, borrows his most

agreeable proofs that virtue alone is sufficient to secure happiness.

Seneca, though a Stoic, the sect most opposite to that of Epicurus,

yet quotes this philosopher more frequently than any other.

There is, however, another system which seems to take away altogether

the distinction between vice and virtue, and of which the {273}

tendency is, upon that account, wholly pernicious: I mean the system

of Dr. Mandeville. Though the notions of this author are in almost

every respect erroneous, there are, however, some appearances in human

nature, which, when viewed in a certain manner, seem at first sight to

favour them. These described and exaggerated by the lively and

humorous, though coarse and rustic eloquence of Dr. Mandeville, have

thrown upon his doctrines an air of truth and probability which is

very apt to impose upon the unskilful.

Dr. Mandeville considers whatever is done from a sense of propriety,

from a regard to what is commendable and praiseworthy, as being done

from a love of praise and commendation, or as he calls it from vanity.

Man, he observes, is naturally much more interested in his own

happiness than in that of others, and it is impossible that in his

heart he can ever really prefer their prosperity to his own. Whenever

he appears to do so, we may be assured that he imposes upon us, and

that he is then acting from the same selfish motives as at all other

times. Among his other selfish passions, vanity is one of the

strongest, and he is always easily flattered and greatly delighted

with the applauses of those about him. When he appears to sacrifice

his own interest to that of his companions, he knows that this conduct

will be highly agreeable to their self-love, and that they will not

fail to express their satisfaction by bestowing upon him the most

extravagant praises. The pleasure which he expects from this,

over-balances, in his opinion, the interest which he abandons in order

to procure it. His conduct, therefore, upon this occasion, is in

reality just as selfish, and arises from just as mean a motive as upon

any other. He is flattered, however, and he flatters himself with the

belief that it is entirely disinterested; since, unless this was

supposed, it would not seem to merit any commendation either in his

own eyes or in those of others. All public spirit, therefore, all

preference of public to private interest, is, according to him, a mere

cheat and imposition upon mankind; and that human virtue which is so

much boasted of, and which is the occasion of so much emulation among

men, is the mere offspring of flattery begot upon pride.

Whether the most generous and public-spirited actions may not, in some

sense, be regarded as proceeding from self-love, I shall not at

present examine. The decision of this question is not, I apprehend, of

any importance towards establishing the reality of virtue, since

self-love may frequently be a virtuous motive of action. I shall only

endeavour to show that the desire of doing what is honourable and

noble, of rendering ourselves the proper objects of esteem and

approbation, cannot with any propriety be called vanity. Even the love

of well-grounded fame and reputation, the desire of acquiring esteem

by what is really estimable, does not deserve that name. The first is

the love of virtue, the noblest and the best passion of human nature.

The second {274} is the love of true glory, a passion inferior no

doubt to the former, but which in dignity appears to come immediately

after it. He is guilty of vanity who desires praise for qualities

which are either not praise-worthy in any degree, or not in that

degree in which he expects to be praised for them; who sets his

character upon the frivolous ornaments of dress and equipage, or upon

the equally frivolous accomplishments of ordinary behaviour. He is

guilty of vanity who desires praise for what indeed very well deserves

it, but what he perfectly knows does not belong to him. The empty

coxcomb who gives himself airs of importance which he has no title to,

the silly liar who assumes the merit of adventures which never

happened, the foolish plagiary who gives himself out for the author of

what he has no pretensions to, are properly accused of this passion.

He too is said to be guilty of vanity who is not contented with the

silent sentiments of esteem and approbation, who seems to be fonder of

their noisy expressions and acclamations than of the sentiments

themselves, who is never satisfied but when his own praises are

ringing in his ears, and who solicits with the most anxious

importunity all external marks of respect, is fond of titles, of

compliments, of being visited, of being attended, of being taken

notice of in public places with the appearance of deference and

attention. This frivolous passion is altogether different from either

of the two former, and is the passion of the lowest and the least of

mankind, as they are of the noblest and the greatest.

