Countersigned at the

West Fort 16th, arrived evening, left evening.

Che-Nae 17th, " daylight, " daylight.

Hiang-Shan 18th, " midnight, " "

Macao 18th, " evening.

(I fill in the dates with arrivals and departures as they took place.)

No. 4.

Yu [as above].

Whereas, by the will of the Great Emperor, he controls

all matters relating to the trade of the Outer Ocean, now

grants the merchant H----, by means of the boat belonging to

Yip-Paou-Chang, liberty to proceed with fine teas, &c., to Macao

for sale. Herein are registered the articles he takes with him

on which the duties have been collected, viz.:--

63 catties[51] of tea, in five boxes.

4 large silver spoons.

8 small silver spoons.

45 catties of oil, in two jars.

10 " pictures.

36 " preserves, in one box.

27 " salt fish, in one package.

612 " wooden ware, in eight boxes.

30 pairs of shoes, in one box.

270 catties of iron ware, in three boxes.

18 " hams, in one package.

1 wooden table.

27 catties of white sugar, in one package.

3 small oil paintings.

The barbarian merchant H---- also takes the following

personal stores:--

524 bottles of foreign wine.

30 foreign knives, with 30 forks.

30 " glass cups and bottles (decanters).

1 trunk of woollen clothing.

2 boxes of shaving-head implements (razors).

250 catties of foreign clothing.

30 " fragrant water.

200 " lead.

70 " divers eatables.

1 glass mirror.

1 large glass lamp.

20 catties of foreign crockery.

10 " copper ware.

30 " candles.

10 pieces of foreign fragrant soap.

1 foreign gun and 1 sword.

1 hat and 1 spyglass.

270 catties of foreign white paper.

5 pictures with glass fronts.

40 catties of rolled tobacco-leaves (cheroots).

1 foreign white woollen blanket.

As my departure for Macao on this occasion took place a month or two

after the surrender of the opium, unusual strictness was observed

for fear that some of the nine foreign merchants selected by the

'Kinchae'[52] as hostages might escape. The following extra document was

therefore issued:--

No. 5.

An extra permit granted by the officer appointed by

the Imperial Commissioner, occasioned by the opium affair,

and stationed in front of the foreign Factories, to take

cognisance of all foreigners arriving at and leaving Canton.

Le, waiting preferment, specially appointed, now reports to the

Kwang-Chow-Heĕ.[53] It having been brought to my knowledge that

the boat owned by Chang, having on board the barbarian H----,

leaves this 16th sun of the 4th moon for Macao, no delay must

take place. Moreover, as neither of 'the nine' forbidden to

leave are on board, custom-houses will permit her to pass.

No. 196. (Signature of the Kwang-Chow-Heĕ),

and endorsed, 'To be returned and cancelled.'

The House Compradores were always glad to avail themselves of such an

opportunity to send to Macao a lot of 'Chow-chow' cargo on their own

account, a privilege we never refused. This accounts for the sentence in

No. 4--'proceeding to Macao with fine tea for sale.' Whence came the 200

catties (266 pounds) of lead was a mystery to me, but the 270 catties

of 'iron ware' were iron chests, and 270 catties of foreign white paper

certain office books of accounts and stationery, removed from the

Canton offices in consequence of the unsettled state of affairs, with a

quantity of house stores, &c. The details of everything is peculiarly a

Chinese idea, and as similar documents are now no longer issued, and the

_inside_ passage to Macao never taken under former circumstances, they

are curious in their way. The _outside_ passage, by the way of the Bogue

and in splendid steamers, is now the order of the day.

* * * * *

The word _tea_ is of Chinese origin, being a corruption of _tay_ in

the Fuh-Keen dialect, the province from whence it was first exported

to Europe. The leaf has always retained its name of tea in the West,

notwithstanding that in Canton, from which port it has been shipped for

nearly 250 years, it is called _chā_. This word means the _infusion_,

while _chā-yip_, analogous to 'leaves for infusion,' is the tea of

commerce. The varieties are very numerous, and are classed under the

heads of _black_ and _green_. It is only within fifty-five years that

_Oolongs_ and _Ankoys_ have been shipped, and chiefly to the United

States. These are of a light brown colour. _Blacks_ consisted of

_Bohea_, _Congo_, _Souchong_, and _Powchong_. The first derives its name

from the celebrated _Woo-E_ Hills of Fuh-Keen; the second signifies

_Workmen's_ tea; the third 'small seeds;' and the fourth 'seeds in

bundles,' it having been always done up in paper packages. _Greens_

were, 1, 'Young Hyson,' 2, 'Hyson,' 3, 'Hyson Skin,' 4, 'Gunpowder,'

and 5, 'Imperial.' The first means in Chinese 'before the rains' (when

it was gathered), the second the 'opening of spring,' and the third the

'refuse or end of the crop.' The Chinese name of the fourth signifies

'small pearls' and of the fifth 'large pearls.'

In addition to these were formerly shipped Campoi, Hung-Muy, Sung-Lo,

Caper, and Woping; but they have now lost their distinctive names, and

if shipped at the present day are merged into other kinds more popularly

known.

The choicest of all teas, and which we saw only on special occasions,

when it came with the annual New Year presents from the Hong merchants,

was 'Padre Souchong,' so called from its having been grown by the

priests of a famous monastery. The whole quantity was small; it was

put up in canisters of two or three ounces, and was currently supposed

to be sent to the Emperor. His Celestial Majesty deigned as a rare

favour to present some of it to the most favoured of the high officers

of Government at Pekin, and they in their turn, as a great compliment,

forwarded a portion to the Hong merchants. This was in return for

valuable watches set with pearls, for clocks, musical snuff-boxes, or

'smellum water' (as the Chinese call lavender-water and eau de cologne),

which foreign objects it was customary to send to influential mandarins

for favours in the past and those in prospective.

