This 'Imperial Edict' having been replaced in its envelope and slipped
inside of his boot (for service on the chance of another foreign vessel
'in distress'), his Excellency arose from his seat, which was a signal
for all his attendants to return to the boat except his secretary. The
two were then invited to the cabin to refresh, which being done, we
proceeded to business. The Mandarin opened by the direct questions,
'How many chests have you on board? Are they all for Namao? Do you go
further up the coast?' intimating at the same time that _there_ the
officers were uncommonly strict, and were obliged to carry out the will
of the 'Emperor of the Universe,' &c.; but our answers were equally as
clear and prompt, that the vessel was not going north of Namao, that
her cargo consisted of about 200 chests. Then came the question of
'Cumsha,' and that was settled on the good old Chinese principle of 'all
same custom.' Everything being thus comfortably arranged, wine drunk
and cheroots smoked, his Excellency said, 'Kaou-tsze' ('I announce my
departure').[42] We escorted him to the side, over which he clambered
with the aid of his secretary; we saw him safely deposited under his
brilliant silken canopy, and in a short time rejoin his junk.
Chinese buyers came on board freely the moment they saw the 'official'
visit had been made. A day or two after, several merchant junks
stood out from the mainland for the anchorage. As they approached we
distinguished a private signal at their mastheads, a copy of which
had been furnished to us before leaving Capshuymun. We hoisted ours,
the junks anchored close to us, and in a surprisingly short time
received from the 'Rose' in their own boats the opium, which had been
sold at Canton, and there paid for, deliverable at this anchorage.
It was a good illustration of the entire confidence existing between
the foreign seller in his Factory at Canton and the Chinese buyers,
and of a transaction for a breach of any of the conditions of which
there existed no legal redress on one side or the other. This parcel,
whose value was $150,000, had been already packed in bags, marked and
numbered, at Capshuymun. The Chinaman who held the order of the Canton
house for its delivery, on coming on board unfolded it from a cotton
handkerchief, smoked a pipe or two and drank a cup of tea with the
Shroff while it was going over the side, then took leave of us with the
usual 'Good wind and good water,' or, 'May your voyage be prosperous!'
The junks had anchored, mainsail to the mast, and as the last bag was
received on board the anchors were at the bow and they standing to the
northward.
Various attempts had been made to establish 'floating' depôts further
north, for which purpose even the coast of Corea had been visited,
as well as the port of Ke-Lung on the north end of the island of
Formosa. The clipper 'Sylph,' Captain Wallace, sailed up to the Gulf
of Leaou-Tung, having on board the celebrated Prussian missionary
Gutzlaff, who, for the privilege of distributing the Scriptures and
tracts, acted as interpreter for the sale of opium. The Rev. M. Gutzlaff
was an 'old coaster,' his first appearance in China being as passenger
from Singapore in a Chinese junk. As he had also studied at Malacca,
there was a fellow-feeling between us. The first foreign opium vessel
stationed on the East Coast was the 'Colonel Young'[43] in 1831, her
tender, running between the station and Lintin, being the 'Fairy.' M.
Gutzlaff was for some time on board the former, and, from his knowledge
of the Chinese coast dialects, could make himself very useful. He
resembled a Chinese very much, while _they_ declared him to be a 'son
of Han in disguise'! The accounts of his travels along the coast and
in the interior which he gave me on his return were very curious and
interesting. He would leave the brig and be absent many days together.
On one occasion he nearly reached the frontier of the Canton province;
on another he penetrated to the Bohea tea-country, in the province of
Fŭh-Keen. He described the people as hospitable and kind. Sedan-chairs
of a rustic sort were furnished to him, with food without stint, and he
never failed to find quarters for repose and refreshment in a temple.
His object in travelling, besides the acquisition of knowledge, was
the distribution of tracts. On visiting a town or village he would
distribute translations of 'The Word of Life' and administer 'Lee's
Antibilious.' Landing one day in the ship's boat, she was capsized, and
he found himself rolling about in the surf with 'The poor man's friend,'
a box full of 'Saints' Rest,' to which he clung, and packages of
'Cockle's pills,' while in momentary alarm that he and the boat's crew
(four Caffres) would be picked up by shovel-nosed sharks.
