OLD CANTON.

Even the departure of a vessel from New York for Canton in 1824 was a

rare occurrence. Neither had it yet become fashionable to place the

accent on the _last_ syllable in the name of that distant port. It would

have appeared pedantic. Years after, only, did it become _ton_! As the

ship cast off, the neighbouring wharves were crowded with lookers-on,

national and private flags were run up to the mastheads of sea-going

craft lying near.

Cheers were heard as she glided into the river, and the ship 'Citizen,'

Captain E. L. Keen, passed Sandy Hook in the evening of October 9 of the

above year, bound to the Central Flowery Land. Friends and relations who

had accompanied us thus far now took leave, and returned to the city in

the pilot boat, steam tugs not having yet come into existence.

The 'Citizen,' of 498 tons was one of seven ships[1] owned by Mr. Thomas

H. Smith, of New York, who had been for many years engaged in the China

trade. She had already made two voyages to Canton, and before leaving on

her present one, had been newly coppered and 'thoroughly' overhauled,

the better to withstand the westerly gales she was likely to encounter

on her return passage off the Cape of Good Hope in the winter season.

The crew consisted of thirty-two men and boys, with two officers. One

of the latter, the second officer, as well as Captain Keen and ten

or twelve of the men, had served on board privateers in our last war

with Great Britain, while eight sailors had just returned from a three

years' cruise in the Pacific, on board the U.S. 74 'Franklin,' Commodore

Stewart. As usual at this time with vessels bound on Eastern voyages,

the 'Citizen' was well provided with arms and ammunition--not only for

the risk of pirates in the Atlantic, to whom her valuable cargo offered

great temptation, but from possible mishaps while passing through the

Eastern Straits.

The cargo consisted of 350,000 Spanish dollars in kegs (no letters of

credit on London bankers then existing), furs, lead, bar and scrap

iron, and quicksilver. Passengers were not taken except under peculiar

circumstances. I should have been the only one, in virtue of being

destined for Mr. Smith's Factory at Canton, but just before sailing

a Scotch gentleman presented himself at the office, and sought for a

passage on board. The letters he bore were of a high character, among

them being one from the celebrated Mr. Hume. His name was Fullerton,

and his vocation that of surgeon in the English East India Company's

service. He was allowed to go in the ship, and proved to be a most

intelligent and amiable person.

He had made several voyages to India and China, was full of anecdote

and pleasant conversation, thereby relieving the weariness of the

journey. The medical advice he most cheerfully gave rendered him a

valuable addition to us, particularly on the occasion of the ship

taking fire just before making Sandalwood Island, when one of the men

was so seriously injured that his life was despaired of for a time; but

although he managed to get back in the ship to New York, he never did

a day's work after the accident. My fellow-passenger was only known

on board as Doctor Smyth. He had come to New York expressly to get to

China in an 'out of season' vessel, which ours was. We had no idea of

the object he had in view, and he volunteered no information. There was,

however, a little mystery in the matter.

On our arrival at 'Lintin' we had scarcely anchored when my

fellow-passenger took fast[2] boat and went to Macao. Soon after, we

heard that he had there engaged two young Chinese small-footed women

to accompany him to Calcutta, from whence he took passage with them

for England as a 'speculation.' Subsequently we learnt that he was

associated in the enterprise with Captain C----, also of the Honourable

East India Company's service, on board whose vessel he had filled the

office of surgeon. While in England, these 'Golden Lilies'[3] had the

honour of a presentation to H.M. George IV. The enterprise, however, was

not successful. It met with great opposition in certain quarters, and

finally it ended by those young daughters of 'Han'[4] being returned to

their own country.

Some years after, in the winter of 1832, I last had the pleasure of

shaking hands with my old shipmate at Canton. He was then surgeon of the

Honourable Company's ship 'Lady Melville.'

We had the misfortune to lose the ship's cook about five o'clock on

the morning of the twenty-fifth day out, when he sprung into the sea.

We had rushed on deck at the cry of the 'cook overboard,' and heard him

shout as he passed the ship's quarter, 'You are all going to--(a most

uncomfortable place of one syllable, beginning with the letter H), I'm

going to Guadaloupe.' The ship was instantly brought to the wind, a man

sent aloft to keep the poor fellow in sight, and a boat lowered in a

trice, but suddenly he disappeared. We resumed our course. The crew had

often been amused while about the galley to find its 'monarch' with an

open Bible in one hand, and reading aloud from it, while prodding the

salt junk in the boiler with a 'tormentor' in the other! They thought

him a 'queer fellow,' particularly as he would caution them as to their

wickedness in blaspheming, and their utter disregard of the future! We

had heard through the officers of those erratic ways and strange conduct

for a 'ship's cook,' but no one imagined that his head was turned.

The next morning the chief officer discovered on our starboard beam a

three-masted felucca, under small sail, standing as ourselves. It was

nearly calm; presently the 'little stranger' steered for us, manned a

certain number of sweeps, and seemed to have a great number of men on

board. She was about 140 or 150 tons burthen. While examining her with

our glasses, a sail was set on her jigger mast. There seemed to be a

general wish that she would 'come on,' in spite of what was unmistakably

a heavy swivel gun amidships. We showed our colours, to which no reply

was made. At last we seemed to have fallen in with the traditional

'long, low, black schooner,' metamorphosed into a felucca for the

nonce. Suddenly the man at the wheel directed the attention of the mate

to another sail just appearing on our larboard beam; she was steering

to the southward, with a light air and under a crowd of sail. As she

approached, she proved to be a schooner of the size of our revenue

cutters. A barque also hove in sight, bringing up a stiff squall, with

heavy rain. The felucca was next observed standing on the same course as

ourselves. We trimmed sail to the wind, and hauled up to the eastward;

presently, the wind increasing, the schooner crossed our bows, almost

within hailing distance--a beautiful object to look at. She set all

studding sails as she went by us, with a fore skysail, and that other

unusual sail, now, perhaps, never heard of, and then not common, called

a 'ring tail.'

We crossed the equator on the thirty-first day out, with a good easterly

wind, which hauled to the south-east and blew stiffly. A few days after

we discovered a good-sized barque standing in for the coast of South

America. She hoisted Brazilian colours. Her decks, forward of the

mainmast, were crowded with negroes, while abaft we observed several

dark-brown gentlemen, the captain, officers, and supercargoes, perhaps.

She was evidently a slaver returning from the West Coast of Africa, with

a full cargo of ebony. She crossed our bows within a few hundred yards,

and on gaining our starboard side, our dark-brown friends raised their

panamas, and waving them, wished us 'Bon voyage.' This vessel proved to

be the last 'living thing' we saw for a period of nearly fifty days,

except albatross, whales, and Mother Carey's chickens.

Passing within a short distance of Tristan d'Acuna to correct our time,

we then began the long tedious running down 'easting.' The weather was

generally fine, with a bright sun; it was in the summer season. Our

course between 43° and 45° south latitude. The sea ran 'mountains high,'

the crest of each wave breaking in masses of sparkling diamonds, then

losing itself in this wilderness of waters, an indescribably magnificent

sight. The ship rolled gunwale under, receiving on board vast quantities

of water, which swashed fore and aft and from side to side, at times two

or three feet deep. Gradually this frightful chaos of warring winds and

furious seas became a matter of course, while Captain Keen gave way to

his delight in exclaiming, 'How splendidly she behaves,' or, 'She rides

the seas like a bird;' and thus we went on, with little change, until we

made the island of Amsterdam.

We then steered direct for Sandalwood Island, across a pleasant

south-east trade, with nothing material occurring until two days before

sighting it.

After the cook had left us so abruptly for Guadaloupe, it was arranged

that the chief steward should fill his place for the cabin, while some

of the crew offered their services for the forecastle and steerage; thus

everything went on well in this respect. Before we now made the land,

taking advantage of the fine weather and smooth sea which prevailed, all

hands were occupied in caulking the bends and the deck, while, as had

before happened, the leak decreased. The 'officer of the kitchen' for

the day referred to was a fine young sailor about twenty-five years of

age. Being in the galley in the afternoon, about seven bells, watching

a pot of pitch being boiled, it overflowed, and the contents fell among

the burning coals. Instead of immediately clapping on the lid, he seems

to have lost his head, and in attempting to unship the pot from the

hook it capsized, and in a moment everything was in a blaze, burning

the poor fellow so fearfully that he had to be carried to his bunk. His

lower limbs were almost peeled, and had it not been for the presence of

the 'doctor,' he would inevitably have died.

We passed close to the harbour and town of 'Dilly,' which displayed the

Portuguese flag.

Two years before, the ship 'Ontario,' Captain Depeyster, belonging to

the owner of the 'Citizen,' called in at Dilly for supplies on her way

to Canton, and was totally lost in coming out of the harbour.

The loss of the 'Ontario' gave rise to the longest passage ever made

between Whampoa and New York. Captain Depeyster left Dilly, with the

treasure saved from the wreck of his ship, for Batavia, and there

chartered the American brig 'Pocahontas,' to carry it to Canton. Mr.

Smith's agent there rechartered her to take as much of the proceeds of

the treasure as she could carry in teas and silks to New York, where she

safely arrived in charge of the first officer, Mr. Teel (Captain Snow

having died on the passage), close upon ten months from Whampoa.

'A good full,' cries out the second mate to the man at the wheel as

a breeze springs up. A first-rate 'old salt,' and as odd a fish, our

second mate, as need be. I have been time and again amused with the

yarns he has spun during his first watches. Of the war of 1812 he is

full of anecdotes. He is always on the dolphin-striker when porpoises

are around us, and usually strikes successfully. Anything not done in

a sailor-like fashion excites him, and we hear him cry out, 'You'll

never be a sailor. You were not shaped for a sailor. You were cut out

to handle a musket, not a marlin-spike.' 'Sailors,' said he to me one

evening, 'have their prejudices like others; they have always a run

upon soldiers, more perhaps in joke than in earnest. A sailor will say,

"Give me a messmate before a watchmate, a watchmate before a shipmate, a

shipmate before a dog, a dog before a marine, a marine before a soldier,

a soldier before--the devil." If you ask why a _marine_ in preference to

a soldier, the answer is, because he knows the difference between the

best bower anchor and--a "chaw of baccy!"'

We now steered for Dampier Straits. Having left Booro astern, we were

struck with a sudden and violent squall, resembling more a tornado.

The rain poured down like a deluge, the rattling of the thunder and

the vividness of the lightning were frightful. Our maintopsail-yard

was snapped asunder in the slings, the fore and mizen topsails flew

into ribbons; the jib disappeared from the bolt ropes. Each flash of

lightning was succeeded by the darkness of Erebus, while in the midst of

all, the loud voices of the officers and the replies of the men created

a turmoil such as I had never witnessed.

The squall was luckily of short duration; it came upon us during the

dog watch, but so intelligently did all hands do their duty, that by

midnight another maintopsail-yard was crossed, the sail bent, the other

topsails and the jib replaced, and we were making good way with all sail

set, 'low and aloft,' including royals and flying jib. The stars shone

out with increased brilliancy, all things had returned to a condition

of perfect quiet, so had one watch to their hammocks, and no sound fell

upon the ear save the ripple of the water under the bows. We had noticed

before, and this night particularly after the squall, a strong spicy

odour, the air seemed 'breathing an aromatic redolence.'