The following tradition exists as to this peculiar tea. In spite of the

assertion that the entire annual crop is 'offered up to the reigning

Emperor,' it is brought to Canton, but in a very limited quantity.

In a deep recess of the Woo-E (Bohea) Hills, surrounded

by shrubbery and trees, almost impenetrable to the human eye,

stands the Temple of the 'Silver Moon.' Its antiquity is so

great that all traces of its origin are lost. The temple has

been inhabited from time immemorial by a family of the 'Tea

Sect,' which, at the period of the year coinciding with the

maturity of the leaves, makes offerings to its patron saint of

fine tea. Close by the temple stand three small tea trees, which

are tended by the family. They produce but _one_ catty each.

These trees were originally planted thousands of years ago by

divine hands, and they have never been known to yield more nor

less than three catties (4-1/3 pounds).

The original paper of which this is a translation was given to me by

Pwan-Suy-Lan, with a small canister of this famous tea; but on asking

him if he considered it to have been originally planted by 'Joss,' he

answered, he thought not, but that 'he own come'--that is to say, 'it

sprang from the ground spontaneously.' It was known that the senior Hong

merchant received the greatest quantity of it. As with Pwan-Suy-Lan and

Pwankeiqua, Houqua's family had long been tea planters in the Bohea

Hills, and were so when they first came to Canton, soon after foreign

trade was confined to that port (as he frequently observed to me), about

the year 1750.

Well-to-do Chinese drink black tea, but not usually _new_ tea. They keep

it in closely-shut earthen jars for a couple of years before using it.

This moderates the acrid or pungent quality which new tea possesses more

or less, and renders it softer and more acceptable to the taste.

* * * * *

As if to make all things work comfortably, the setting in of the

south-west monsoon brought foreign ships to Whampoa to receive cargoes

of teas, which were meanwhile arriving from the interior, from August to

November; and the north-east monsoon, as the ships loaded and left the

port in succession, blew them down again. The only exceptions were known

as 'out-of-season ships,' of which there were rarely over two yearly.

These came east about _viâ_ Gilolo or Dampier's Straits, and they took

away the last teas of a season. An occasional ship, trusting to good

weatherly qualities, would take the Palawan passage _late_ in the year,

beat up under the coast of Luconia to Cape Boleno, and then stretch

across the China Sea; but it was dangerous from its numerous shoals, and

a vessel would be dreadfully knocked about, even if successful. About

1830 or 1831 a bold and successful attempt to set the north-east monsoon

at defiance was made by the _first_ opium clipper. She was called the

'Red Rover,' and was commanded by Captain Clifton, owned at, and from

Calcutta. It was considered a most extraordinary performance.

The earliest shipments of a season were made from Whampoa by the East

India Company, in November usually. They consisted of contracts made at

the end of the previous year. They could be seen in large quantities

stored in the Hongs, waiting the first ships to come in. These teas

were currently known as 'winter teas,' and went to keep up the quantity

of one year's supply which the Company was bound by its Charter to

keep on hand in London at all times. Continuous shipments followed, so

that by the end of the year or a little later their vessels were all

away. To the United States green teas were exported almost solely until

about 1828, when the first blacks were shipped; after that date they

became a feature in the trade. Contracts were made for the new season's

teas, either at fixed prices, or, if it was an object to get a ship off

quickly, then the prices were governed by those of the opening of the

market. The 'opening' of the tea season was eagerly looked forward to;

and such was the contrast between the busy and the dull season that

during the former we were repeatedly in the offices until two o'clock in

the morning. The seasons of 1830 to 1838 were particularly active ones,

and besides business with India, England, and the West Coast of America,

our own house had frequently at Whampoa at one time ten to fifteen ships

(in the year 1833 twenty-two), every one loading teas and silks for the

United States, and, after 1833, vessels loading for England as well.

It was during one of these years--I think 1834--that we despatched the

_first_ English vessel from Whampoa that had yet carried a full cargo of

free teas to New South Wales; she was named the 'Royal Saxon,' and was

commanded by Captain Robert Towns.

The final loading of a ship consisted of all sorts of odds and ends

reserved for the last moment, and shipped off by what was called the

'chow-chow chop.' More valuable cargo, not ready in time for the regular

cargo boats, could also be sent to Whampoa by this conveyance. It was

a great convenience, while all other shipping off was conducted on the

strictness of the laws of the Medes and Persians, with documents without

flaw.

When the market had been cleared of teas, the vessels despatched and the

business of the season over, contracts were made with the Hong merchants

for the next season. These contracts were often of great pecuniary

value. They consisted of teas of certain qualities and kinds, in

packages of chests and half-chests, sometimes at fixed prices, at others

at the opening prices after they should have arrived, and deliverable

at the customary time. No other record of these contracts was ever

made than by each party booking them. No written agreements were drawn

up and signed, nothing was sealed or attested. A wilful breach of

contract never took place, and as regards quantity and quality, the Hong

merchants fulfilled their part with scrupulous honesty and care. I am

speaking of the first twenty years of my own personal experience.

Entire cargoes of teas were purchased and shipped from a few small

canister musters, and were weighed by taking the average of a few chests

from each 'chop.' A 'chop' of tea was always an uncertain quantity,

blacks numbering 400 to 600 chests, sometimes more or less, and greens

from 120 to 200 chests. The chest contained originally 100 catties,

or 133-1/3 pounds, the halves and quarters in the same proportion,

while boxes were locally packed with canisters of various sizes. The

inconvenience of these larger packages, both in size and weight, caused

a reduction to be made in them gradually until the chest averaged

about eighty catties. Some of the packages shipped at this time have

completely disappeared, and we hear no longer of five and ten-catty

boxes, nor of one, two, or three-pound canisters.