At the end of a fortnight I decided to return to Capshuymun and Canton.
My friend Mr. N---- was agreeable, but the question was, how and when?
The 'Rose' had still a considerable quantity of opium to dispose of, and
would not probably be ready for a month. In this dilemma two days went
by, when the schooner 'Harriet'[44] came in from the northern stations.
She was a small fore and aft craft of nominally 100 tons, built at Macao
by Hamilton, an American ship carpenter, and was commanded by a friend,
Captain Hall, who consented to take us back to Capshuymun. After she
had received treasure from the three Namao vessels, her entire freight
consisted of $430,000 in value of gold bars and Sycee-silver. We went on
board with our traps and servants, and were soon under way. The cabin
being, of course, of preposterously small dimensions, and overrun with
ants, cockroaches, and centipedes, with which we should have interfered,
we made ourselves comfortable on deck--dining, smoking, and joking _al
fresco_. We anchored at Kow-Lung just in time to escape an unusually
heavy taiphoon. We rode it out there; then sailed to Capshuymun, and
from thence direct to Canton by fast boat.
The 'Rose' subsequently foundered in a taiphoon,[45] on July 21, 1841,
only one of her crew being saved, a Portuguese Sea-cunnie,[46] who
was for three days on a plank. He was picked up by my old friend and
shipmate, Captain Fraser, in the 'Good Success,' thirty miles from the
Grand Ladrone.
This tedious review of the opium traffic, as existing during the first
fifteen years of my residence at Canton, will give the reader a correct
idea of the mode in which it was carried on. The confiscation of 20,052
chests by the Imperial Commissioner Lin, in 1839, checked the local
trade for a time, but did not do away with it. Up to this period it had
indeed been an easy and agreeable business for the foreign _exile_ who
shared in it at Canton. His sales were pleasantness and his remittances
were peace. Transactions seemed to partake of the nature of the drug;
they imparted a soothing frame of mind with three per cent. commission
on sales, one per cent. on returns, and no bad debts! To the agent each
chest was worth 20_l._ sterling, one year with another.
Consequent upon the seizure of the English-owned opium, the city of
Canton, lying at the mercy of Sir Hugh Gough, was ransomed, as has been
said, for $6,000,000, and this sum was afterwards appropriated by the
British Government to indemnify its owners, who had delivered it up,
either directly, or indirectly through their Canton agents, in obedience
to the command of Captain Elliot, 'for surrender to the Imperial
Commissioner on behalf of Her Majesty's Government.'
The amount of the ransom was much below the ordinary market value, even
of its cost; on the other hand, no one could foresee to what a low price
it _might_ fall, through the measures which were being taken by the
Pekin authorities to 'put an end for ever' to 'opium smoking' in their
dominions, and the whole arrangement was, under the circumstances, a
very reasonable one.
The largest quantity surrendered by any one house was 7,000 chests; we
came, I think, third on the list, with 1,500 chests; the remainder was
principally in the hands of English, Parsee, and other native of India
firms. The appointment and approaching arrival of the Imperial Envoy
became known at Canton in the latter months of 1838. The local Mandarins
therefore began a system of harshness towards dealers in order to appear
vigilant and active in the carrying out of old decrees. This led to much
cruel punishment, to the execution of one man in the Square in front
of the Factories, in December 1838 (by way of casting obloquy upon the
foreigners), and an attempt to strangle another one there in February
1839. This latter caused an unprecedented riot, led to an attack upon
all foreigners who happened to be out of their residences, several
of them being injured, and to the Factories being besieged by many
thousands of vagabonds, who kept up an incessant attack on windows and
gates with stones and brickbats.