As we neared Pigeon Island, the vast and imposing one of New Guinea

being to our right, numerous canoes came alongside. The appearance of

their inmates was singularly repulsive; the wool on the heads of these

Papuans was of so fertile a growth, that it reached a diameter of over

two feet, while from the application of chunam, it becomes a dirty,

uncertain red, hideous to behold. By means of baskets attached to

ropes, we carried on a trade, giving in exchange for shells, plantains,

papayas, stuffed birds of paradise, and ingeniously made baskets,

everything in the shape of cast-off garments that we could muster. It

was thought a mockery when I offered an old straw hat for a bird of

paradise, but everything seemed fish that came to their net, and to

my surprise the bucket returned with the coveted prize. On the return

of the ship to New York I sent it home, and it proved a rare and most

acceptable gift. We anchored near Pigeon Island during the night, and

the next day entered the Pacific Ocean.

We hove to close to the Pelew Islands, to allow a crowd of canoes to

come alongside, that we might obtain further supplies of fruit, shells,

and yams, and thereby get rid of the remainder of our old clothes. The

natives were considered as unoffensive, but this was not justified by

an attack made by them, just before we passed, on a schooner from Java

to Lintin. Her deck was crowded with natives, who had been permitted to

come on board, and while bartering, suddenly the crew was fallen upon

and several killed, all who could taking to the rigging. Plundering

then commenced. The 'boarders' were having it their own way, but had

overlooked the cook, who had shut himself in his galley. Bolting one

door, he suddenly commenced a liberal distribution of hot water on the

assailants, who, being entirely naked, plunged overboard with astounding

shrieks and yells. The men aloft quickly descended. Seizing handspikes,

they were in time to cut off the retreat of many who had been inspecting

the cabin lockers, the bodies of these were thrown overboard, a few

musket shots hastened the departure of the canoes, and the schooner

continued on her journey.

Our course was north-westerly, the crew employed in putting the ship

in order. After passing through the Bashees, one of the men being over

the side, to reeve the lower studding sail tack, he tumbled overboard.

The second officer, to whose watch he belonged, threw him a rope, which

he _just_ caught and was soon hauled up on deck. 'You must have been

asleep,' said Mr. Hughes, who then asked him if the water felt warm or

cold. When the officer came in the cabin later, he exclaimed, 'That

fellow wouldn't have fallen had he not been fast asleep; but it is lucky

for him he "awoke in time" to get hold of the rope, or he would have

gone down.' This is a specimen of what 'Jack' calls 'sojer's comfort.'

They had what they called 'sailor's comfort' every Saturday afternoon in

the middle watch. It consisted in overhauling their chests and bags, or

mending their clothes, on the system, as they said, of putting a patch

next to a patch, as being neighbourly, but never a patch upon a patch,

as that was beggarly. Many of the men remembered, as boys, the wearing

of 'pig tails,' and their being mutually dressed, preceded by the

calling out in the 'foksle' of 'Tie for tie,' or, 'Tie me, I'll tie you,

and damn all favour.'

No happier crew were ever 'rocked upon the cradle of the deep' than

the one of which the 'Citizen' was composed. This was the result of

uniformly taut but considerate treatment, the best of food, good grog,

and no _needless botheration_, while the utmost harmony prevailed

between Captain Keen and his officers. On the return of the ship to

Canton, on her second voyage after, in 1827, Captain Keen related the

homeward passage of 1825, which was an unusually hard one. The ship was

forty days from point Natal to the Cape, knocked about in the teeth

of westerly gales and frightful seas, and referring to his crew he

remarked, 'No better men ever manned a ship.'

We made the coast of China at 5 A.M. on February 11, 1825. A pilot came

on board off the Lema Islands, took us through the channel of the same

name, having to starboard the then 'terra incognita,' 'Hong Kong,' and

anchored the ship under the island of 'Lintin,' at 2 o'clock P.M., 125

days from New York.

* * * * *

The island of 'Ling Ting,' or the 'Solitary Nail,' commonly called

'Lin Tin,' was at this time the anchorage of the 'opium store ships,'

and temporarily of vessels whose destination was Whampoa (with some

exceptions). On the arrival of an American ship, she communicated with

her agent at Canton by means of a 'fast boat,' meanwhile despatching

another one to Macao for a pilot to take her inside the river. The

_exceptions_ were the ships of the English East India Company, and

country ships from India having no opium on board (those which had

anchoring at Lintin to deliver it); these then took pilots off Macao and

sailed directly to the 'inner anchorage,' as Whampoa was called. The

Lintin anchorage was not, however, only an opium station. All vessels

bound to Whampoa were loaded with general cargo, or with rice only, and

were subject to what were called Cumsha and Measurement charges. These

were very heavy in the case of the former, but moderate in the latter.

It was therefore an object for a vessel entering the river with only

part of a general cargo to fill up with any freight that might offer,

and thus reduce the heavy charges referred to, or to send up what she

had on board, if of moderate quantity, in another ship, then load with

rice and go on to Whampoa, if she was to load with tea for her return

voyage. It almost always happened that these arrangements could be made,

as arrivals were continually taking place with rice cargoes or general

cargoes.

After a week's detention at Lintin, the 'Citizen' was directed to

receive any river freight that might offer, and proceed to Whampoa.

In passing the Bogue[5] Forts, the main topsail was backed while the

pilot went on shore to exhibit his pass to the Mandarin, with whom he

returned to the ship, ostensibly to verify description with fact; but

it is unnecessary to say this had become a mere matter of form. After

a glass of wine, and presenting the old gentleman with a few sheets of

writing paper, which, I found out afterwards, were considered a great

treat, I offered him a box of a then recent invention, viz., friction

matches; they astonished him mightily, and he left us with numerous

'Chin-chin's' and best wishes for 'good wind and good water,' equivalent

to a quick passage. We anchored abreast of French Island on the 20th.

* * * * *

It was in the year 1745 that Yung Ching, the third Emperor of the

present dynasty, ordered all foreign trade to be confined to the port

of Canton, universally known as Whampoa. Separated by a branch of the

river from French Island stands Dane's Island. These were so named from

the privilege that those nationalities originally enjoyed of occupying

bankshalls or storehouses upon them, wherein to shelter the crews while

smoking ship and overhauling after the desperately long passages they

must have made from Europe. All vestiges of those buildings have long

since disappeared, but numerous decaying tombstones, half buried beneath

earth and weeds, still tell the tale. The regular tea season being over,

we found few vessels at Whampoa, and these, as with the 'Citizen,' were

designated, 'out of season ships.' The northern side of the anchorage

is formed by the important island of Wang-Po; the river is named the

Wang-Po, and the same is applied to the anchorage. The words mean the

'Yellow Anchorage.' On the island is a large town of many thousand

inhabitants, almost all of whom are directly or indirectly connected

with the foreign shipping, as compradores, stevedores, blacksmiths, &c.

The Choo, or Pearl River, commonly called the Canton River, presented a

vastly different appearance on the 21st February, 1825, from what it did

twenty years later. It was then crowded with native vessels, including

those immense coasting junks which have now almost entirely disappeared.

They then made voyages to the northern and southern ports of China, to

the Celebes, Borneo and Java, and to Singapore, as well as to Manila.

Long tiers of salt junks lined the shore of the island of Honam; these

brought cargoes from Teenpak and places on the coast south-westward of

Macao. They were owned by a corporation of salt merchants, who enjoyed

a monopoly of the trade, and, to prevent smuggling, a special fleet of

cruisers was organised by the local government. The penalties against

a clandestine introduction of salt were as severe and more rigorously

carried out than even against opium. The merchants were an influential

body, as much considered as the Hong merchants, whom they rivalled in

wealth. The number of cargo boats from the interior, of passenger boats,

floating residences and up-country craft, with Government cruisers

and flower boats, was prodigious. To these must be added sampans,[6]

ferry boats plying to and from Honam, and quantities of barbers' boats,

vendors of every description of food, of clothes, of toys, and what

would be called household requirements if in shops on shore; besides

boats of fortune-tellers and of theatrical performers--in short, imagine

a city afloat, and it conveys a very correct idea of the incessant

movement, the subdued noises, the life and gaiety of the river.

But now, an additional interest was added to this floating scene, from

its being the first days of the Chinese new year. The noise of gongs,

as a compliment to the meeting of mutual acquaintances or when one boat

or junk arrived or set sail, was startling; and finally, the red and

gilt patches of paper, on which words or sentences were written in large

black characters, appropriate to the opening of the new year, formed

another conspicuous feature on every kind of craft. Ships' boats were

usually furnished with paddles, which were always brought into use from

below the Dutch Folly to the landing place in front of the factories.

The oars of our boat being therefore replaced by them, with skill and

patience, after two hours from Whampoa, we landed at 'Jackass Point,'

so memorable in the days of old Canton. Crossing the Square, under

the guidance of Captain Keen, we entered the Suy-Hong, and met with

the kindest reception from Mr. Jacob Covert and Oliver H. Gordon, the

special agents of Mr. Smith, and from the two younger members of the

office, John H. Grosvenor and Thomas Bloodgood.

Having been sent by Mr. Smith to Canton expressly to study the Chinese

language preparatory to entering his office there, as the difficulties

to be overcome in providing a teacher for me proved insuperable, Mr.

Covert decided to send me at once to Singapore, where a college had

been commenced in which foreign students could be received, and which

might be ready for the purpose. I went, therefore, to the Straits in

the Bombay ship 'Good Success,' Captain Poynton, and arrived at my

destination in the month of April, after seventeen days' passage.

I took letters to the Resident, Mr. Crawford, and others, and was

consigned to Messrs. A. L. Johnston and Co. The college, however, had

not only not been finished, but there was no prospect of its being. My

friends, therefore, after taking information from Malacca, where the

Anglo-Chinese College was in full operation, sent me there in a small

native brig. We arrived after four days' passage from Singapore. During

the two months that I passed at Singapore I was the guest of Mr. and

Mrs. Christopher Read in their bungalow on the ascent of Government

Hill. I shall never forget the parental care of my host and hostess.

They soon caused me to forget that I was the youngest of strangers

in, to me, a most strange land. To this day I recall their quiet and

unaffected efforts to make me at home, and the drives they took me in

their palkee gharrie. The novelty of everything interested me; it was as

if I had landed on another planet. At that time the site occupied by the

present town of Singapore was being cleared of its primitive jungle.

The Anglo-Chinese College was in every way adapted for instruction, and

I continued in it as a student of Chinese until the end of December

1826. I then left in the ship 'Bengal Merchant' for Canton. She was

loaded with cotton and opium, and not a fast sailer. Captain Brown was a

most pleasant and agreeable gentleman, full of jokes and amusing stories

with which to while away the time. We anchored at Singapore, which gave

me an opportunity to see my old friends the Reads, Mr. A. L. Johnston,

and to run up to Government House to make my salaam to Governor and

Mrs. Crawford and their nieces, being received everywhere with a kindly

welcome and the exclamation, 'How you have grown!' Continuing on our

voyage, we passed through the Caramatta Passage, the Java Sea, Straits

of Salayer, and into the Pacific by Dampier's Straits again. Between the

Pelews and the Bashees we fell in with a typhoon _au grand complet_. At

night the sea was as white as snow and of portentous height, coming

upon us with the full uninterrupted sweep of the Pacific. We anchored at

Lintin after a passage of sixty days.