Valuable invoices of silk piece goods were bought and shipped from an

examination of only a piece or two taken at random from any box we might

choose to have opened. They consisted of satins, crapes, sinshews,

levantines, black handkerchiefs, sarsnetts, lutstrings, and pongees,

besides great quantities of yellow nankins, almost all of which articles

have now ceased to be exported.

As a natural consequence of the integrity of the Chinese merchants, we

had neither receipt nor check-book. Payments were made by the Compradore

of large amounts on simple scraps of paper signed with the initials of a

firm. No promissory notes existed, and consequently there was no 'bill

book.' There was no post office, there were no postages, and no copying

machines.

We had no custom-house business to attend to; our inward cargoes were

landed and stored, and our outward ones shipped off, by the Linguists,

to whom we had but to intimate in which Hong the former should be landed

or the ship to which the latter were to be sent. All merchandise was

purchased at long price, and all sold at short price; this was the rule,

and saved us an infinity of trouble. We were under no apprehension as

to the outturn of the quality or weight of the teas and silks which we

shipped. The ingenious process of augmenting the brilliancy of tea by a

clever facing of 'Prussian blue' or 'Chinese yellow,' of adding to the

bulk by an admixture of chopped willow or elm leaves, of increasing its

weight by iron filings, was not yet practised by those 'heathen Chinee.'

Possibly the absence of these 'industries' formed a very primitive mode

of carrying on business!

On the other hand, we were obliged to make our own ink (out of powders

from England), in which we resembled the Jews, who arrived in China and

settled at Kae-Fung-Foo any time between B.C. 1122 and 249! Historians

have not settled this point, but they have ascertained that, whenever

it might have been, 'those people used split bamboos for pens, and at

the Feast of Tabernacles made sufficient ink for the ensuing year'! Our

letters and shipping documents were despatched under wafer or seal, as

no such thing as envelopes yet existed (they had been in use in China

for centuries!), nor did we enjoy the luxury of postage-stamps. Moreover

every consignee of a ship was his own 'post office' for all letters

brought out by her, and he delivered them to suit his own convenience. I

have known cases in which outward letters were delivered when the vessel

that brought them was outside the Bogue, homeward bound. This custom of

not always delivering letters on the arrival of a ship from the United

States was mutually understood, and considered as the privilege of any

house. It can easily be imagined that a New York firm, in sending the

'Huntress' to a market 12,000 miles away for a valuable cargo, might

suffer greatly in its interests if she carried letters from a rival

house deliverable on arrival, informing its correspondent that it should

despatch the 'Levant' shortly, give him particulars of her outward cargo

and orders for a return one. Thus very reasonably, letters were detained

until the agent of a ship had concluded his purchases--at least he had

the privilege of detaining them. There was, of course, the chance of the

passage out, and the difference that might result to the quickest ship.

* * * * *

When a ship had anchored at Whampoa, the pilot reported her arrival to

the Hoppo through a branch Hoppo station at that place. This would be

done, not by giving the name of the ship, but that of the captain. Two

boats were then made fast to her, to see that no smuggling was carried

on; they were attached one on each quarter. Meanwhile the agent would

select a Hong merchant to become 'security' for her and a Linguist to

transact her business with the Hoppo's office, to send boats to bring

her cargo to Canton, and to take to Whampoa her outward cargo, and these

were all the 'official' duties that the agent had to attend to.

Before she could open hatches, the formality of 'Cumsha and Measurement'

had to be gone through. The first word signifies 'present,' and was

a payment made by the earliest foreign vessels for the privilege of

entering the port; and the second is equivalent to tonnage duties. On

a day of which notice was given to the agent, a specially appointed

mandarin from the Hoppo's office was sent on board, attended by pursers

and numerous servants. He was always received with some ceremony, and

regaled with wine and biscuit. As with all the officials, they were men

of a good deal of dignity and ease of manner. The captain would receive

him at the gangway, while all hands were rigged out in their 'Sunday

suits.' After the ordinary salutations, enquiries as to the passage out,

&c., the measurement would be made by one of the attendants attaching

the end of a measured tape to the forward part of the rudder head and

running it to the after part of the foremast, then calling out the

length, which others would note in writing; the breadth was then taken

amidships close abaft the mainmast, between the plankshears, which

being booked, a calculation was made of the dimensions for duty. As the

details were peculiar I give those of the ship 'Maria' (Captain Evans),

of New York, whose tonnage was about 420 (Canton, June 1830).

Length, 67 covids; breadth 22; total

147-4/10 covids. Deducting one-fifth

according to the regulations for

second-class ships. Equal to taels[54] 842.2.8.5

Loss in converting into Sycee-silver 75.8.0.6

For work of converting, 1/5 per cent. 15.1.6.1

Cumsha 810.6.9.1

-----------

1,743.9.4.3

The Hoppo's 'opening barrier fee' 480.42.0

-----------

2,224.3.6.3

Transport to Pekin and weighing in

Government scales 150.1.4.5

To the Superintendent of the Treasury 116.42.4

Add 1-1/10 per cent. converting into

Sycee 1.2.8.0

-----------

2,492.2.1.2

Difference in weights between Canton and

Pekin, 7 per cent. 174.4.5.5

-----------

At 72 per dollar, are $5,092-59/100 Taels 3,666.6.6.7

===========

Vessels coming to Whampoa with rice only were subject to the modified

port charges of $1,150 up to the year 1833, but in that year, owing to

a great famine that existed, they were done away with. The Viceroy Loo

then issued a lengthy proclamation, in which the Hong merchants were

ordered to make known the cessation of those charges to 'all the foreign

barbarians,' 'who would leap for joy, and go backward and forward in

search of rice cargoes.'