They tore down and used as 'battering rams' the heavy posts of which
the small enclosures in front of each Factory were constructed, yelling
and shrieking like so many wild animals. We were rather anxious that
some should force their way in, as we had distributed broken bottles
in great quantities up and down the main entrance to our own Factory,
No. 2 Suy-Hong, our enemy being a barefooted crowd, while against the
other great casks of coal had been rolled; we were not gratified by
seeing the efficacy of the first protection. The mandarins had brought
an 'opium dealer' to the Square about noon, in order to strangle[47]
him there. The Cross was already driven in the ground, and in a few
minutes it would have been all over, when an unusual hubbub of something
extraordinary being about to take place attracted the attention of some
foreigners who were on the Square at the time. Instantly the news flew
from Factory to Factory, when all we could muster, perhaps seventy to
eighty, rushed out to stop the proceeding. I acted as spokesman on
behalf of all present, and protested against the Square being turned
into an execution ground. The Mandarin in charge said that the orders
he had received must be carried out, that the Square was a portion of
His Celestial Majesty's Empire. He was told that might be, but it was
leased to us as a recreation ground, and that we _would not permit_ its
desecration by a public execution! This was a bold thing to say. During
this short interval the scene was a most extraordinary one. There was
the cross, and close to it the victim with a chain about his neck, held
by two gaolers, all looking on with a quiet curiosity. The servants
of the mandarin were supplying him with constantly renewed pipes; his
attendants, a few soldiers, and his chair-bearers, seemed more amused
than anything else. There is no telling what might not have taken place
had it not been for a boat's crew who happened to come from Whampoa that
morning. They belonged to the old East India Company's ship 'Orwell,'
Captain 'Tommy' Larkins, formerly of that Company's service, and a
well-known and general favourite in the community. These sailors had
been wandering about the Square, but gradually approached the spot and
looked on. Seeing the drift things were taking, suddenly they seized the
cross, smashed it in pieces, and began to lay them over the heads and
shoulders of the executioners and any Chinamen within reach. The gaolers
dragged the prisoner away. Jack tore down a tent that had been pitched
for the mandarin, capsized the chairs, the table, with the teapot and
cups, and would next have attacked the mandarin himself had we not
interfered to protect him. We were much relieved when his Excellency
and his aids were carried away and no harm done to them, and we found
ourselves in possession of the ground. Then cried out one of the sailors
to another, 'I say, Bill, we don't get such a lark as this every day!'
The siege of the Factories by the mob was continued throughout the
afternoon, the guards at the corner of the American Factory were obliged
to retreat after ineffectual efforts to clear the ground of our
assailants, and things looked very serious. In the 'Imperial' Factory,
Captain St. Croix, of the 'Alexander Baring,' had collected all the
inmates, armed with such weapons as they had amongst them, revolvers and
fowling-pieces, and proposed a rush out, but happily no demonstration
was made. There were without doubt eight or ten thousand of the vilest
of the population seemingly bent on the destruction of the 'foreign
devils.' Towards five o'clock some one suggested that it might be worth
while to get notice of our situation to Houqua. It looked as if the
Mandarins had left us at the mercy of the mob, while the streets were
completely blocked, and no Chinaman probably thought of going on such
a mission. Mr. G. Nye (an American gentleman) and myself undertook to
go and see him. Getting on the roof of No. 4 'Suy-Hong' we managed to
cross to that of a shop in Hong Lane, through which we descended, and
after some exertion reached the street in the rear of the Factories,
called the 'Thirteen Factory Street,' which led to Houqua's Hong. We
found the old gentleman in some trepidation from the news that had been
already brought to him, but he seemed quite ignorant of the Square and
the Factories being at the mercy of the crowd. He at once despatched a
messenger to the 'Kwang-Chow-Foo,' the chief magistrate of the city, and
we returned the way we had come. About half-past six o'clock, to our
great relief we heard the approaching sound of the gong, denoting the
coming of the officers, and witnessed from our verandah the immediate
dispersion with whips of the rabble. No one was spared, the sight of
the numerous soldiers in attendance on the Mandarins caused a rush
towards every outlet from the Square, and even to the river, where
several were drowned, not a boatman offering them the least assistance.
Wide open flew the Factory gates, and in an instant their imprisoned
occupants appeared with looks of relief indescribable. The Mandarins
passed the night on the ground, chairs were procured for them, official
lanterns were lighted, and, conscious of the entire safety which we now
enjoyed, and without being disturbed by the hourly beating on gongs
of the different watches of the night, we all turned in. The next
day everything reassumed its normal state of comfort and safety. The
'victim' had been strangled at the public execution ground, to which he
was taken from the Square. Approaching the Mandarins in the morning to
thank them for their timely assistance (rather a 'cool' thing to do, as
some one remarked, seeing we had taken the law in our own hands and had
driven away the officer of justice the day before!), they received us
very courteously, and assured us we had 'nothing to fear!'