Mr. D. W. C. Olyphant had arrived in 1826 as the successor of Mr.

Covert; Mr. Gordon had entered the office of Messrs. Russell and Co.,

No. 2 Suy-Hong. The American Factory had been entirely built anew

since 1825, and to it I betook myself. In addition to Mr. Olyphant

were Charles N. Talbot and Charles W. King. Mr. Talbot was filling the

office of U.S. Consul, and the flag was daily hoisted in the Square in

front of the house. No. 1 Suy-Hong was occupied by James P. Sturgis,

No. 3 by John R. Latimer, and No. 4 by John P. Cushing, T. T. Forbes,

and John Hart. With Mr. Olyphant I called on, and made the acquaintance

of, the Rev. Dr. Morrison, who had recently returned from England. Soon

after I underwent a searching examination by him of the progress I had

made in my Chinese studies at the Malacca College, and he pronounced

it to be 'good.' There was no intention, however, that they should be

discontinued, and in a few days I was placed under the tutorship of Le

Seen-Sang. The tea season was over; all but one or two 'out of season'

ships had sailed, but of those remaining was my old home and 'first

cradle of the deep,' the 'Citizen,' and it was not long before Captain

Keen and I again on board at Whampoa 'fought over the battles' of our

voyage out together.

* * * * *

The year 1827 was a dull one so far as business was concerned, and I

read Chinese with my teacher 'Le.' At length the tea season commenced

in October. When the ships began to arrive, unpleasant news came

also. My brother, of the office of Thomas H. Smith and Son (as it

had become), wrote me that 'difficulties' existed in the affairs of

the house. Finally it stopped payment and went into liquidation, but

from causes not attributable to its China business. The Canton agency

had therefore to be closed. Consulting with Mr. Olyphant in regard to

myself, he advised me to return to New York, where only my position

could be arranged. As usual at the time of which I write, certain

indentures between employers and _employés_ were usually drawn up. They

existed between Mr. Smith and myself. In them, he engaged to send me to

China for the purpose of acquiring the Chinese language, and then to

be employed in his Factory at Canton, as clerk or Factor, and I was to

render him service until I should have reached the age of twenty-one.

It was a long time for me to look forward to in 1827. Several ships of

the New York house were loading which had arrived in regular course

before insurmountable difficulties had occurred. Amongst them was the

'Mary Lord,' Captain Rosseter. I left in her and arrived in a good

run of 120 days. My fellow-passenger was Mr. Daniel Stansbury, whose

name has become identified with the American trade at Canton from his

having been the inventor of a measuring rod, by which cargoes were ever

after measured. It proved to be an instrument of wonderful accuracy and

rapidity, simple in the extreme, as well as the most convenient that can

be imagined. 'Stansbury's measuring rod,' now proverbial, dates from our

last war with Great Britain, 1812, when the inventor, being at Canton,

and business with the United States suspended for some time, in his days

of forced idleness he conceived the actual mode of measuring cargoes,

which up to that time had been measured with the foot rule!

My interviews with Mr. George W. Bruen, the partner of Mr. Smith, led

to no other result than the cancelling of the indentures, without

indemnity. Not long after Mr. D. W. C. Olyphant himself returned to

New York, leaving Messrs. Talbot and King at Canton, with the view of

establishing a house there of his own. His first purchase was a very

fine ship named the 'Roman,' Captain Lavender, of about 500 tons. He

offered me a passage out in her, for the _chance_ of being employed

in the new house, which afterwards occupied for a great many years

so distinguished a position in the commercial community in China. I

accepted the _chance_ and sailed in the 'Roman' in October. We were in

all six passengers. The father and brother of Mr. Charles N. Talbot

going out for the trip; Mr. Talbot, senior, had already been to Canton

in 1802 or 1803. Two of the others were the Rev. E. C. Bridgman and

the Rev. David Abeel. They were the first American missionaries to the

Chinese. The former became one of the most accomplished Sinalogues of

the day (which I _do not_ attribute to my having given to both these

gentlemen daily lessons on the passage out!), while Mr. Abeel was the

_first_ United States Consul appointed at _any_ port north of Canton,

being commissioned to Amoy.

* * * * *

We sailed in October, and anchored at Lintin in February, _viâ_

Dampier's Straits, in 134 days. I was received by Mr. Talbot, who, from

the yet uncertain advices from New York as regarded future business,

could hold out no encouragement for me of office work; but, failing

any other house, I was always welcome to a return passage in the

'Roman.' There were very few American houses then in Canton, and they

were Agencies; moreover, they seemed provided with youngsters, and I

accordingly prepared to leave again for New York. Meanwhile, however,

Mr. Talbot busied himself on my behalf, but the stay of the 'Roman'

was short and she was soon to be despatched. There appeared absolutely

nothing to be done. A few days before the ship sailed, while in my room,

occupied with my luggage, one of the Chinese servants came to me, and

said, 'Mr. Talbot chin-chin you come down.' I went accordingly, and was

introduced to Mr. Samuel Russell, the chief of the house of Russell &

Co. He had heard, he said, from Mr. Talbot, of my probable return home

in the 'Roman,' and had come to invite me to his office. I accepted

the offer, and in the evening I was duly installed at No. 2 Suy-Hong.

This was on March 24, 1829, and it became my uninterrupted home until

December 31, 1842.

* * * * *

The word 'Factory' was an importation from India, where the commercial

establishments of the 'East India Company' were so designated, and

synonymous with 'agency.' It is well to explain this, as it is now being

confounded with 'manufactory.'

The space occupied by the foreign community at Canton was about 300 feet

from the banks of the Pearl River, eighty miles from Macao, sixty miles

from Lintin, forty miles from the Bogue Forts, and ten miles from the

Whampoa anchorage. In breadth from east to west it was about 1,000 feet.

On it stood the Factories, which comprised the dwellings and places of

business of each nation originally under one roof. The line of frontage

was uniform, all looking due south. The distinction of _new_ given to

_one_ of the two buildings occupied by the 'Company' applied to that

one which was rebuilt after the great fire of 1822, which destroyed all

the others, with a few exceptions, as well as, according to official

accounts, '12,000 Chinese houses, shops, and temples in the western

suburb.' Each Factory consisted of a succession of buildings, behind

one another, separated by narrow spaces or courts, and running north.

The front ones were numbered 1, those back of them, nearly all of three

stories, No. 2, 3, and so on. The least numerous Factories were then

in the American Hong, the greatest number were in the Danish and Dutch

Hongs, which contained seven and eight respectively.

The Chinese word 'Hong' was applied to any place of business, but

was more particularly used to designate the Hongs of the 'Security

Merchants' whence Hong Merchants or any foreign Factory in its entirety.

It signifies a row of buildings. By the Chinese, the places of business

of foreigners were known as 'Foreign Hongs;' those of the Security

Merchants as 'Foreign Hong Merchants.'

Beginning at the west, stood the Danish Factory; adjoining it were

Chinese shops in its whole length, forming New China Street, which here

intervened, separating it from the Spanish. Next the French, and by its

side in its whole length, that of the Hong Merchant Chungqua; Old China

Street here came in, and against it was the American, then the Imperial,

by its side the Paou-shun, next in order the Swedish, the old English,

and then the Chow-Chow.[7] Now came a small narrow lane, the renowned

Hog Lane, most appropriately named. The high walls of the new English

Factory bordered the lane, having as next neighbour eastward the Dutch,

and next to this stood the Creek Factory. The latter took its name from

a small creek, which, running down along the walls of the city, here

emptied into the river. Originally this creek formed the ditch of the

west side of the city.

The entire number of buildings, therefore, was thirteen. Immediately in

their rear, and running east and west, was a long, narrow, but important

street, named 'Thirteen Factory Street.'

From the front of the new English a long broad terrace projected towards

the river, its columns supporting an entablature, whose pediment bore

the arms of England with the substitute of 'Pro Regis et Senatus Angliæ'

for 'Honi soit qui mal y pense.' The Dutch company ('Maatschappay')

possessed a similar terrace, with the national arms and motto 'Je

maintiendrai.' These two, the English and Dutch Companies, were the

direct successors of those founded on December 31, 1600, and in 1602

respectively. The English Jack, the Dutch, the United States, and the

Spanish flags, were daily, in 1825, hoisted before those respective

Factories, and were visible from a great distance. The Spanish flag

represented the Philippine Company. The French flag was hoisted on

December 13, 1832, after an interval of thirty years; it denoted simply

the Canton residence of the Consul, as the trade of that country was

insignificant, while the Swedish, Danish, and Imperial (Austrian) direct

commerce had ceased, and no other Western nation traded directly with

Canton. Portugal was confined in her commercial relations to her own

colony of Macao; Russia to Kiachkta. From the port of Cha-po, on the

east coast of China, two junks sailed annually to Nagasaki. Siamese

vessels would occasionally be seen at Whampoa, when conveying tribute

bearers on their way to Pekin, and not far from the Factories was the

residence of the Ambassadors.

At the northern extremity of Old China Street, and facing it, stood

an extensive and handsomely built series of buildings, in the Chinese

style, called the 'Consoo' House, or 'Council Hall of the Foreign

Factories.' It contained numerous suites of rooms for receptions and

business, with open courtyards, and was always kept in excellent order

and cleanliness by the Chinese in charge. It was the property of the

Hong merchants collectively, and was maintained by funds appropriated

by them for the purpose. When any event bearing upon the foreign

trade required it, such as new regulations, or confirming old ones,

or a revision of duties, the 'Tai pans' or _Chiefs of Houses_ would

be invited to meet the Hong merchants and discuss the subject. Any

foreigner went if inclined, and would occasionally learn of many

official acts, having a bearing upon business, and even upon his daily

walks or boat-pulling on the river, which may have come under the notice

of the authorities, who would have suggested shorter journeys or the

exercise of care from collisions. It was also in the Consoo House that

the Hong merchants met, or a committee of them, in the rare cases of

bankruptcy or pecuniary difficulties of one of their number, and it

was the depository of books of accounts relative thereto, as well as

of records of meetings. The entrance to it was by a flight of broad

granite steps, through large heavy folding doors of a highly polished

and valuable wood.[8] Being a handsome specimen of this style of Chinese

architecture, foreign visitors to Canton were taken to see it as one of

the sights.