The 'Cumsha and Measurement' having been duly disposed of, a permit

was granted for 'opening hatches,' and the unloading went on

uninterruptedly. The outward cargo was then shipped off, and the

vessel ready for sea. Tea ships exclusively met with no great delay at

Whampoa--on the average about three months--but if silks constituted her

homeward lading, frequently six months passed before they were ready.

It then happened that not a solitary foreign vessel remained at the

anchorage; I have seen this to occur on several occasions.

When finally loaded, application was made through the Linguist to the

Hoppo for the 'Grand Chop.' This was at once delivered on ascertaining

that all formalities had been fulfilled and duties collected. It was a

large sheet having a broad border, on two sides of which was the figure

of a Dragon (the symbol of the Celestial Empire). They were always the

same in form, and printed from wooden blocks, with blank spaces to be

filled in with the name of the captain, number of the crew, list of

armament, and date of issue. The following is a translation of the grand

chop of the ship 'Maria,' Captain Evans:--

Chung, filling the office of Hoppo by Imperial appointment,

issues this in obedience to his will. When Western Ocean ships

have been measured, paid their duties, and departed, should bad

winds and water drive them to the shores of another province

(not being within the accorded limits of trading), if it is

found that they possess this sealed discharge they must be

allowed to continue their voyage without delay or opposition.

Which is on record.

Now the foreign merchant ship 'Ewan' having loaded with

merchandise, goes to the Hwa-Ke[55] country, there to manage

her business. She has been measured, and duties incurred by her

have all been settled, as customary. As she is now departing,

this is given as a clearance into the hands of the said merchant

to grasp and hold fast, so that, should he meet with any other

custom-house, he must not be detained. Military stations to

which it may be shown must also let the said vessel pass without

interruption, and not induce her to remain and trade that they

may be benefited by any charges or duties. Should they act

otherwise, it will give rise to trouble and confusion.

According to old regulations, the guns and ammunition and

other arms she carries for her defence are herein enumerated.

An unnecessary quantity is not allowed, nor has she dared to

receive on board contraband articles. Should it have been

discovered that these rules were broken by her, this permission

to sail would assuredly not have been granted.

Respectfully examine this _and depart_.

(Hoppo's seal.)

Sailors 26

Great guns 4

Shot 100

Swords 10

Muskets 10

Fire-physic (powder) 200 catties

Taou-Kwang: 11th year, 10th moon, 12th sun.

* * * * *

The _Whampoa Compradores_ who attended upon American and other foreign

ships received their licenses from the Hoppo's office. They were,

like their Canton brethren, a notable class, and fulfilled for the

ships the same offices as the latter did for the Factories. It was

another illustration of the perfect system that existed, whereby all

having business at the port were aided in every manner for their own

convenience and security. The Whampoa Compradore for American vessels in

eight cases out of ten was 'Boston Jack'. He was much considered by his

countrymen on the island, and ever civil and obliging. He had once made

a passage to Boston as steward, and returned to Whampoa, _viâ_ Cape Horn

and the north-west coast of America, in a small schooner of about 200

tons called the 'Cossack,' on board of which was Mr. Oliver H. Gordon as

supercargo. 'Boston Jack' was very fond of relating his experiences on

board of the 'Cossack,' particularly off the Horn, where, as he would

say, 'too muchee strong gale; sea all same high masthead--no can see

sky, no can see water,' meaning that in the turmoil of the elements one

could see nothing. By his countrymen he was looked upon as a very 'great

gun;' he was a favourite with the Americans, and finally died at a good

old age, 'universally regretted' and much missed!

The grand chop having been received from the Hoppo, the pilot was

obtained at Whampoa. As the ship got under way, the Compradore's

'cumshas,'[56] according to 'olo custom,' were brought on board. They

consisted of dried lychee, Nankin dates (the 'latest dates,' as they

were christened), baskets of oranges, and preserved ginger; then, amidst

a firing off of crackers attached to the end of a long pole from the

Compradore's boat--'to awaken the gods to the vessel's departure,' that

they might vouchsafe to her 'good wind and good water'--she departed. As

in entering the river, she hove to off Anonghoy Fort at the Bogue, that

the pilot could exhibit his pass. Sailing by Macao, this individual was

cast off, and soon outside, she was rolling down the China Sea--homeward

bound!

The English East India Company's ships were divided into two fleets,

which came in alternate years. Each fleet consisted of about twenty

vessels, a certain number of which were appointed for China _viâ_

Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, while the remainder were direct ships.

They were splendid vessels of 1,800 to 2,000 tons. Some belonged to the

Company, others were chartered usually for a certain number of voyages.

Many of them were built in India of teak. In time of war they sailed

under convoy; the gun-deck then carried a suitable armament, of which

good use was made in several encounters--notably in the southern part

of the China Sea, when, under Admiral Duckworth, a French squadron was

beaten off, and on other occasions in the Bay of Bengal. They sailed

under the flag of the Company, which resembled that of the United

States in its alternate red and white stripes, having for its field the

English Jack. The discipline on board was that of a man-of-war, and they

differed in no respect from one except that they did not fly the pennant

or carry a special body of marines. Besides the commander, the officers

were six in number, several midshipmen, surgeons, and purser, together

with the usual complement of warrant officers. Those of the fleet told

off for India conveyed troops and munitions of war, for service in the

Company's possessions there.

No finer sight of the kind could be seen in any part of the world than

the Company's fleet collected at Whampoa, with their inward cargoes

discharged, and every ship in beautiful order, waiting for teas.