This was the most serious of many provocations inflicted by foreigners
upon the authorities. We treated their 'chops,' their prohibitions,
warnings, and threats, as a rule, very cavalierly. We often spoke of
their forbearance and wondered at the aid and protection they extended
to us; in fact, they considered us more as unruly children, people who
had never had an opportunity of becoming acquainted with 'Taou-Le,' or
'reason.'
When the Imperial Government took the unlooked-for measure of seizing
the English-owned opium and punishing the native dealers, the day seemed
to have arrived when the trade in it would really cease. The Canton
houses had been forcibly deprived of their stocks; the supply on the
East Coast, under the control of very few of them, was diminishing,
with no fresh supplies to look forward to. Quantities which were on
their way from India were being landed at Singapore or sent over to
Manila, while further shipments from the former country were entirely
suspended. On all sides a complete darkness existed as to what would
be the result. Holders were offering to sell at Singapore for next
to nothing; the article was in reality a drug indeed. Even as low
as $150 to $200 per chest became its nominal value in the Straits.
This was the condition of the 'opium question' which quickly followed
the confiscation. The foreign community, with the exception of the
Americans, had all left Canton, and at first took up their quarters
on board of ships at 'Kow-Lung;' but having been bombarded out of
that anchorage by the mandarins, 'Toon-Koo,' at the mouth of the
'Capshuymun,' became the general rendezvous. One day a clipper schooner
got under way and stood seaward, and some time elapsed before she was
heard from again. She had taken on board a few chests of opium that
had arrived since the seizure. At the moment of sailing a letter was
handed to the captain, directing him to open one of two others enclosed,
after he should have got clear of the land. On doing so he found that
he was ordered to make the best of his way to Singapore, to land the
opium he had on board, and deliver the unopened letter to his consignee
there, by whose instructions he would be subsequently governed. The
schooner consequently proceeded on her voyage, the captain not having
the slightest intimation of the object of it. Simply, he was directed
to reply to any enquiries on arrival that he had brought down opium.
The twenty chests were landed at a moment of the day when the Bund was
crowded with Moormen, Jews, Parsees, and Chinese, all opium holders or
brokers. No letters had of course been received by them, but at the
unprecedented sight of twenty chests being landed they concluded that
now indeed 'God was great and Mohammed was his prophet,' and that China
had at last resolved to permit no more poisonous drug to be landed on
its shores. Before twenty-four hours had passed, so adroitly had the
agent made his plans, that, aided by clever brokers, he secured nearly
700 chests, quietly, here a little and there a little, at prices 'dirt
cheap.' Opium had been unsalable at Singapore, many of the holders
were unable to hold, and some were under orders to sell for whatever
they could get, and 'have done with it;' the average of the purchase
in question was $250 per chest. The twenty chests were re-shipped to
the schooner, the newly purchased were taken on board, and after a very
short detention she sailed, whither no one knew. She was bounding up the
China Sea. Her destination was the East Coast, and there her cargo was
readily disposed of at an average of $2,500 per chest.
Inside of the city of Canton, as we heard from Chinese, the price rose
to $3,000, while the sale of it or the smoking of it was almost a matter
of life and death--the latter was the penalty threatened and even
carried out against those who were known to indulge in it. The Imperial
Commissioner was on the spot; he was inexorable, consternation prevailed
throughout the Chinese community, but we heard from good authority that
the number of the beheaded was not large.
While the opium trade was going on, discussions often occurred as to
the morality of it, as well as to the effect of smoking on the Chinese.