But though these three passions, the desire of rendering ourselves the

proper objects of honour and esteem, or of becoming what is honourable

and estimable; the desire of acquiring honour and esteem by really

deserving those sentiments; and the frivolous desire of praise at any

rate, are widely different; though the two former are always approved

of, while the latter never fails to be despised; there is, however, a

certain remote affinity among them, which, exaggerated by the humorous

and diverting eloquence of this lively author, has enabled him to

impose upon his readers. There is an affinity between vanity and the

love of true glory, as both these passions aim at acquiring esteem and

approbation. But they are different in this, that the one is a just,

reasonable, and equitable passion, while the other is unjust, absurd,

and ridiculous. The man who desires esteem for what is really

estimable, desires nothing but what he is justly entitled to, and what

cannot be refused him without some sort of injury. He, on the

contrary, who desires it upon any other terms, demands what he has no

just claim to. The first is easily satisfied, is not apt to be jealous

or suspicious that we do not esteem him enough, and is seldom

solicitous about receiving many external marks of our regard. The

other, on the contrary, is never to be satisfied, is full of jealousy

and suspicion that we do not esteem him so much as he desires, because

he has some secret consciousness that he desires more than he

deserves. The least {275} neglect of ceremony, he considers as a

mortal affront, and as an expression of the most determined contempt.

He is restless and impatient, and perpetually afraid that we have lost

all respect for him, and is upon this account always anxious to obtain

new expressions of our esteem, and cannot be kept in temper but by

continual attendance and adulation.

There is an affinity, too, between the desire of becoming what is

honourable and estimable and the desire of honour and esteem, between

the love of virtue and the love of true glory. They resemble one

another not only in this respect, that both aim at really being what

is honourable and noble, but even in that respect in which the love of

true glory resembles what is properly called vanity, some reference to

the sentiments of others. The man of the greatest magnanimity, who

desires virtue for its own sake, and is most indifferent about what

actually are the opinions of mankind with regard to him, is still,

however, delighted with the thoughts of what they should be, with the

consciousness that though he may neither be honoured nor applauded, he

is still the proper object of honour and applause, and that if mankind

were cool and candid and consistent with themselves, and properly

informed of the motives and circumstances of his conduct, they would

not fail to honour and applaud him. Though he despises the opinions

which are actually entertained of him, he has the highest value for

those which ought to be entertained of him. That he might think

himself worthy of those honourable sentiments, and, whatever was the

idea which other men might conceive of his character, that when he

should put himself in their situation, and consider, not what was, but

what ought to be their opinion, he should always have the highest idea

of it himself, was the great and exalted motive of his conduct. As

even in the love of virtue, therefore, there is still some reference,

though not to what is, yet to what in reason and propriety ought to

be, the opinion of others, there is even in this respect some affinity

between it and the love of true glory. There is, however, at the same

time, a very great difference between them. The man who acts solely

from a regard to what is right and fit to be done, from a regard to

what is the proper object of esteem and approbation, though these

sentiments should never be bestowed upon him, acts from the most

sublime and godlike motive which human nature is even capable of

conceiving. The man, on the other hand, who while he desires to merit

approbation, is at the same time anxious to obtain it, though he, too,

is laudable in the main, yet his motives have a greater mixture of

human infirmity. He is in danger of being mortified by the ignorance

and injustice of mankind, and his happiness is exposed to the envy of

his rivals and the folly of the public. The happiness of the other, on

the contrary, is altogether secure and independent of fortune, and of

the caprice of those he lives with. The contempt and hatred which

{276} may be thrown upon him by the ignorance of mankind, he considers

as not belonging to him, and is not at all mortified by it. Mankind

despise and hate him from a false notion of his character and conduct.

If they knew him better, they would esteem and love him. It is not him

whom, properly speaking, they hate and despise, but another person

whom they mistake him to be. Our friend, whom we should meet at a

masquerade in the garb of our enemy, would be more diverted than

mortified, if under that disguise we should vent our indignation

against him. Such are the sentiments of a man of real magnanimity,

when exposed to unjust censure. It seldom happens, however, that human

nature arrives at this degree of firmness. Though none but the weakest

and most worthless of mankind are much delighted with false glory,

yet, by a strange inconsistency, false ignominy is capable of

mortifying those who appear the most resolute and determined.