Those formidable vessels were not of the modern clipper model, but

broad-backed, with swelling sides and full bows. On board everything was

neat, everything indicated system, discipline, and force. The oldest

captain (in date) daily hoisted his pennant as Commodore. Daily one of

the ship's boats came to Canton in rotation, independently of others

on individual service. The hospitality of the captains and officers

was generous, and, as some of them had bands on board, it was a treat

indeed to be included amongst the guests. The 'Vansittart's' band even

came to Canton to play in the Factory on one occasion, and regaled the

entire community by playing in the Square. The music attracted many

Chinese also, it being to them a wonderful novelty. The bandsmen wore

a uniform of red coats. We were all looking on and listening, when

suddenly a Chinaman exclaimed, 'What for he makee so muchee noisee?'

'Noise!' said one of the barbarians; 'may Fo[57] run away with you--that

no belong noise, belong music. You no likee?' 'Hae-yah![58] my how can

likee, all make mixee--_my_ China music No. 1; _he_ too muchee foolo!'

What he would have added we couldn't tell, but suddenly he darted off,

crying out, 'What for you kick my?' and made the best of his way up Old

China Street. Soon afterwards the crowd became so numerous and so noisy

that to avoid further 'complications' the band was withdrawn inside the

Company's Factory and the Square cleared, and not very quietly, as the

Chinamen's bare heads resounded with the thwacks which were laid on

them, but it took place with great celerity. That was the first and only

time a foreign band of music was heard to play in the Square.

Exports by 'country ships' to India consisted of tea, coarse porcelain,

paper umbrellas, silks, and a multitude of 'chow-chow' articles,

together with enormous quantities of silver and bar gold. For the

latter a special chop, called 'money chop,' had to be obtained from

the Hoppo. It was these repeated shipments of treasure that attracted

the attention of the local authorities, and through whose reports in

connection with the foreign commerce of the port they were made known to

the Government at Pekin. As a natural result, Imperial edicts were sent

down forbidding shipments of such quantities of money, as being for the

purchase of 'foreign mud,' to be introduced by stealth into the 'Middle

Kingdom,' against prohibitions successively issued, warning all engaged

in the trade 'to desist and not to incur the Imperial displeasure,'

while any Chinese co-operating in it were to be severely punished. But

the immunity so long enjoyed, with the inherent weakness of the Chinese

Government, caused foreigners to believe that any serious attempt to put

a stop to the trade was simply impracticable. The Imperial edicts were

considered as so much waste paper. Opium was imported and sold, while

'the oozing out of fine silver' went on as usual.

* * * * *

Of the 'Outside' Chinese Merchants several were of much consideration,

and of an integrity and intelligence in business unsurpassed by the

mercantile classes of any other country. Such men were Washing, Cumwa,

Linchong, Wo-Yun, Yeeshing, Keet-Chong, and others. An incident in

relation to Yeeshing, serving as an illustration both of his honesty and

unselfishness, may be related.

On the occasion of the great fire in 1822, enormous quantities of

private property and of merchandise were destroyed, and opportunities

offered when, without the possibility of discovery, the latter,

particularly, could have been concealed and reported as having been

consumed by the flames. Mr. John P. Cushing, of the house of Perkins &

Co., had placed with Yeeshing 5,000 pieces of crapes to be dyed, whose

value was about $50,000. There was, of course, no insurance upon them,

nothing of the kind existing at Canton. A day or two after the fire

Yeeshing entered Mr. Cushing's office, exclaiming,'Hae-yah! Hae-yah!'

'Well, Yeeshing,' enquired Mr. C., 'how fashion?' To which he replied,

'My have loosum my house, my shop--alla finishy, too muchee trub.' Mr.

C. began to express his sympathy, with the conviction that he too was

involved in the loss, when Yeeshing continued, 'My alla finishy, only

when my take out you crape (to save it) hav loosum 84 peecee, how can

my, no too muchee trub?' He had saved Mr. Cushing's crapes, but had lost

his own dwelling and its contents, with an important quantity of his own

goods and chattels, in doing so.

Keet-Chong, named above, possessed an estate on French Island, on which

his family had resided for more than 800 years. It was of moderate

extent, the dwelling spacious, and, as he used to say, 'all thing no

have changee.' He showed me on one occasion his genealogical tree

(which Chinese families keep with scrupulous care), and which ascended,

according to it, to the Sung Dynasty (967 to 1281 A.D.). This dynasty

immediately preceded the Yuen, or Mongol Tartar, family, the first

emperor of which was Kublai Khan, grandson of 'Jengis Khan.'

The custom exists among Chinese of not using their family names

in business, either for firms or individuals. They assume certain

designations by which they are known, are responsible, and recognised by

the authorities. As examples, Houqua, whose family name was Woo (from

which _How_), was known commercially as 'Ewo.' Pwantingqua, whose

family name was Pwān, was known as 'Tung Foo,' and the family name of

'Washing' was Moo. The choice of these names is singularly diversified

and sometimes very droll. In passing through any business street you

see on a small sign attached to a pillar at the side of a door such

firms as 'Peace and Quiet,' 'Current Gains,' 'Collective Justice,'

'Perfect Concord,' 'United Concord.' I have seen 'Tan-E' (which means

literally 'Solitary Idea'), 'Perfect Record,' 'Three Unities.' Where

something of a more imposing nature is chosen--as, for instance, 'George

and Thomas Sandbank, Sons and Nephews'--a double name, such as 'The

Record of Perpetual Harmony,' would be adopted. One is struck with the

use of short inscriptions on narrow sheets of red paper over doorways,

at the foot of stairs, over weights and measures, everywhere and on

everything almost. On entering an outer door you observe above it, 'May

the Five Happinesses enter the abode' (longevity, riches, posterity,

love of virtue, and a natural death), while within may be seen, 'May

wealth flow in abundantly;' and not a bad one, 'For idle persons there

is no admittance.' 'As wheels revolve, so may supplies and sales

continue;' 'Customers come in numbers, like the gathering of clouds;'