The Factories were the individual property of the Hong merchants,

and were hired of them. By law, no women were permitted to enter

them, nor were guns, muskets, powder, or military weapons allowed to

be brought within the gates. Entrance to the rear Factories was by

arched passages running through those in front. The lower floors were

occupied by counting-rooms, go-downs, and store-rooms, by the rooms of

the Compradore, his assistants, servants and coolies, as well as by

a massively built treasury of granite, with iron doors, an essential

feature, there being no banks in existence. In front of each treasury

was a well-paved open space, with table for scales and weights, the

indispensable adjuncts of all money transactions, as receipts and

payments were made by weight only, except in some peculiar case. The

second floor was devoted to dining and sitting rooms, the third to

bedrooms. As almost all were provided with broad verandahs and the

buildings put up with care, they were quite comfortable, although

in every respect devoid of ornamental work. In front of the middle

Factories between Old China Street and Hog Lane ran a broad stone

pavement, and this bordered an open space running down to the banks of

the river, a distance of about three hundred feet. On the east side

it was bounded by the wall of the East India Company's landing place

and enclosure, and on the west by the wall in front of the landing and

enclosure of Chungqua's Hong. The Chinese were prohibited from loitering

about this 'Square,' as it was called. On the corner of Old China

Street and the American Hong stood a guard-house with ten or a dozen

Chinese soldiers, acting as police to prevent disturbance or annoyance

to the 'foreign devils.' On the edge of the river, facing the 'Pow

Shun' and the Creek Hongs were 'Chop' houses,[9] or branches of the

Hoppo's department, whose _duty_ it was to prevent smuggling, but whose

_interest_ it was to aid and facilitate the shipping off of silks (or

the landing of cloths) at a considerable reduction from the Imperial

tariff. A few pleasant words, accompanied by a fee, would secure a

permit for the boat of the 'Wandering Eagle' to be allowed to pass all

revenue cruisers 'without molestation' on her way to Whampoa.

[Illustration:

Island of Honam.

_REFERENCE._

A. _Pwanting Qua Street._

B. _New China Street._

C. _Old China Street._

_X Guard House._

D. _Hog Lane._

E. _The Creek._

F. _Jack Ass Point._

L. _Old Clothes Street._

N. _Old Tom Linguist._

O. _Carpenters Square._

P. _Bridge Over Creek._

G.H.J. _Custom Houses._

K. _King Qua's Hong._

M. _Mau Qua's Hong._

H. _Hou Qua's Hong._

X. _Honam Joss House._

Y. _Hou Qua's House._

Z. _Pwanting Qua's House._

_CH._ _Consoo House._

]

The words Factory and Hong were interchangeable, although not

identical. The former, as will have been seen, consisted of dwellings

and offices combined. The latter not only contained numerous offices

for _employés_, cooks, messengers, weighmasters, &c., but were of vast

extent, and capable of receiving an entire ship's cargo, as well as

quantities of teas and silk. When speaking of their own residences,

foreigners generally used the word 'Factories;' when of a Hong

merchant's place of business, the word Hong. The Swedish Factory,

however, seemed to enjoy the distinction of going by its Chinese

appellation, viz. 'Suy-Hong.'[10]

I have been thus specific in the description of these world-renowned

Factories, as they were subsequently razed to the ground consequent

upon Sir Michael Seymour's bombardment of the city of Canton. When I

last visited the site, nearly thirty-five years after I first took up

my residence in them, it was literally unrecognisable. It presented

a scene, the desolation of desolation; there remained not one stone

upon another! For more than one hundred years they had formed the sole

residence of foreigners within the limits of the vast Chinese Empire.

The business transacted within their walls was incalculable, and I think

I am safe in saying that from the novelty of the life, the social good

feeling and unbounded hospitality always mutually existing; from the

facility of all dealings with the Chinese who were assigned to transact

business with us, together with their proverbial honesty, combined with

a sense of perfect security to person and property, scarcely a resident

of any lengthened time, in short, any 'Old Canton,' but finally left

them with regret.

In no part of the world could the authorities have exercised a more

vigilant care over the personal safety of strangers who of their own

free will came to live in the midst of a population whose customs and

prejudices were so opposed to everything foreign, and yet the Chinese

Government was bound by no treaty obligations to _specially_ provide

protection for them. They dwelt at Canton purely on sufferance. Neither

Consul nor any other official representative from abroad was directly

acknowledged as such, and yet the solicitude of the local government

never flagged. In addition to the guards always posted at the corner of

the American Hong and Old China Street, others were stationed in various

directions in the suburbs frequented by foreigners, in order that any

Chinese who might be troublesome could be driven off, or that they

could escort back to the factories those who were uncertain of their

whereabouts.

During the north-east monsoon fires were quite frequent in the densely

populated suburbs lying north of the factories. When they threatened the

foreign quarter the Hong merchants, acting in consonance with the known

wishes of the Mandarins, would send gangs of armed coolies to assist in

the removal to boats provided by them of books, papers, treasure, and

personal effects. All strange Chinese would be ruthlessly driven from

the Square, and an unobstructed passage to the boats secured. I have

witnessed this repeatedly. Should a foreigner get into a disturbance

in the street, and it was generally safe to say it was through his

own fault, the Chinamen went to the wall. When a mob of many thousand

ruffians invaded the Factory Square, as in November 1838, shortly

preceding the opium surrender, and with stones and missiles of all sorts

drove the foreigners inside their gates, which they were forced to

barricade, a not unnatural anxiety prevailed amongst us as to what might

be the result. Yet this attack was _caused by foreigners, who interfered

with the Mandarins_ while attempting to carry out Government orders.

All foreigners who came to Canton, from the first arrivals, were

considered as having no other object than that of commerce. The

English and the Dutch made their appearance in the first half of the

seventeenth century; successively arrived, the Danes, Swedes, and

Austrians (Imperialists). The Spaniards invited the Chinese to their new

settlement at Manila for a time, and afterwards they themselves came to

the provincial city.

Some amongst these different nationalities, tradition said the Dutch,

had _red hair_, which led the Chinese facetiously to apply the term

'Red-headed Devils' ever after to all foreigners alike. They themselves

give to the whole of their own race the name of 'Black Hair'd.'

The authorities framed eight regulations for the especial government

and control of these divers people from afar. They date from the year

1760, and are curious enough to recall. Never having been abrogated,

they were assumed to be in force always. They were confirmed by an edict

of the Emperor Kea-King in 1819, after a revision in 1810. Some of them

came to be disregarded by the foreign community, particularly those

referring to the Gardens, the Honam Temple, and pulling in their own

boats on the river; but so far as regards women entering the Factories,

an infringement of them in this essential particular took place in

1830, as will be seen hereafter. The chief sufferers in the event of a

disregard of any important item of the regulations would of course be

the Hong merchants. The 'Eight Regulations' were now and then brought to

the Factories by a Linguist, as an intimation that they were not to be

considered a 'dead letter.' Translated into English they read thus----

_Regulation 1._--All vessels of war are prohibited from

entering the Bogue. Vessels of war acting as convoy to

merchantmen must anchor outside at Sea till their merchant-ships

are ready to depart, and then sail away with them.

_Regulation 2._--Neither women, guns, spears, nor arms of

any kind can be brought to the Factories.

_Regulation 3._--All river-pilots and ships' Compradores

must be registered at the office of the 'Tung-Che'[11] at Macao.

That officer will also furnish each one of them with a licence,

or badge, which must be worn around the waist. He must produce

it whenever called for. All other boatmen and people must not

have communication with foreigners, unless under the immediate

control of the ships' Compradores; and should smuggling take

place, the Compradore[12] of the ship engaged in it will be

punished.

_Regulation 4._--Each Factory is restricted for its service

to 8 Chinese (irrespective of the number of its occupants), say

2 porters, 4 water-carriers, 1 person to take care of goods

('go-down coolie'), and 1 mā-chen (intended for the foreign word

'merchant'), who originally performed all the duties of the

'House Compradore,' as he is styled to-day.

_Regulation 5_ prohibits foreigners from rowing about the

river in their own boats for 'pleasure.' On the 8th, 18th, and

28th days of the moon 'they may take the air,' as fixed by the

Government in the 21st year of Kea-King (1819). All ships'

boats passing the Custom-houses on the river must be detained

and examined, to guard against guns, swords, or firearms being

furtively carried in them. On the 8th, 18th, and 28th days of

the moon these foreign barbarians may visit the Flower Gardens

and the Honam Joss-house,[13] but not in _droves_ of over ten

at one time. When they have 'refreshed' they must return to the

Factories, not be allowed to pass the night 'out,' or collect

together to carouse. Should they do so, then, when the next

'holiday' comes, they shall not be permitted to go. If the ten

should presume to enter villages, public places, or bazaars,

punishment will be inflicted upon the _Linguist_ who accompanies

them.

_Regulation 6._--Foreigners are not allowed to present

petitions. If they have anything to represent, it must be done

through the Hong merchants.

_Regulation 7._--Hong merchants are not to owe debts to

foreigners. Smuggling goods to and from the city is prohibited.

_Regulation 8._--Foreign ships arriving with merchandise

must not loiter about outside the river; they must come direct

to Whampoa. They must not rove about the bays at pleasure and

sell to rascally natives goods subject to duty, that these

may smuggle them, and thereby defraud His Celestial Majesty's

revenue.

* * * * *

Originally there existed two English East India Companies, the oldest of

which was incorporated in 1579. In the year 1600 they amalgamated, and

received a charter from Queen Elizabeth. At the same time they assumed

the title of the 'United East India Company,' and as a trade-mark, a

heart with two transverse bars, bearing in the four divisions thus

formed the letters V. E. I. C.

[Illustration: V E I C]

This trade-mark had acquired such a well-merited reputation at Canton,

that it was considered unnecessary to examine any package of merchandise

that bore it. A simple exhibition of musters was made, when transactions

were concluded, and the original packages forwarded unopened to all

parts of the Empire. The Company's vessels first arrived at Canton

between 1650 and 1660, and tea was first used in England in 1666.

By the Chinese the Company was known as Kung-Se, the characters

signify 'United Affairs.' By the Canton community its representatives

collectively were universally referred to as 'The Factory.' They were

much more numerous than the members of any other establishment. In 1825,

the 'Factory' consisted of Sir James Urmston, chief; Messrs. W. H. C.

Plowden, Marjoribanks, and J. F. Davis, of whom two, with the chief,

formed a select committee; of writers (as usually called) there were

about twenty; an inspector of teas, Mr. Reeves; chaplain, the Rev. R. H.

Vachell; surgeons, Pierson and Colledge; and an interpreter, the Rev.

Dr. Robert Morrison.

The 'Factory' entertained with unbounded hospitality and in a princely

style. Their dining-room was of vast dimensions, opening upon the

terrace overlooking the river. On the left was a library, amply stocked,

the librarian of which was Dr. Pierson; on the right a billiard room.

At one extremity of the dining-room was a life-size portrait of George

IV. in royal robes, with crown and sceptre, the same that had been taken

by the Embassy of Lord Amherst to Pekin, offered to and refused by the

Emperor Keen-Lung, and brought to Canton overland. Opposite to it hung a

smaller full-length portrait of Lord Amherst.

From the ceiling depended a row of huge chandeliers, with wax lights,

the table bore candelabra, reflecting a choice service amidst quantities

of silver plate.

I was glad to have witnessed this sight, unique in that distant quarter

of the world, to reach which the old adage would apply, 'it was not

every one who could get to Corinth.' Soon after I landed at Canton, I

had the honour of a first invitation to dine with the 'Factory' and must

confess that at my then age I accepted it with fear and trepidation. One

of the _invité_ from the Suy-Hong, Mr. Oliver H. Gordon, accompanied me.