Dr. Mandeville is not satisfied with representing the frivolous motive

of vanity, as the source of all those actions which are commonly

accounted virtuous. He endeavours to point out the imperfection of

human virtue in many other respects. In every case, he pretends, it

falls short of that complete self-denial which it pretends to, and,

instead of a conquest, is commonly no more than a concealed indulgence

of our passions. Wherever our reserve with regard to pleasure falls

short of the most ascetic abstinence, he treats it as gross luxury and

sensuality. Every thing, according to him, is luxury which exceeds

what is absolutely necessary for the support of human nature, so that

there is vice even in the use of a clean shirt or of a convenient

habitation. The indulgence of the inclination to sex, in the most

lawful union, he considers as the same sensuality with the most

hurtful gratification of that passion, and derides that temperance and

that chastity which can be practised at so cheap a rate. The ingenious

sophistry of his reasoning, is here, as upon many other occasions,

covered by the ambiguity of language. There are some of our passions

which have no other names except those which mark the disagreeable and

offensive degree. The spectator is more apt to take notice of them in

this degree than in any other. When they shock his own sentiments,

when they give him some sort of antipathy and uneasiness, he is

necessarily obliged to attend to them, and is from thence naturally

led to give them a name. When they fall in with the natural state of

his own mind, he is very apt to overlook them altogether, and either

gives them no name at all, or, if he gives them any, it is one which

marks rather the subjection and restraint of the passion, than the

degree which it still is allowed to subsist in, after it is so

subjected and restrained. Thus the common names (luxury and lust) of

the love of pleasure, and of the love of sex, denote a vicious and

offensive degree of those passions. The words temperance and chastity,

on the other hand, seem to mark rather the restraint and subjection

which they are kept under, than the degree {277} which they are still

allowed to subsist in. When he can show, therefore, that they still

subsist in some degree, he imagines, he has entirely demolished the

reality of the virtues of temperance and chastity, and shown them to

be mere impositions upon the inattention and simplicity of mankind.

Those virtues, however, do not require an entire insensibility to the

objects of the passions which they mean to govern. They only aim at

restraining the violence of those passions so far as not to hurt the

individual, and neither disturb nor offend society.

It is the great fallacy of Dr. Mandeville's book (Fable of the Bees)

to represent every passion as wholly vicious, which is so in any

degree and in any direction. It is thus that he treats every thing as

vanity which has any reference, either to what are, or to what ought

to be the sentiments of others; and it is by means of this sophistry,

that he establishes his favourite conclusion, that private vices are

public benefits. If the love of magnificence, a taste for the elegant

arts and improvements of human life, for whatever is agreeable in

dress, furniture, or equipage, for architecture, statuary, painting,

and music, is to be regarded as luxury, sensuality, and ostentation,

even in those whose situation allows, without any inconveniency, the

indulgence of those passions, it is certain that luxury, sensuality,

and ostentation are public benefits: since without the qualities upon

which he thinks proper to bestow such opprobrious names, the arts of

refinement could never find encouragement, and must languish for want

of employment. Some popular ascetic doctrines which had been current

before his time, and which placed virtue in the entire extirpation and

annihilation of all our passions, were the real foundation of this

licentious system. It was easy for Dr. Mandeville to prove, first,

that this entire conquest never actually took place among men; and

secondly, that if it was to take place universally, it would be

pernicious to society, by putting an end to all industry and commerce,

and in a manner to the whole business of human life. By the first of

these propositions, he seemed to prove that there was no real virtue,

and that what pretended to be such, was a mere cheat and imposition

upon mankind; and by the second, that our private vices were public

benefits, since without them no society could prosper or flourish.

Such is the system of Dr. Mandeville, which once made so much noise in

the world, and which, though, perhaps, it never gave occasion to more

vice than what would have been without it, at least taught that vice,

which arose from other causes, to appear with more effrontery, and to

avow the corruption of its motives with a profligate audaciousness

which had never been heard of before.

But how destructive soever this system may appear, it could never have

imposed upon so great a number of persons, nor have occasioned so

general an alarm among those who are the friends of better principles,

had it not in some respects bordered upon the truth. A system of {278}

natural philosophy may appear very plausible, and be for a long time

very generally received in the world, and yet have no foundation in

nature, nor any sort of resemblance to the truth. The vortices of Des

Cartes were regarded by a very ingenious nation, for near a century

together, as a most satisfactory account of the revolutions of the

heavenly bodies. Yet it has been demonstrated, to the conviction of

all mankind, that these pretended causes of those wonderful effects,

not only do not actually exist, but are utterly impossible, and if

they did exist, could produce no such effects as are ascribed to them.