'Here are sold superior goods, in whose prices there is no change;'

'Rich customers are perpetually welcome;' 'Daily may there be weighed

10,000 taels' (May the transactions amount to that sum); 'From a single

cash, may 10,000 be derived' (these last two may be seen over scales

and weights); and so each object has its peculiar, if not appropriate,

device. You read on each one of a pile of water-tubs, 'The bucket of

superlative peace;' on chests, 'The box of great tranquillity;' over

inner doors, 'May happiness attend the opening of the door;' and over

shelves and drawers, 'When opened, may prosperity follow;' at the top

of a stairway, 'May the going up or down be calm and peaceful.' On the

sterns and bows of boats and junks you may read, 'Prosperous gales

and smooth seas' (which in Canton jargon is simplified to the usual

expression 'Good wind, good water'); 'Grant favourable breezes;' 'A fair

wind is riches;' 'The moon's rays shine upon and enliven the waters;'

'The dragon's head produces horns of gold' (an allusion to the bows of

a junk, which are supposed to represent the head with the large eyes of

the dragon), signifying, 'May the voyage be successful.'

* * * * *

The first foreign newspaper published at Canton was in 1827; it was

called the 'Canton Register,' and was printed on a small hand-press

lent for the purpose by Mr. Alexander Matheson, of the then house of

Magniac & Co.[59] Its size was but a little more than that of a large

sheet of foolscap. The editor, who himself was the first compositor, was

a young American gentleman named Wood, of Philadelphia, and son of the

celebrated tragedian. He was a person of great versatility, mentally and

materially; he abounded in wit, was well read, and of no fixed purpose.

Having ceased to be connected with the 'Register,' he entered the

office of Messrs. Russell & Co. about the same time with young Irving,

a nephew of Washington Irving. One day, one of our Parsee friends,

Nanabhoy Framjee, came in for bills on London 'in small pamphlets'

(moderate amounts each), and it was Wood's business to fill them up.

Our office, one of three, was the general rendezvous of Russell & Co.'s

captains, and on the day in question five or six of them were present,

talking over purchases in carpenter's square of camphor-wood trunks,

lacquered ware boxes, writing desks, &c. The bills having been made out

were left on Mr. Low's desk for signature. Suddenly from the 'Tai-Pan's'

office we heard a great shout of laughter, and that gentleman appeared.

'Wood,' said he, handing him one of the bills, 'I doubt if Baring's will

accept this, or even Nanabhoy take it; read it over.' Wood did so, and

to his confusion saw that B. B. & Co. were requested to pay to the order

of Nanabhoy Framjee, Esq., 'one hundred lacquered ware boxes,' which in

his absence of mind he had caught up from the skippers. Not very long

after, Wood took up his quarters in the French Factory, and established

a second newspaper, called the 'Chinese Courier,' which had but a short

existence. Amongst his other accomplishments was that of sketching,

for which he had a remarkable talent, and he was, moreover, a maker of

verses! One evening at dinner at his house, several being at table, the

conversation ran upon poetry, and some impromptu verses having been

made, something led to a challenge to Wood to parody Byron's 'Know'st

thou the land,' confining the words entirely to local matters and

things. He accepted the challenge, and when we again met he read after

dinner the following, on which we congratulated him, as being _good_

for Canton!

Know'st thou the land where the nankin and tea-chest,

With cassia and rhubarb and camphor, abound?

Where oft in the Hongs, by the coolies' foul feet pressed,

They pack their Boheas in a way to astound?

Know'st thou the land where in vain you endeavour

To sell your fair longcloths or barter your yarn?

Where you fidget and fret, be you never so clever,

And find all your profits are going 'astarn'?

Know'st thou the land where the drug in its glory,

With cotton and betel-nut, govern the day?

Where Patna or Malwa's the theme of each story,

The life of each anecdote, solemn or gay?

Know'st thou the land where the fair, unprotected

By the lords of their destinies, wither alone?

Where woman's a slave, by her tyrants neglected,

And the only bright jewel they sigh not to own?

Where lips which were formed to breathe of devotion

To affectionate spouses or lovers provoke;

Instead of confessing their tender emotion,

Give forth all their sensitive feelings in _smoke_?

'Tis the land we now live in--the land that would shame

The world by its valour, invention, and worth;

Where the page of her history glows with the name

Of her sage,[60] and her warrior,[61] the pride of the earth;

Where tea is the potion great deeds to inspire,

And emperors deign (and if _they_, who will not?)

To watch the decoction, themselves, on the fire,

And write prosy odes to the 'pride of the pot.'

Tho' fairest Hwâ-Te[62] are thy gardens of flowers,

And sweet every blossom that flings to the breeze

Its perfume, decks with its tints thy gay bowers,

Or clings on its vine to thy moss-covered trees;

Yet fairer the lands we have all left behind us,

And gayer the flowers and purer the air.

Do we need in our exile this rhyme to remind us

Of the hearts that are glowing with love for us there?

Farewell then to tea-chests; the loosened sail flying

Expands to the breeze and chides our delay;

Now past is the parting, the 'chin-chin,' the sighing

Of all the poor 'devils'[63] who _can't_ get away!