None of the Hong merchants ever had anything to do with it, and several
of the foreign houses refrained from dealing in it on conscientious
grounds. As to its influence on the inhabitants of the city and suburbs
at large, they were a healthy, active, hard-working, and industrious
people, withal cheerful and frugal. They were intelligent in business,
skilful in manufactures and handicrafts. These traits are inconsistent
with habitual smoking, while the costliness of the prepared drug was
such as to render a dilution of it (to bring it within the means of
the masses) utterly harmless. Amongst the wealthier classes, no doubt,
it was more or less common, this we knew; but I myself, and I think I
may safely say the entire foreign community, rarely, if ever, saw any
one physically or mentally injured by it. No evidences of a general
abuse, rarely of the use of the pipe, were apparent. I remember one man
having been brought to a missionary hospital to be treated for excessive
smoking of opium, but he was looked upon as a Lion and much was made of
him. In fact, smoking was a habit, as the use of wine was with us, in
moderation. As compared with the use of spirituous liquors in the United
States and in England, and the evil consequences of it, that of opium
was infinitesimal. This is my personal experience during a residence at
Canton, Macao, and Hong Kong of forty years.
* * * * *
For many years after the first foreign merchants came to Canton, they
were not permitted to remain after their vessels were despatched, but
were obliged to leave in them. In the case of the great Companies
such as the English East India and the Dutch, it gradually became a
great inconvenience. These, therefore, retired to Macao, where in time
residences were specially built for their accommodation. (The old Dutch
factory there, which had stood for over a century, was destroyed by a
taiphoon in 1875.) The removal from Canton to Macao took place at the
close of the north-east monsoon, simultaneously with the commencement
of the dead season, when the market would have been cleared of teas and
few or no vessels at Whampoa. Macao possesses a delightful climate,
completely within the sea breezes, and is beautifully situated; it
moreover offers in its entirety perhaps a unique specimen of Western
colonies in the Eastern world as they existed 250 years ago--in
its forts, churches, and walls, its convent, senate-house, and the
extensive, solidly built, private residences.
The Bay of Macao, looking eastward, is strikingly like that of Naples.
The fine houses which border it are protected by a broad esplanade,[48]
supported by a sea-wall with a low parapet. The view from it is
very fine across the outer harbour in a north-east direction to the
islands of Lantoa and Lintin; to the north lie the 'Nine Islands,' and
south-westerly is the anchorage called 'Taypa,' between the islands of
Montanha to the west and Cabreta to the east. This anchorage is about
three miles from Macao, and (as well as the two islands) is under the
sovereignty of the Portuguese. West of Macao is the inner harbour, which
separates it from the island called the 'Lappa.' On it in the early
days the Portuguese built villas and laid out gardens, but they were
subsequently abandoned from an inability to protect them effectually
from Chinese marauders and pirates, and in 1825 a few vestiges of them
only remained.
The departure from Canton of the Factory was annually quite a
circumstance. From fifteen to twenty 'chop-boats' were drawn up at
the Company's landing, of which some were converted into sleeping
apartments, for which their high decks and capacious holds, which were
floored off, afforded ample space. On either side were large windows,
with curtains and movable shutters, for protection against rain. Others
were appropriated to several milch cows and their keepers, for supplies
for the journey, as well as books and papers of value. The members of
the Factory, rarely fewer than twenty to twenty-five, occupied the
others with their personal servants; and, what with Compradore's men,
cooks, and coolies, the entire number was not less than 250 to 300
persons, including the boats' crews. On the arrival of the Linguist with
the Government permit, the fleet set sail amidst the beating of gongs,
burning fire-crackers and small squares of red paper, as a propitiation
to the gods presiding over rivers and streams. The boats always took the
Macao passage, as it was called, which is a broad stream branching off
from the Pearl River, about a half-mile westward of the factories and
running due south; consequently they passed the Factories, affording
altogether a fine sight. The distance to Macao, taking the curves of
the river, is about 120 miles, and the journey averages three or four
days. As the return to Canton formed also an event in local life, being
at Macao when the Company left in October 1831, I was glad to have the
opportunity of availing myself of an invitation from Mr. Majoribanks,
the then 'Chief,' to go up with them. A chop-boat was placed at the
disposal of young John Robert Morrison and myself, and the following
particulars of the trip to the provincial city are from a letter written
by me at the time to a relation in the United States:--
On board the 'Golden Galley,' Macao to Canton: October 4, 1831.