Our way led through the great outer gate, past the 'chapel' whose spire

bore conspicuously a large clock, the only one in Canton, and by which

everyone regulated his watch; then up a broad flight of stone steps to a

verandah, crossing which one entered the library and reception room as

well. When the hosts and the guests had assembled, large folding doors

were opened and we entered the noble dining-room, whose brilliancy and

cheerfulness and gorgeously furnished table I see _now_. At the remote

end of the room were grouped the Chinese servants of the Factory and of

the guests, in caps and long robes, who immediately took up their places

behind their respective masters as soon as seated.

About thirty gentlemen were present, including Mr. Bletterman, chief

of the 'Maatschappay;'[14] Mr. Hollingworth Magniac, of the 'licensed'

house of Magniac & Co. (predecessors of the present firm of Jardine,

Matheson, & Co.); Mr. Thomas Dent, of another 'licensed' firm, Thomas

Dent & Co.; and several of my own countrymen, including Mr. Benjamin C.

Wilcox and John R. Latimer.

But the days of the Honourable East India Company were now unconsciously

drawing to an end. It had existed for 250 years! It ceased as a

'commercial' body in 1833. Many members of the 'Factory' were then

removed to India and there took up civil appointments. Messrs. Astell

and Clarke alone remained at Canton to close up outstanding affairs,

and finally left in December 1839. Twenty-five more years were accorded

to the Company after 1833 to transfer to the Crown the splendid empire

those enterprising merchants had founded in India, and in 1858 its sun

set--politically.

Few now remain who witnessed the final breaking up and departure of

'the Factory' from Canton; personally, there was much regret, as it had

always been a marked feature in the community. The 'Outside' Merchants,

unshackled from licenses, hailed it as an auspicious day, opening up to

them visions of prosperity, which soon assumed the form and substance of

reality. As an event to be placed 'on record' as the Chinese say, the

first 'free ship' with 'free teas' was loaded at Whampoa and despatched

for London on March 22, 1834, by the still existing house of Messrs.

Jardine, Matheson, & Co. The vessel was named the 'Sarah,' Captain

Whiteside.

The principal teas shipped by the Company were Bohea and Congo. One may

judge of their qualities by their selling in England from 'two shillings

and sixpence up to sixty shillings per pound, while sound common Congo

is selling to-day at sixpence farthing'! (Messrs. J. C. Sillar & Co's

tea circular of February, 1881.) The Company imported English-made

woollens and cottons and raw cotton from India. The most important of

the licensed houses in 1825 were Magniac & Co., Thomas Dent & Co.,

Ilberry, Fearon & Co., Whiteman & Co., and Robertson, Cullen, & Co.

(Colonel Fearon, who commanded the detachment of troops on board the

East India Company's ship 'Kent,' burnt in the Bay of Biscay, 1825, on

her way to Calcutta, was a brother of the Mr. Fearon just named.) Their

transactions were with India, and in the aggregate on a very extensive

scale. They received raw cotton from the three Presidencies; opium

from Bombay and Calcutta; rice, pepper, tin, &c., from the Straits of

Malacca. The local name for their business was the 'Country Trade' the

ships were 'Country Ships' and the masters of them 'Country Captains.'

Some of my readers may recall a dish which was often placed before us,

when dining on board these vessels at Whampoa, viz., 'Country Captain.'

The ships were 'Country' built as well, and of teak; they were not fast

sailers, but comfortable and substantial. They made one voyage annually,

rolling up the China Sea before the south-west monsoon and rolling down

again with the north-east. Some of them, as the 'Sulimany,' the 'Fort

William,' the 'Futty Salaam,' were not far from their eightieth birthday.

* * * * *

The Hong merchants (collectively, the Co-Hong) as a body corporate date

from 1720. From that year, except for a short interval before 1725,

they were the monopolists of the foreign trade. The principal ones, in

1825, were Houqua, Mouqua, Pwankeiqua, Pwansuylan, Chungqua, Kingqua,

and Gouqua. The affix _qua_, which is usually supposed to be a part of

the name, is simply a term of civility or respect, and is equivalent to

Mister or Sir. The word means literally to 'manage' or 'control.' The

number of the 'Co-Hong' was limited to thirteen.

Their establishments commenced on the creek already referred to, and

extended eastward on the riverside, whereby the shipping off and landing

of cargo were attended with great facilities. They were the 'warehouses'

in which were received all the teas and silk from the interior, and

in which these articles were repacked, if necessary, weighed, matted,

and marked, before being sent to the ships at Whampoa. The boats in

which they were conveyed were of a peculiar build, with circular decks

and sides, and from their resemblance to a melon they were called

'water-melons' by the Chinese, but by foreigners they were always

referred to as 'chop-boats.' They were of the capacity of 500 chests

of tea, or 500 piculs of weight. The orderly and intelligent despatch

of business at the Hongs was characteristic of the Chinese, as were the

neatness of all packages and the dexterity with which they were handled.

The Hong merchants were the only ones officially recognised by the

Government, and no goods bought of 'outside' Chinese could be shipped

off except through one or the other of the 'Hongs,' which received

thereon a tax, and in whose name they were reported to the Hoppo. The

'outside' merchants had, however, become of great importance, their

transactions were on an immense scale annually. As manufacturers of

silks, of floor-matting, nankeens, crapes, grass-cloth, and a host of

less important articles, many of them had amassed great wealth; at the

same time, they were always assumed, officially, as confining themselves

strictly to such things as were necessary for the 'personal use' of

foreign residents. In fact, it was 'custom' from time to time for the

authorities to remind them of this, and even to enumerate the things

which they were only allowed to furnish. As a curiosity they may be

recorded--clothing, umbrellas, straw hats, fans, shoes, and so on!

The Hong merchants were responsible to the Hoppo for the duties on all

exports and imports. They alone transacted business with that officer's

department--viz., the 'Customs'--by which foreigners were spared trouble

and inconvenience. It may be as well to mention here that the 'Hoppo'

(as he was incorrectly styled) filled an office especially created

for the foreign trade at Canton. He received his appointment from the

Emperor himself, and took rank with the first officers of the province.

The Board of Revenue is in Chinese 'Hoo-poo' and the office was locally

misapplied to the officer in question.

As controllers of the entire foreign commerce of the port of Canton,

which amounted annually to many millions of dollars, if the benefits

derived therefrom were of vast importance, the responsibilities were

also great. For infractions of 'regulations' by a ship or by her agents

they were liable. It was assumed that they could, or should, control

foreigners residing in the Factories as well as the vessels anchored at

Whampoa. In both cases they were required to 'secure' due 'obedience.'

Every resident therefore had his 'sponsor' from the moment of landing,

as every ship had hers, and hence the Hong merchants became 'security

merchants.' My own was Houqua, who of course represented some others

also, and in view of these mutual relationships we would jocularly call

them 'our horse godfathers.'

The purchases of the East India Company were divided amongst the Hong

merchants proportionately, in shares, of which fourteen fell to the lot

of Houqua.

The position of Hong merchant was obtained through the payment of large

sums of money at Pekin. I have heard of as much as 200,000 taels, say

55,000_l._ sterling. If the 'license' thus acquired was costly, it

secured to them uninterrupted and extraordinary pecuniary advantages;

but, on the other hand, it subjected them to calls or 'squeezes' for

contributions to public works or buildings, for the relief of districts

suffering from a scarcity of rice, as well as for the often imaginary or

over-estimated damage caused by the overflowing of the 'Yang-tsze-Keang'

or the 'Yellow River.'

'Well, Houqua,' you would say on some visit, 'hav got news to-day?' 'Hav

got too muchee bad news,' he would reply; 'Hwang Ho hav spilum too

muchee' That sounded ominously. 'Man-ta-le[15] hav come see you?' 'He

no come see my, he sendee come one piece "chop." He come to-mollo. He

wantchee my two-lac[16] dollar.' It was the old complaint, a 'squeeze'

and this time a formidable one. 'You pay he how mutchee?' 'My pay he

fitty, sikky tousand so.' 'But s'pose he no contentee?' 'S'pose he,

N^{o.} 1, no contentee, my pay he one lac.' This actual incident will

show the sort of demands upon the senior Hong merchant (each one being

called upon in his turn) and their pecuniary importance. They knew at

the same time that the object of the 'squeeze' was exaggerated, and,

even if necessary, that only a modest portion would go to the repairs

of the banks of the river, the mandarin thinking that his own personal

wants were far more pressing. They might try to parry the question,

they might succeed in getting the sum asked for diminished, but they

could not escape. Payments would also be made by them to the Hoppo on

the occasion of his return to Pekin, on the appointment of a successor,

as well as to the chiefs of the Revenue Board in that capital; but such

as these had a _raison d'être_, they secured influence and protection,

and besides, the sums paid were voluntary and comparatively moderate in

amount.

As it added to their dignity and privileges, the Hong merchants

purchased nominal rank, the insignia of which was denoted by a button or

coloured globe attached to the apex of the cap. Of this they might be

deprived for offences against the law or for bankruptcy; then a wearer

of it in local parlance would be 'unbuttoned,' or deprived of this

significant emblem of his social and public status.

The occupation of a 'merchant' in China is looked down upon by wealthy

landed proprietors, by the _literati_, and by those who have risen to

official rank through their own talents; but bankruptcy is considered

degrading and even criminal.

Bankrupts are first deprived of any nominal rank they may possess before

being so adjudged by law. Previous to my arrival at Canton one case

of a bankrupt Hong merchant had taken place. The penalty for a member

of the Co-Hong was transportation to E-Lee. Only one other occurred

during the remainder of the period of the existence of the Co-Hong. The

last exiled bankrupt was Mān-Hŏ. He had been a general favourite with

the foreign community, was a person of courteous manners, and in every

respect a well-bred and kindly man. He had borne on his cap the 'blue

button' which denoted the third rank--principal--and it gave him the

privilege of a certain title on his cards, &c. The books and affairs

of his Hong passed into the charge of the Co-Hong for examination, the

result proved most unsatisfactory, and when it was laid before the Hoppo

he was declared bankrupt, and sentenced to transportation for life to

E-Lee (the present Kuldja), on the north-west frontier. It is commonly

spoken of by the Canton Chinese as the 'Colo'[17] country. Few know its

geographical position. Preparations having been made for his departure,

at a moment when some officials were leaving for that remote province,

Mān-Hŏ, with other condemned persons, was placed under their charge. The

boats, having all these on board, anchored off the Factories. Many of

his old Chinese and foreign friends went on board to say goodbye. One

of the latter handed him a letter, in which was expressed sympathy for

his misfortunes. And it added that a sum of money, subscribed by the

Hong merchants and themselves for his personal comfort, had been placed

with reliable servants of his own, who were accompanying him of their

own accord. Neither the Government nor the Hoppo objects to such aid

being rendered by relations and friends to one who by misfortune or bad

management has incurred the penalty of the law, if not excessive. In the

present case the amount was 10,000 dollars.