Wood and a brother resident, an Irishman named Keating, had at one time

a 'little difficulty.' Mr. Augustine Heard acted for him, and Mr. James

Innes, an 'old school' and eccentric Scotchman, for the latter. Much

correspondence took place between them as to where the question should

be washed out in 'blood.' One side chose French Island, at Whampoa;

the other Lintin, as being beyond the interference of the Chinese

authorities in case of 'accident;' but through the good sense of the

'_best_ men,' and to the gratification of common friends, the dispute

was arranged--because, as Wood said, 'There was no abbey in which to lay

a body.' After a residence of nearly ten years at Canton, Wood removed

to Manila, and established himself on a coffee and sugar plantation

at Jala-Jala. His letters from this new abode were full of wit and

mirthful to a degree, even in describing bad crops caused by visits from

Messrs. Taiphoon, Drought, & Co., or the destruction of his fences by

wild buffaloes, while he never could get a night's sleep from the many

snakes of preposterous dimensions which made themselves 'at home' in his

bungalow, and pursued the most 'harmless' of rats across the ceiling, up

and down posts, and across the floors 'under his very eyes.' At length

he quitted Jala-Jala and joined the office of Messrs. Russell & Sturgis,

at Manila. Under their generous auspices and considerate kindness he

ever after found there a home.

He was the first person to introduce the art of photography in Manila,

and through his teaching many Mestizos[64] became proficients, and

practise it now as a profession. He made one short visit to Europe, from

which he returned delighted, and one to myself at Macao (thirty years

after we first met at Canton). At length for poor Wood the 'tolling of

the bell' was heard; he died, full of years, after an extraordinary life

of great personal worth, great unsteadiness of purpose, and, as far as

worldly success went, a great unsuccess.

* * * * *

Under certain circumstances foreign residents could 'offer up' petitions

at the city gates! It was a privilege that had its origin a long

while ago. At the same time it was discouraged by the authorities,

while strict orders were given to the guards at the gates to keep a

sharp look-out and close them if any number of barbarians were known

to be approaching. This old custom originated in some question, such

as praying for a diminution of duties (all duties being more or less

arbitrary), or for permission to ship off an extra weight of silks,

which was fixed at a certain number of piculs per vessel,[65] and called

the 'silk privilege,' or on some matter affecting their personal

comfort. The Co-Hong frequently co-operated with us, recommended our

petitioning, and even themselves made a draft paper. Answers to these

petitions were invariably received, when the Hong merchants would

prepare for us a rejoinder, if necessary.

Great precautions were taken to keep the intention as quiet as possible,

consequently all who were disposed to join a party in presenting a

petition were advised in time. None were more anxious to accompany it

than the younger members of the community, who considered it great

fun! To refer to a particular case, directly in front of the American

Factory, at the river side, there existed a huge mound of earth and

rubbish that had its origin with the great fire of 1822. While the new

Factories were going up and the damaged ones being repaired the workmen

and coolies threw all sorts of rubbish on the spot. Subsequently it

became a depository of refuse of all sorts, and finally a resort of

loathsome beggars, of whom many died on it; but beyond obtaining the

carrying away of the dead bodies, all efforts by the foreigners to get

the whole thing removed had proved ineffectual.

The Hong merchants now and then sent a number of coolies, but they made

small impression upon it; and at length, mostly at their suggestion that

it was 'Mandarin pigeon,' it was resolved to present a petition at the

city gates, which they themselves prepared and we copied.

On the day agreed upon, therefore, the party going were quietly advised

and informed at which gate to meet. Taking different streets in small

numbers of three or four, all drew towards the 'petition gate,' as we

called it, and suddenly with a rush entered it. The surprise of the

guards was complete. They hastily closed the ponderous outer gate to

prevent the Chinese entering and possibly creating a row. Seeing the

petition on red paper held up above our heads, they knew from experience

the object of our visit, and forthwith despatched a messenger to the

Hoppo's 'Ya-Mun.'[66] Any annoyance caused us by Chinese lookers-on

or by any who tried to crowd about us called for prompt 'whipping' by

the soldiers, as was always the case, letting foreigners have their

own way, and laying it well over the shoulders of their own countrymen

who attempted any interference or who did not 'move on' fast enough.

It happened that on a previous occasion of petitioning an unpleasant

incident occurred, which arose from a fancied insult; blows had been

exchanged, and certain words used by an excited member of the foreign

party in reference to the soldiers became a tradition, 'Knock them down,

friend Olyphant, they are only tea and rice,' and the best of the joke

was that the speaker was a Quaker and Mr. Olyphant one of the quietest

men in the world, and the last person to strike any one.

Such exhibitions were much to be deplored as encouraging the belief that

foreigners were indeed 'unruly devils'--a pugnacious, wild, boisterous

people. Presently we heard the sound of the gong and the loud cries

of lictors preceding the Mandarin calling out his rank and office as

well as keeping the street clear. The space between the large outer

and inner gate is the thickness of the wall, about thirty feet, and

twelve to eighteen feet broad, the quarters of the guard, about twenty

or twenty-five in number, being in recesses on either side, and in this

space petitions are received. The Ta-Yin[67] (great man) having entered

with other Mandarins and attendants, after salutations and surprise at

seeing so many foreigners, they seated themselves on chairs brought

by their followers. He then commenced by telling us of the extreme

impropriety of entering the gates in opposition to the will of the 'Son

of Heaven,' cautioned us to be wary how we did the like again, lest we

might check the flow of Imperial benevolence towards all coming from a

distance, &c. &c., which was the usual opening formula, when a Linguist

being found cut and dried on the spot (sent privately by the Hong

merchants), stepped forward, knelt on both knees, and 'handed up' the

petition. In the meantime it was a strange sight to see the houses, shop

doors, and windows inside the city full to overflow of Chinese, intently

looking on in profound stillness and curiosity.

His Excellency, having read the paper, said in placing it in the hands

of an officer that a communication would be sent to the Hong merchants,

'that we must return to our Factories, be henceforth reverently

obedient, when all would be well, otherwise His Sacred Majesty, Ruler

of all under the Sun, notwithstanding that he was the incarnation of

consideration for all beyond the Western Ocean, might be provoked to

withdraw his beneficent,' &c. &c. 'That the laws of the Celestial Empire

must be obeyed,' and this was the closing formula.