It was the intention of the Factory to embark on the
1st, but the departure was postponed to the 2nd. A circular
was then sent to the members, requesting them to be on board
their respective boats by half-past ten the next morning, at
which time they were to get under way. Accordingly, my chum
and I joined our chop-boat, anchored in the inner harbour
with thirteen others, which composed the fleet. Presently a
signal was made by the boat of Mr. Davis, Chief of the Select
Committee, hoisting its mainsail, and in a few minutes we were
sailing in line through the harbour. We numbered, including
invited guests, thirty-eight foreigners. Three of the boats
(which in foreign measurement would be of, say, 120 tons) were
full of Factory coolies, cows, and provisions, the latter in
addition to each one having a supply on board sufficient for
three days. Our chop is large and comfortable; we have a cabin,
by means of partitions, 14 feet by 10 and 7 feet high, and
forward of it is another for our servants, the cook, and stores.
Two couches, one on either side, serve for beds, added to which
are tables, toilette arrangements, and everything complete,
with cleanliness the most perfect. We breakfast and dine as
regularly and in as good style as on shore. Some boats have four
gentlemen and others five, as arranged among themselves. They
are chartered by the Factory twice a year, and each one receives
one hundred Spanish dollars for the trip up or down. Provisions
and furniture--in fact, all things needful--are also supplied by
the Company. We have not with us all the members, some remaining
awhile longer at Macao; but amongst those now on their way to
Canton are Dr. Colledge and Padre Vachell, as well as that
other important personage, the Steward Canning! The Company's
Compradore also accompanies the fleet, with three or four fast
boats under his control for carrying messages, making visits,
or distributing fresh milk. So you see everything is as cosy as
possible. The crews, numbering about fifteen men to each boat,
manage them with surprising dexterity. These Chinese boat people
are perhaps unequalled by any others in the world. They are not
only active and intelligent, but good-natured and obliging, and
seem anxious to get on as quickly as possible.
Now that I have given you a sketch of our accommodation,
I will go on with our passage from the inner harbour. While
passing through it, volleys of fire-crackers were let off,
and gongs were beaten by way of 'chin-chining Joss' for a
safe and pleasant passage. A little later dinner was served,
and a No. 1 dinner it was. Crab soup to begin with, an ample
dessert, Hodgson's pale ale, superb La Rose and sherry, with
custard-apples, plantains, and other fruits. We turned in at
eleven, but slept little, as the wind was dead ahead after
entering the 'Broadway,' so I was up early and on deck. The
fleet was hard at it, tack and tack to windward. We found
ourselves in the middle of it, those to windward about three
miles off, and those to leeward about the same distance. At
eight o'clock we passed the Mo-tow, or 'Knife-grinding,' Fort,
which was once a stronghold of the celebrated pirate Apotsae,
who pillaged all the country round about. Near to it were
lying two of His Celestial Majesty's men-of-war junks. The
day's supply of fresh milk was brought on board, and at eight
breakfast, which was attended with difficulty, from the heeling
over of the boat. We entered the 'Heang-Shan'[49] River, but
at 11.30 were all obliged to anchor within five miles of the
city, as it had begun to blow a violent gale, the rain coming
down in torrents. On the morning of the 5th, cloudy and rainy,
but the wind abating somewhat and the tide being favourable, we
hove up, and at 8.30 passed Heang-Shan. We expected to anchor to
receive the customary visit of the mandarin, but he may not have
felt inclined to turn out in such weather. It happened that the
Compradore, who had gone up in a fast boat the evening before,
procured from him his seal to the Company's 'chop,' which
allowed us to go on without anchoring; but through all this fuss
and his absence we lost the milk for our after-dinner tea! On
the morning of the 6th the Compradore was again alongside, and
made it 'all right' with _us_ by threatening to come again with
mutton for dinner; and, considering what we have 'undergone'
since leaving Macao, it will be very acceptable.
The scenery on both sides of the river is celebrated for
its beauty, and we enjoyed it much. The banks are lined with
orange and lemon trees, peaches and lychee. On the summit of a
high hill stands a seven-story pagoda. If you ask a Chinaman
its object or use, he replies that it is 'Joss pigeon,' and you
are as wise as you were before. In reality, the Chinese believe
that these buildings bring prosperity on the region and ward off
evil influences. The river is crowded with boats crossing from
one bank to the other, filled with all sorts of country produce
or passengers, who stare their very eyes out in looking at us.