In a few hours after, the convoy left on one of the most dreary journeys

that can be imagined. It occupied several months, involving constant

transhipment to other boats, now over execrable roads in the most

comfortless of bamboo chairs, then on pony back, and frequently on foot.

A very long time after his departure we heard, by the return of one of

his servants, that Mān-hŏ had been at first set to work as 'sweeper'

in a temple, which he was able to compromise into a purely nominal

'office.' Again, that he had managed to get about him sundry comforts,

such as E-Lee possessed, which is saying very little. Years passed, when

we at once heard of his death and of the arrival of the body at Canton

(in charge of the servants who had remained with him) for interment in

his native place.

After Mān-hŏ left Canton I saw, in the hands of one of the above foreign

contributors, his promissory note for $60,000, bearing interest at 5

per cent. per month. This was not exorbitant, under the circumstances

in which it was given. The current rate of interest, with the best

security, was 1 per cent. per month on running account, while 2 to 3 per

cent. on temporary loans per month was common.

As a body of merchants, we found them honourable and reliable in all

their dealings, faithful to their contracts, and large-minded. Their

private residences, of which we visited several, were on a vast scale,

comprising curiously laid-out gardens, with grottoes and lakes, crossed

by carved stone bridges, pathways neatly paved with small stones of

various colours forming designs of birds, or fish, or flowers.

One of the most beautiful was that of Pwankeiqua, on the banks of the

river, three or four miles west of the Factories. The number of servants

in these private 'palaces,' as they would be called elsewhere, was very

great, comprising, with those ordinarily in attendance, doorkeepers,

messengers, palankin bearers, and choice cooks. We had occasional

opportunities of judging of the skill of the latter by an invitation to

a 'chopstick' dinner, signifying that no foreign element would be found

in it.

We would be served with such delicacies as birds'-nest soup,[18] with

plover's eggs and Beche-de-Mar, curiously prepared sharks' fins and

roasted snails; these forming but a very small proportion of the number

of courses, which ended with pastry of different sorts. The liquids were

wines prepared from rice, called 'Samshoo,' also from green peas, from

a fruit called Wang-pe, and others whose names we never knew. The wines

were served in tiny silver or porcelain cups, each placed on handsomely

worked silver stands.

These feasts were very enjoyable, even when their novelty had worn off;

the host, full of _bonhomie_ and politeness, never failing to escort us

to the great outer gate on leaving, and place us under the charge of his

coolies, who would there be waiting with large lanterns bearing his name

to escort us back to the Factories.

It is not true, as has been supposed, that on these convivial occasions

the guests were served with roast or boiled 'puppy' as a _bonne bouche_,

and I am sure that the author of the following lines gave way to his

imagination after a 'chopstick' dinner with 'green pea' wine when he

wrote them, or to fortify a current joke:--

The feast spread out, the splendour round

Allowed the eye no rest;

The wealth of Kwang-Tung, of all Ind,

Appeared to greet each guest.

All tongues are still; no converse free

The solemn silence broke;

Because, alas! friend Se-Ta-Che

No word of Chinese spoke.

Now here, now there, he picked a bit

Of what he could not name;

And all he knew was that, in fact,

They made him sick the same!

Mingqua, his host, pressed on each dish

With polished Chinese grace;

And much, Ming thought, he relished them,

At every ugly face!

At last he swore he'd eat no more,

'Twas written in his looks;

For, 'Zounds!' said he, 'the devil here

Sends both the meats and cooks!'

But, covers changed, he brightened up,

And thought himself in luck

When close before him, what he saw

Looked something like a duck!

Still cautious grown, but, to be sure,

His brain he set to rack;

At length he turned to one behind,

And, pointing, cried: 'Quack, Quack.'

The Chinese gravely shook his head,

Next made a reverend bow;

And then expressed what dish it was

By uttering, 'Bow-wow-wow!'

Numerous instances of munificence and generosity can be recorded on

the part of the Hong merchants. I relate some of the _senior_ one as

illustrations. He would accept the direct consignment of an American

ship, if it was commanded by an old friend. Such a one came to Whampoa,

commanded by Captain C----, having on board a cargo consisting in

a great measure of quicksilver. The price of this article was much

depressed at the time. It was landed at Houqua's Hong and stored,

he offering to take it at its market value. Several months elapsed,

when the close of the south-west monsoon foretold 'business,' and the

Factories began to look out for return cargoes for their ships of new

teas daily arriving. Quicksilver still remained without demand. At the

price it bore, a considerable deficiency would exist in the capacity

of the vessel and the quantity of teas which could be bought with the

proceeds. At the same time news had arrived of an improvement in prices

at New York which exhibited a large profit. Captain C----, therefore,

judging it better to sell his quicksilver and load with all the despatch

he could with as many teas as it would purchase, closed the sale, which

was, in commercial phraseology, 'puttee book' (duly recorded). Tea

purchases were then immediately made, in the course of which Houqua

said to his consignor, 'Olo flen,[19] you shall have a full cargo to

return with; I will furnish it, you can pay my next voyage--you no

trub' (give yourself no anxiety). Everything being thus definitely

arranged, the vessel commenced loading, and was half full, when Houqua

came to Captain C---- and informed him that a sudden demand had arisen

for 'quick'[20] on the part of northern merchants returning to their

provinces, that it had advanced materially in value, and he had been

credited with the parcel he brought out _at the price of the day_;

moreover, that he had cancelled on his books the first purchase. This

generous act on the part of his consignee enabled Captain C---- to leave

with a full cargo, all paid for, and made a difference in the outturn of

his voyage of nearly 30,000 dollars. This information I received some

years after at Canton from Captain C---- himself.

An American gentleman, who had resided many years at Canton, and had

possessed a considerable fortune, met with serious losses. The hope

of regaining it induced him to continue operations, in which he was

materially assisted by Houqua. They had been, as was usually said, in

the words of the place, 'olo flen.' Time passed, considerable sums were

placed at the disposal of Mr. W----, no reference being made to them by

the Hong merchant, until, at the end of a second or third year, Houqua's

and his accounts were compared, and the balance in favour of Houqua was

72,000 dollars. For this amount he took a promissory note and it was

locked up in his strong box. From knowing Chinese, I was often behind

the scenes on similar occasions, not that the holder had any doubt of

irregularity on the part of the signers, but simply to translate them

into his language for his own satisfaction. It may be stated here that

not a single Chinese then existed at Canton who could read or write

English. I found that these notes bore simply the endorsement of sum and

date with the names of the drawers. Time still went on; Mr. W---- had

frequently expressed a desire to return to the United States, but hoped

that a 'good turn' would take place in his affairs and enable him to

cancel his note. It was cancelled in a most unexpected manner!

One day, when on a visit to his Chinese friend, the latter said, 'You

have been so long away from your own country, why do you not return?'

To which Mr. W---- replied that it was impossible--he could not cancel

his note, and this alone would prevent him. Houqua enquired if the

bond, only, kept him in Canton, and if he had not some means wherewith

to provide for a residence at home? The answer was that no other debts

existed, and he was not without resources--but the note!! Houqua

summoned his purser, and ordered him to bring the envelope containing

promissory notes from the treasury. Taking out that of Mr. W----, he

said, 'You and I are No. 1, "olo flen;" you belong honest man, only no

got chance.'[21] He then tore the note up, and throwing the fragments

into the waste-paper basket, added, 'Just now hav settee counter, alla

finishee; you go, you please.' That is to say, 'Our accounts are now all

settled, you can leave when you like.'

When the English troops, under Sir Hugh Gough, on May 21, 1841, had

taken up a position on the heights north of the city walls, and were

prepared to attack, they were prevented doing so by a despatch from

Captain Elliot, the British Superintendent of Trade at Canton, then on

board the cutter 'Louisa,' lying off the Factories. He informed Sir

Hugh Gough that the city had consented to pay a ransom of six millions

of dollars, and directed him to return to the ships in the river with

the forces. This was a judicious and humane arrangement, brought about

by Captain Elliot. Had the city been entered, the loss of life would

have been dreadful, to say nothing of the destruction of houses and

property. There would, moreover, have been but little glory to gain, as

it was in a state of defence utterly inadequate to resist 2,200 English

soldiers and sailors. The authorities of the city, having concluded

the arrangement for the ransom, began at once to look about for money,

and as usual _reminded_ the Hong merchants that something liberal was

expected of them.

They contributed 2,000,000 dollars, of which Pwankeiqua gave 260,000,

Houqua 1,100,000, and the others 640,000. A belief exists amongst the

Chinese that there is an invisible agency influencing man's career

in life, which they call 'Fung Shuy,' literally 'wind and water.' A

striking illustration of this belief was brought out on this occasion.

Houqua availed himself of the _accident_ of contributing, to express his

gratitude to 'wind and water' for notable incidents in his own life,

and in this way, mentally, he apportioned his donation. For himself, in

recognition of his 'prosperity,' 800,000 dollars; for his eldest son,

200,000 dollars for unswerving filial piety; and 100,000 dollars for his

youngest son, who happened to be born when he himself had just completed

the full term of a 'cycle,' or sixty years. This is considered a very

happy coincidence, or No. 1 'Fung Shuy.' For the total sum, Captain

Elliot was handed three promissory notes, drawn by Messrs. Russell & Co.

at thirty days' date in favour of Houqua, by whom they were endorsed to

his order. Captain Elliot deposited them for collection with Messrs.

Jardine, Matheson, & Co. and Dent & Co. These firms had removed their

offices to Macao, as well as Messrs. Russell & Co. The notes were for

400,000, 400,000, and 300,000 dollars respectively. At this time the

last-named house held about two and a half millions of dollars belonging

to their constituent, the endorser. As an instance of the just pride

Houqua took in his remarkable position and of his commercial sagacity,

a few days before the maturity of the three notes a letter was received

from him in Chinese at Macao, which read thus:--

'Benevolent Elder Brother,[22]--The notes endorsed by me to Elut,[23] as

you know, will soon be due. Offer to pay them at once. You will see by

calculating that if the money is now accepted there will be a gain of

over nine hundred dollars by the discount. May all your days be as one.'

Messrs. Jardine, Matheson, & Co. and Dent & Co. were immediately

communicated with, the notes came in for payment, and were cashed, less

the discount, which amounted to a little short of a thousand dollars!

The next time I saw Houqua in Canton he talked merrily over the close

of the transaction, and said, 'My all same, "Ba-Blo."'[24] The old

gentleman liked to compare himself with that famous house with which,

through Messrs. Russell & Co., he had had for years important business.

Demands of money on the Co-Hong never ceased. One instance was a

requirement by the Viceroy that they should pay off the indebtedness of

three of their own number to 'outside barbarians.' They were Hingtai,

Mouqua, and Kingqua. Houqua then paid $1,000,000, Pwankeiqua $130,000,

Pwan Hoyqua $70,000, Samqua and Saoqua each $50,000, Footai $90,000.

I mention this circumstance as a feature of 'Old Canton;' it being a

measure taken to prevent complications with Governments beyond the sea.