Business being thus ended, a disposition was shown for a little

conversation. Acting as interpreter, I was invited to speak of the

distance of our countries from the 'Celestial Flowery Land,' how many

moons it took to come and to return; all which was done in laying great

stress upon the clear light of day into which we emerged as we left

our own gloomy shores and approached the 'Middle Kingdom'! Questions

were asked as to our respective nationalities, our names also; and

in their attempts to repeat such as Zacharia, Krieroffski, Burr,

and Brown, they turned to one another and laughed heartily at their

unsuccessful efforts. The teapot and servants to prepare the infusion

being indispensable in the suite of Mandarins (as well as pipe-bearers),

tea was presently offered to us; we in exchange 'offered up' Manila

cheroots. No one exhibited the slightest impatience, no matter how many

hundreds of Chinese were obliged, outside or inside, to make great

détours to reach other gates.

The Mandarins being provided with two watches each, next began a

comparison of time; they asked our ages, how long we had lived within

the benign sway of that 'Almighty Ruler' under whose protecting wings we

found ourselves; and being assured, in reply to other enquiries, that

in our distant countries now and then a sun, very occasionally two or

three moons, with a rare glimmer of a star, might be seen, they rose

from their seats, took leave, and were soon out of sight. The great

gate was then opened after a violent effort, with a loud grating of its

enormous hinges, and the 'foreign devils' returned to the Factories,

after an hour or two agreeably passed. The petition in question resulted

in the Hong merchants receiving orders for the immediate removal of

the unsightly mound, of course at their expense. They were effectually

carried out and the ground was levelled off. It then became the

favourite resort of the Indian servants of Parsee and Moormen residents.

* * * * *

Until the summer of 1829 the most important of the American houses was

that of Perkins & Co. It was the oldest one existing, without change

of name, of all the foreign firms, having been established soon after

a visit made by Mr. Thomas H. Perkins with two vessels to Canton in

1798. The house was represented until 1807 by Mr. Bumstead, who was then

succeeded by Mr. Cushing. For comparison with the size of merchant ships

at the present day, it may be noted that this gentleman came out in

the ship 'Levant' (Captain Proctor), of 264 tons! Mr. Cushing became a

partner in the Boston firm of J. and T. H. Perkins, and managed that of

Perkins & Co., of which he was also a partner continuously until 1828,

without leaving Canton, when he returned to Boston in the ship 'Milo,'

arriving there on September 17.

To Mr. Cushing succeeded Mr. Thomas T. Forbes, who, on returning from

a visit to Macao in his yacht, was unfortunately drowned in a taiphoon

on August 9, 1829, together with Mr. S. H. Monson, the book-keeper of

Russell & Co. On this sad event taking place, amongst his papers was

found a sealed letter addressed to Russell & Co. It requested them, in

case of accident to himself, to take charge of the local business of

his own firm, as well as that of J. and T. H. Perkins. They did so,

and naturally came with it that of Houqua, who had been the intimate

personal friend of Mr. Cushing during his unbroken residence of over

twenty years in Canton.

When the news of Mr. Forbes's death reached him, Mr. Cushing was in

England, where the 'Bashaw' (Captain Pearson), one of the ships of his

Boston firm, was loading for Whampoa. He returned to Canton in her,

arriving in the month of August 1830. Arrangements were then definitely

concluded by which Russell & Co. were officially appointed sole agents

for the Boston house, that of Perkins & Co. being wound up, while the

important foreign business of Houqua was then also definitely secured to

them.

Towards the close of 'ante-treaty' days, the house met with a serious

loss in the violent death of another book-keeper, Mr. George C. Perkins,

of Boston. He entered the office as assistant book-keeper,[68] and

subsequently took charge of that important branch of the business.

He was about thirty years of age, very systematic and methodical, a

well-read man, and of most agreeable manners. He left Macao on a visit

to the United States, and was returning by the way of San Francisco to

resume the duties of his office. Having arrived near Hong Kong, he left

the ship in which he had crossed the Pacific, for Macao in a fast boat

with all his baggage. Supposing it to contain gold, coming from the

'Gold Hills' (by which name California is known to the Chinese), the

cupidity of the boatmen was excited. They threw Perkins overboard in the

Lantao Channel, and he was drowned. On the event being made known to

the Canton authorities, their search for the boatmen was so energetic

that they were soon discovered in the midst of a number of fast boats

anchored in Anson's Bay, and beheaded.

* * * * *

The year 1830 was an unprecedented one in the annals of foreign life at

Canton, by reason of the coming to the Factories of several English and

American ladies from Macao, in 'direct opposition to old regulations.'

The Mandarins were thoroughly at their wits' ends by so extraordinary an

occurrence. 'Chops' began to circulate freely. The ladies were ordered

to leave forthwith, and without one moment's delay, otherwise the 'Son

of Heaven,' 'so considerate for all beyond the sea,' would withdraw his

compassion, and, and--in fact, had the world been coming to an end, the

authorities could not have been more thoroughly alarmed. In a letter

written at the time, I find the following, dated April 8, 1830:--

Went in the morning to the 'Company's' chapel with several

Americans to hear the Rev. Mr. Vachell preach, and to see the

'foreign devil females,' as the Chinamen call them. They were

Mrs. Baynes, wife of the Chief of the Factory, Mrs. Robinson,

and Mrs. Fearon, but _she_ is the beauty of the party! Mrs. B.

was dressed in true London style, which, much admired by us, is

considered 'frightful' by the Chinese. It was quite a strange

thing to see foreign ladies in the 'Celestial Empire,' an

occurrence which had never before taken place! After a few days

they left, but not until the mandarins threatened to stop all

trade!

The 'Fan Kwae' at Canton Before Treaty Days 1825-1844 · 第 7 / 12 题