Further on we pass another fort, with a curious name, the 'Old
Duck,' and on the riverside opposite is another called 'Greatly
Excellent.' In the afternoon a fine strong breeze sprang up, and
we made rapid progress, passing still another fortification,
called the 'Mouth of the Great Gate.' We were compelled to dine
on a superb roasted capon, with _et ceteras_ as usual. We just
touched at 'Che-nae' for the official formality, and soon after
the Western Fort was passed, when we saw the innumerable lights
and lanterns of the provincial city; and at 8 P.M. glad enough
we were to find ourselves once more in 'Old Canton.'
The Dutch East India Company followed the same programme to and from
Macao. The members of this Company were never so numerous as that of the
English. There were usually two gentlemen to manage all affairs, with
three or four 'writers.'
Under various pretexts, other foreign merchants managed to remain at
Canton the year out. One was that their import cargo not having been
sold, consequently the tea and other merchandise which they had shipped
was unpaid for. This, if not considered reasonable, at all events had
the effect of causing the authorities to overlook their presence, and
gradually that article of the 'old regulations' became a dead letter.
Having seen the manner in which the great Companies went between Canton
and Macao, it will be curious to follow the 'private' individual and
the formalities that had to be gone through (which, however, applied to
those Companies as well). A linguist was sent for, to whom was given
the name and nationality of the person requiring a permit for Macao,
and he would take them to the Hong merchants. Three or four of these
would then petition the Hoppo that the request might be granted. Amongst
these merchants must be included the one who 'secured' the foreigner
in question. On the third day after, the linguist would reappear at
the Factory and give notice that the luggage, &c. must be examined by
an officer from the Hoppo's office, which having been done, the permit
would be given to the head boatman, and on the fourth day the boat
could proceed on her journey. It must not be supposed that these old
'government regulations' were never infringed, for in my own case,
in 1830, being ill, I asked Houqua to use his influence that I might
leave at once, and in twenty-four hours my papers were ready and I was
off. The boats in which foreigners travelled to and from Macao (except
occasionally if a large party, when they took chop-boats) acquired the
name of 'inside fast boats.' They were large and commodious, with cabins
in which one could stand up, broad raised seats on two sides, covered
with clean matting, on which one slept. They were furnished with green
Venetian blinds. In the centre of the cabin stood the dining-table,
and over it a lamp was suspended. The accommodation was ample for four
persons. Abaft the main cabin was a smaller one, for the servants and
cook; then came the stern-sheets, occupied by the helmsman and two
or three men to work the main-sheet. On one quarter was the kitchen;
forward of the principal cabin was a flush deck to the bows; there
stood the foremast, and ten to twelve oars could be used. The crew
consisted of twelve or fifteen men, always alert, hard-working, and
good-natured. The trip down the river or up was particularly enjoyable;
the respite from office duties imparted a new sensation; and, if made
in the south-west monsoon, nothing so exhilarating after the close hot
Factories as this breeze fresh from the sea. The entire cost of the trip
was for the boat eighty dollars, and the invariable 'cumsha,'[50] ten or
fifteen more, according to one's humour after a quick or tedious passage.
The official papers were four in number, to which on the particular
occasion now referred to a fifth was added.
No. 1. The petition from the Hong merchants applying for the pass to
Macao, which read thus:--
Whereas it is our duty to petition for permits for Macao, it
now appears that the barbarian merchant, H----, having clearly
set forth that on a former year he came to Canton to trade, now
wishes to visit Macao. Not daring to resort to illegal ways,
he has begged us to entreat the favour of an official passport
being granted to him, that he may submit it for inspection at
the several stations on the route. Such being the barbarian's
wishes, we petition that he may be officially permitted to
proceed.
_Memorandum._--The barbarian merchant H---- is provided with
one sword and one gun for the protection of his person, as well
as with clothing and cooking utensils.
(Signed) HOUQUA MOUQUA
PWANKEIQUA PWANHOYQUA.
Taou-Kwang: 19th year, 4th moon, 15th sun.