In contrast to the style of official language, private letters from the

Hong merchants left nothing to be desired in civility. Here is one of

many. In the year 1837, a few of us younger members of the community

established the 'Canton Regatta Club,' for boat-pulling and sailing on

the river, our chief amusements and mode of taking the air. Nothing like

a club had yet existed. Presently the Hong merchants, in virtue of their

office as 'guardians' of our persons, as well as our 'securities' in

the eyes of the local government, on hearing of the club organisation,

being apprehensive of accidents, they wrote this letter to one of the

members:--

'Ham Tak, venerable old gentleman,--We beg respectfully to

inform you that we have heard of the intention of our respected

elder brother and other chin-te-le-mun[25] to race boats on

the river. We know not if this is true, but heretofore it has

not been custom. Should the authorities hear of this, we your

younger brothers would be reproved, not mildly, for permitting

you to act so indiscreetly. On the river, boats are mysteriously

abundant; everywhere they congregate in vast numbers; like a

stream they advance and retire unceasingly. Thus the chances of

contact are many, so are accidents, even to the breaking of

one another's boats, to the injury of men's bodies, while more

serious consequences might ensue.

'We therefore beseech our worthy senior[26] to make known to

the other chin-te-le-mun that they would do well to refrain from

contesting the speed of their boats on the river, so that after

troubles may not accumulate. Then all will be well. Daily may

your prosperity increase, without difference.

'(Signed)

'HOUQUA, MOUQUA, PWANKEIQUA'

AND OTHERS.

The amount of Houqua's fortune was frequently a subject of debate;

but on one occasion, in referring to it in connection with his

various investments in rice-fields, dwellings, shops, and the banking

establishments known as shroffs, and including his American and English

shipments, he estimated it, in 1834, at twenty-six millions of dollars.

Assuming the purchasing power of money at that time as being but twice

greater than at the present day, it would now represent a sum of

$52,000,000. He was a person of remarkably frugal habits (as regards

his style of living) from choice and from being of a feeble frame of

body. His generosity was boundless, and in accounts he was singularly

methodical and precise, never multiplying them beyond what was

absolutely necessary. The two or three rooms which he occupied during

hours of business in his vast, well-regulated Hong were furnished with

simplicity itself.

He withdrew from general business with the foreign community after

the Honourable East India Company left Canton, and confined himself

exclusively to the house of Messrs. Russell & Co. Through them his

foreign business was entirely managed. His yearly shipments to London

of those celebrated Chops of Congo, grown on his family estates in the

Woo-E country, were well known and appreciated in the English market.

His transactions were on a very important scale, and he entrusted them

to his Canton agents, through whom they were carried out, with the

well-merited confidence which they inspired. They embraced England,

the United States, and India. As another illustration of his generous

nature, I may refer to an affair that took place nearly fifty years ago,

in which his orders were not complied with. We had shipped a cargo,

principally of raw silk belonging to himself, which he had ordered

from the silk country. It was sold at a large profit. His instructions

were that the proceeds should be returned in East India Co. bills on

Calcutta. To our surprise and his disappointment, the result of the

sale was invested in a cargo of British goods. It was as injudicious

an arrangement (free trade then beginning) to ship largely of English

manufactures as his own shipment was sagacious, for but little silk was

exported immediately after the opening of the trade. The result showed a

difference of many thousand dollars to his detriment. On the deviation

of orders becoming known Houqua was at once informed that he should not

suffer for this breach of instructions, and for the loss we would credit

his account.

The old gentleman replied, 'My consider, my show you to-mollo'--that is

to say, he would think it over and let us know his decision 'to-morrow.'

The following day he was at the office, and this was his decision,

which he emphasised by striking the floor with his cane--Write to Mr.

C----[27] and tell him he must be more careful in future, 'must take

care.' He accepted the woollens, and refused to accept any indemnity.

This last chief of the world-renowned 'Co-Hong,' which ceased with the

treaties after an existence of 130 years, died at Honam on September 4,

1843, aged seventy-four, having been born in the same year with Napoleon

and Wellington, 1769.

* * * * *

Next to the Hong merchants, other Chinese were closely allied to the

foreign community as 'Linguists'--so called, as it used to be remarked,

because they knew nothing of any language but their own. They were

appointed by the Hoppo to act as interpreters, and were duly licensed.

Besides, this was in accordance with the orders of the Pekin Government.

As up to treaty days, neither Consul nor Vice-Consul of a foreign nation

was 'officially' acknowledged, whenever either one of these officers

made a communication to the Hoppo, it had to be done through the Hong

merchants, to whom the despatch was taken by a Linguist. The reply would

be addressed to these merchants, who were directed to make known the

answer to the 'Chief' of the nation, that 'he might reverently inform

himself of it and be duly obedient' (a matter of form).

The principal Linguists were 'Old Tom,' 'Young Tom,'[28] and 'Alantsae.'

They were at the head of numerous assistants employed in the ordinary

business of foreigners, such as attending upon Mandarins from inside the

city while examining merchandise being landed or shipped off, and making

up reports of the duties for those officers to take to the Hoppo's

office for registration and subsequent collecting. Their duties were by

no means light. They were liable to be summoned at any moment, night or

day, in connection with the multifarious matters in which their services

were required. They were always ready and ever willing, and proved a

wonderful convenience to the community at large. Through them we applied

for permits when going on a trip to Macao, for the shipping off of an

entire cargo of teas or for landing one of foreign goods. All details

of whatever nature were regulated and attended to by them. By law and

'old regulations,' on an excursion on the river, to the 'flower gardens'

a few miles off, or to the Great Buddhist Temple at Honam, opposite

the Factories, a Linguist _should_ personally attend. One was also at

our disposal for a visit to any other place to which the 'regulations'

or 'old custom' permitted us to go. It may be added at the same time

that the 'regulations' which required his personal presence on such

occasions were not strictly enforced, but they were never abolished.

The object of the Mandarins in enjoining upon the Linguists that one of

them should accompany foreigners in their walks or boating excursions

was from the best of motives--that these should not lose their way or

become involved in collisions with the people arising from ignorance

of one another's language. It was the duty of a Linguist to distribute

amongst the Factories any Government proclamations having reference to

their affairs, relating to vessels at Whampoa or the 'receiving ships'

at Lintin. In regard to these last the Linguist would 'translate it,'

and point out that the 'Man-ta-lee' said, 'if they did not immediately

get up their anchors and return to their own countries or come to

Whampoa, cruisers would be sent down to drive them away, and no more

patience manifested.' Then would come the time-honoured question of 'You

savee?' or, 'Do you understand?' with the usual addition of, 'This time

the Mandarin is _really_ in earnest.' The precious document would then

be deposited in the leg of his stocking or in his boot (the customary

receptacles), and with 'My chin-chin you'[29] he would pass on to our

next-door neighbour.

During the shipping season, from October to March, the Linguist of a

ship in course of loading would be summoned in the evening to a foreign

counting-room (if necessity required), and was frequently detained until

long after midnight while lists of teas to be shipped off in the morning

were being prepared. With these lists he would then be obliged to go to

perhaps several Hongs, to see that the teas were in readiness and 'chop'

boats ordered to convey them to Whampoa. These duties often involved a

whole night's work, but no sign of impatience or inattention was shown.

When a vessel was ready to be measured, the Linguist informed the Hoppo,

who then ordered an officer to Whampoa to attend to this duty, and he

was always attended by a member of the Linguists' establishment called

the 'mandarin' or 'official' Linguist. Should she be under despatch, the

Linguist furnished the agent with a memorandum of the 'Measurement and

Cumsha' charges, and at her final departure he brought to his office

the 'grand chop,' or port clearance, which was only delivered to him

when he had furnished the Hoppo with receipts or certificates of the

import and export duties having been paid, and satisfied him that all

formalities had been fulfilled. When a fire broke out near the Factories

they were immediately in attendance.

They were, as a body, 'our all in all.' The senior Linguist, popularly

known as 'Old Tom,' was a remarkable man, both physically and mentally,

one whose calmness and self-possession never forsook him. Whether

threatened by the authorities or scolded by foreigners, he never gave

way to ill-humour. He was wonderfully adroit in making everything smooth

with the mandarins and pleasant to the 'outside barbarians,' even in

questions the most irreconcilable.

Each vessel anchoring at Whampoa incurred a Linguist fee of $250. For

every chop-boat landing her inward cargo, $15.22. Her outward cargo was

taken to her by the sellers of it, at their own risk and expense.

* * * * *

The most important Chinese within the Factory was the _Compradore_.

He was secured by a Hong merchant in all that related to good conduct

generally, honesty and capability. All Chinese employed in any factory,

whether as his own 'pursers,' or in the capacity of servants, cooks,

or coolies, were the Compradore's 'own people;' they rendered to him

every 'allegiance,' and he 'secured' them as regards good behaviour and

honesty. This was another feature that contributed to the admirable

order and safety which characterised life at Canton. The Compradore

also exercised a general surveillance over everything that related

to the internal economy of the 'house,' as well as over outside

shopmen, mechanics, or tradespeople employed by it. With the aid of his

assistants, the house and private accounts of the members were kept. He

was the purveyor for the table, and generally of the personal wants of

the 'Tai-pans' and pursers.[30]

The treasury in which all the cash and valuables were kept was under

his charge, which was no light matter, as with some houses the amount

of cash was extremely large, frequently over a million of dollars and

rarely under $150,000 to $200,000. During the dull season, from April to

October, the principal books of accounts, all important correspondence

and letter books were also deposited in it. For many years after

1824, no such thing as a copying machine was known; all copying was

done by hand, and this exacted greater care of business letters and

papers, while as no Banks existed in the old days, each house was its

own banker. The position of a Compradore was therefore one of great

responsibility, and I never knew of but one betraying the trust reposed

in him. Although his pay was comparatively small, say $250 or $300 per

annum (the pay of our own was raised to $500), his perquisites, from

sources which had long been in existence, and had become 'olo custom,'

were very important. As the balance of the American trade was greatly

in favour of China, large quantities of Spanish and Mexican dollars were

yearly imported to make up the deficiency arising from comparatively

little other import cargo. Teas and silks, and many minor articles

coming under the general head of 'Chow-chow,' were bought for cash.

Thus every ship from the United States brought largely of dollars at

times--as in the case of the 'Citizen,' $350,000, while in 1831 three

vessels alone brought $1,100,000. Added to these supplies, opium was

invariably sold for cash, and so were bills on London when they came

into use; consequently all this money passed primarily through the hands

of the Compradore. He derived a profit from the process of _shroffing_

which it underwent before being deposited in the treasury; but after

the goodness of a parcel and its exact amount were ascertained, he was

liable for any bad money that might afterwards be found amongst it. He

paid the Shroff one-tenth of a dollar per one thousand for examining

it, while the fixed charge by the Compradore was one-fifth. This formed

an important sum. Another one of his perquisites was five copper cash

(about a halfpenny) per dollar on all payments, no matter to whom or on

what account, of odd sums less than one thousand dollars, which charge

was borne by the payee. He also derived benefit from loans or advances

made to 'Outside' Chinese merchants (and from them) on contracts for

silks and other merchandise entered into with his employers, while on

all Factory supplies he received also a percentage. In the year 1823

occurred the first and only robbery by a Compradore that came under my

knowledge. He was in the service of one of the two most important of

the American houses, then occupying No. 3 of the Suy Hong. He had made

use of a large sum belonging to the firm for his own speculations, and

it was accidentally discovered. Mr. A----, the then chief of the house,

went directly to Houqua, the Compradore's 'security,' and reported the

loss. The man himself was sent for, and, greatly to the indignation

of his patron, confessed to having used the money for speculation,

intending to replace it, but the unexpected examination by Mr. A---- had

not allowed him time to do so. Houqua sent the deficiency to the firm

the same evening. It was over $50,000.