But it is otherwise with systems of moral philosophy, and an author

who pretends to account for the origin of our moral sentiments, cannot

deceive us so grossly, nor depart so very far from all resemblance to

the truth. When a traveller gives an account of some distant country,

he may impose upon our credulity, the most groundless and absurd

fictions as the most certain matters of fact. But when a person

pretends to inform us of what passes in our neighbourhood, and of the

affairs of the very parish which we live in, though here too, if we

are so careless as not to examine things with our own eyes, he may

deceive us in many respects, yet the greatest falsehoods which he

imposes upon us must bear some resemblance to the truth, and must even

have a considerable mixture of truth in them. An author who treats of

natural philosophy, and pretends to assign the causes of the great

phenomena of the universe, pretends to give an account of the affairs

of a very distant country, concerning which he may tell us what he

pleases, and as long as his narration keeps within the bounds of

seeming possibility, he need not despair of gaining of belief. But

when he proposes to explain the origin of our desires and affections,

of our sentiments of approbation and disapprobation, he pretends to

give an account, not only of the affairs of the very parish that we

live in, but of our own domestic concerns. Though here too, like

indolent masters who put their trust in a steward who deceives them,

we are very liable to be imposed upon, yet we are incapable of passing

any account which does not preserve some little regard to the truth.

Some of the articles, at least, must be just, and even those which are

most overcharged must have had some foundation, otherwise the fraud

would be detected even by that careless inspection which we are

disposed to give. The author who should assign, as the cause of any

natural sentiment, some principle which neither had any connection

with it, nor resembled any other principle which had some such

connection, would appear absurd and ridiculous to the most injudicious

and unexperienced reader.

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{279}

SEC. III.--OF THE DIFFERENT SYSTEMS WHICH HAVE BEEN FORMED CONCERNING

THE PRINCIPLE OF APPROBATION.

INTRODUCTION.--After the inquiry concerning the nature of virtue, the

next question of importance in Moral Philosophy, is concerning the

principle of approbation, concerning the power or faculty of the mind

which renders certain characters agreeable or disagreeable to us,

makes us prefer one tenor of conduct to another, denominate the one

right and the other wrong, and consider the one as the object of

approbation, honour, and reward, or the other as that of blame,

censure, and punishment.

Three different accounts have been given of this principle of

approbation. According to some, we approve and disapprove both of our

own actions and of those of others, from self-love only, or from some

view of their tendency to our own happiness or disadvantage: according

to others, reason, the same faculty by which we distinguish between

truth and falsehood, enables us to distinguish between what is fit and

unfit both in actions and affections: according to others, this

distinction is altogether the effect of immediate sentiment and

feeling, and arises from the satisfaction or disgust with which the

view of certain actions or affections inspires us. Self-love, reason

and sentiment, therefore, are the three different sources which have

been assigned for the principle of approbation.

Before I proceed to give an account of those different systems, I must

observe, that the determination of this second question, though of the

greatest importance in speculation, is of none in practice. The

question concerning the nature of virtue necessarily has some

influence upon our notions of right and wrong in many particular

cases. That concerning the principle of approbation can possibly have

no such effect. To examine from what contrivance or mechanism within,

those different notions or sentiments arise, is a mere matter of

philosophical curiosity.

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CHAP. I.--_Of those Systems which deduce the Principle of

Approbation from Self-love._

THOSE who account for the principle of approbation from self-love, do

not all account for it in the same manner, and there is a good deal of

confusion and inaccuracy in all their different systems. According to

Mr. Hobbes, and many of his followers (Puffendorff, Mandeville), man

is driven to take refuge in society, not by any natural love which he

bears to his own kind, but because without the assistance of others he

is incapable of subsisting with ease or safety. Society, upon this

account, becomes necessary to him, and whatever tends to its support

and welfare, he considers as having a remote tendency to his own {280}

interest; and, on the contrary, whatever is likely to disturb or

destroy it, he regards as in some measure hurtful or pernicious to

himself. Virtue is the great support, and vice the great disturber of

human society. The former, therefore, is agreeable, and the latter

offensive to every man; as from the one he foresees the prosperity,

and from the other the ruin and disorder of what is so necessary for

the comfort and the security of his existence.

The Essays of Adam Smith · 第 13 / 18 章