* * * * *

We have seen who and what were the Co-Hong, the Outside Chinese

merchants, the Linguists and Compradores, and what their respective

relations with foreigners were. There now remains the _Shroff_, or money

dealer, whose services were indispensable, particularly in receipts.

They were manifest daily and hourly in the broad arched passages passing

through the Factories, along which, as was constantly said, one could

never move without seeing heaps of silver being examined and hearing its

metallic ring as successive quantities were poured in and out of copper

scales. Scarcely a day or even an hour passed without this glittering

accompaniment of old Canton life.

Pieces of silver as well as dollars were shroffed and weighed before

being deposited in the treasury. When that was done, dollars had

no longer a distinct existence, for in commerce the Chinese treat

silver and gold as they do lead, iron, or copper. In this they show a

characteristic good sense, and are rewarded by it in the facility with

which all money transactions are carried on. As the result of long

experience, the imported dollar was found to be worth 717/1000 taels

in weight, and this became the standard in all current book accounts.

No coined money exists in the Empire except copper cash, with which

every one is familiar. The use of it is confined to the daily wants of

the people, and it never enters into transactions of importance, except

when money-changers replenish their stocks. The convenience of such a

circulating medium gives facility to every one, no matter how humble his

requirements, and was a wise piece of legislation. The obverse of the

coin bears the name of the Emperor during whose reign it was made, in

Chinese characters, with two others which mean 'circulating value.'[31]

Commerce, on the other hand, stood in need of a larger representative

of value, and this was supplied by gold and silver bars or lumps in

portable sizes. Bar gold bears a small proportion to bar silver in

quantity, and is in oblong pieces usually of ten taels in weight, and

silver[32] in oval lumps called 'shoes' of various sizes and values.

There is no Government interference in the manufacture of these bars and

shoes for purposes of trade, no more than there is of any other metal,

while the guarantee of their purity and value is simply the stamp of the

Shroff or money house by which they are issued.

As a natural consequence of the non-existence of gold or silver coin,

imported dollars, from being continually weighed and stamped when

passing from hand to hand, became 'chopped dollars' or 'cut money'

in Canton phraseology, the first from being stamped by the Shroff on

examining them, with any character which he may select, and which

is his guarantee of goodness. In the shapeless form which they thus

acquire, payments are made by weight in taels, and its component parts

of mace, candareens, and cash.[33] This custom of weighing metals

has existed in China since 903 A.D. If any money stamped by a Shroff

on examination proved bad, it was exchanged by him, but such cases

were extremely rare. A small pair of scales for money transactions is

generally carried by Chinese attached to a waistbelt.

Shroffs examined all amounts brought to them by any one, but went

to the foreign Factories, to the Hong merchants or other customers,

when required. The charge was small, and the amount of silver passing

yearly through their hands was enormous, as amongst the Chinese all

transactions were for money or its representative.[34] Shroffs were also

'changers'--providing when required either Sycee, chopped dollars, or

gold--as well as bankers, making loans or receiving deposits. The floors

of their shops are covered with brown tiles, and at the end of the year

they can sell the privilege of removing the floor for the chance of

finding scraps of silver which may have escaped through the interstices

of the tiles, the buyer of the privilege replacing the floor at his own

cost. I have heard of as much as fifty taels (about $70) being paid to

an important Shroff-shop for such a transaction.

Several descriptions of dollars were imported from 1825, previous

to which time the most numerous were those of Carolus IV. of Spain.

These kept the preference above all others, and were currently known

as 'Old Heads.' So accustomed were the Chinese to this dollar, that

when Carolus III. or Ferdinand VII. were offered, they were taken with

reluctance, while the 'Old Head' commanded a premium, and it thus became

an exception to the general rule of 'breaking up.' For a long time they

had been taken by dealers in raw silk from the middle provinces, in

whole dollars, and finally so much prejudice existed in their favour

that they would take no others except as cut money. This caused them

to advance in value to 10 and even 15 per cent.; finally, during one

season, we sold to the senior Hong merchant $60,000 at a premium of 30

per cent.,½ receiving in exchange $78,000 in cut money. Ferdinand VII.'s

dollars became 'New Heads,' and next came into favour, there being a

diminishing supply of the 'Old,' but they were never at more than 1 to 2

per cent. premium. Of other kinds there were Chilian, Peruvian, Mexican,

and United States, which were submitted to the process of breaking up,

and were never in greater favour with the Chinese than cut money. They

were not 'old custom,' and they could not reconcile themselves to the

new effigies or legends which they bore. Now and then, if wanted for a

special occasion, Mexican dollars could be passed at a small premium,

say 1 or 1½ per cent. It is very probable, as often supposed, that the

Shroffs had much to do with these varied transactions; they were behind

the scene and perhaps they had, as many of the establishments belonged

to wealthy proprietors, who used them for purposes of speculation in

money.

Book accounts, as has been said, were kept in dollars and cents by

foreign houses, at the conventional rate of 717/1000 of a tael per

dollar. There was but one exception, that of the English East India

Company, which adopted the more rational system of Chinese currency.

Payments for raw silk were made at 750/1000, for teas 720/1000, musk

750/1000, as well as for some kinds of opium. As all Chinese produce

went by weight, even raw and manufactured silk, and as all computations

were in decimals, this system contributed to the ease with which

business was carried on.

* * * * *

_Pigeon-English_ is the well-known name given to that unique language

through the medium of which business was transacted and all intercourse

exclusively carried on between the 'Western Ocean' foreigners and Canton

Chinese. For years after my arrival but three foreign residents were

Chinese scholars--namely, Doctor Morrison; the present Sir John Francis

Davis, the last Chief of the English East India Company's establishment;

and one American, myself--while 'Pigeon-English' had grown up with the

early days of foreign intercourse with the port of Canton. It is not

difficult to arrive at the creation of this particular and strange

language. Foreigners came to Canton for a limited period, and would not

or could not apply themselves to the study of so difficult a language as

the Chinese, of which even a sufficiency for commonplace purposes was

not easy to acquire, and if acquired would be useless anywhere else. The

local government also placed serious obstacles in the way of learning

it, to the length of beheading a Chinese teacher for giving lessons.

This is on the authority of Dr. Morrison, who related to me an instance

that took place before I arrived, and he further informed me that for

years after his own arrival in 1807 he was obliged, as a protection

to his own teacher, to study at night in a room with lights carefully

screened.

On the other hand, the shrewd Chinaman succeeded in supplying this

absence of the knowledge of his own language by cleverly making himself

familiar with _sounds_ of foreign words, and conforming them to his own

monosyllabic mode of expression, at the same time using simple Chinese

words to express their meaning. He thus created a language, as it may

be called, deprived of syntax, without the logic of speech, and reduced

to its most simple elements. It took firm root, became the conventional

medium of intercourse in respect to transactions of enormous value and

magnitude, and exists in all its vigour and quaintness to this day.

It was undoubtedly an invention of the Chinese, and long anterior to the

appearance of the English at Canton in its origin, as may be proved by

the admixture of Portuguese and Indian words still to be found in it,

the latter having probably been originally made known by those primary

visitors from the western world _viâ_ India. The English came more than

a hundred years after; words from their language were then gradually

incorporated, and increased with the disappearance of the Portuguese,

who confined themselves to their own growing colony of Macao, until,

finally, the former became the principal traders, and thus this language

became known as Pigeon-English.

The word 'pigeon' is simply a corruption of 'business' and with its

companion means _business_-English. Of Portuguese origin we have the

most undoubted proof in such words as _mandarin_, from mandar, to order;

_compradore_, from compra, to buy; _joss_, from Deös; _pa-te-le_, from

padre; _maskei_, from masqué, never mind; _la-le-loon_, from ladraŏ,

a thief; _grand_, from grande, the chief, as, for instance, 'grand

chop;' _junk_, from the Portuguese sound of Chuĕng in the dialect

of the East Coast, where they first traded. Of Indian words we have

_bazaar_, a market; _Shroff_, money-dealer; _chunam_, lime; _tiffin_,

luncheon; _go-down_, from kā-dang; _lac_, one hundred thousand; _cooly_,

a labourer; _chit_, a note or letter; _bungalow_, a cottage; _kāārle_,

curry, and others.

Some peculiarities of expression and application of two words constantly

used in Pigeon-English may be mentioned. The language was by no means

confined to those of foreign, but it contained quite a vocabulary of

words of Chinese origin; it was, in fact, a very mixed tongue. 'Chop,'

for instance, is of perpetual occurrence. It is the same as 'chŏ,' which

signifies literally any 'document.' A shopkeeper's bill is a 'chop,'

so is an Imperial edict or a Mandarin's proclamation; a cargo-boat is

a chop-boat; it does duty also for a promissory note, a receipt, a

stamp or seal, a license for shipping off or to land cargo, a mark for

goods, or a permit. 'First quality' is expressed by 'first chop,' and an

inferior according to quality is No. 6, 8, or 10 'chop,' the worst of

all. When a cooly is sent on an errand requiring haste, he is told to

go 'chop-chop.' A 'first chop' man speaks for itself, so does 'bad chop

man.'

The variety of uses to which the compound word 'chow-chow' is put is

almost endless, and in some cases have a directly opposite meaning.

For instance, a 'No. 1 chow-chow' thing signifies 'utterly worthless'

but when applied to a breakfast or dinner it means 'unexceptionally

good.' A 'chow-chow' cargo is an assorted cargo; a general shop is a

'chow-chow' shop; provisions of all kinds are classed under the general

head of 'chow-chow;' and, as may have been remarked in the list of the

Factories, one was called the 'Chow-chow' from its being inhabited by

divers Parsees, Moormen, or other natives of India.

Although by the Chinese all foreigners were called 'Fan Kwaes,'

or 'Foreign Devils,' still a distinction of the drollest and most

characteristic kind was made between them. The English became

'Red-haired devils;' the Parsees, from the custom of shaving their

heads, were 'White-head devils;' Moormen were simply 'molo devils.'

The Dutch became 'Ho-lan,' the French 'Fat-lan-sy,' and the Americans

'Flowery-flag devils.' The Swedes were 'Suy' and the Danes 'Yellow-flag

devils.' The Portuguese have never ceased to be 'Se-yang kwae,' thus

retaining the name first applied to them on their arrival from the

'Western Ocean' (which the words signify), while their descendants,

natives of Macao, are 'Omun kwae,' or 'Macao devils' from the Chinese

name of the town.

In the Canton book-shops near the Factories was sold a small pamphlet,

called 'Devils' Talk.' On the cover was a drawing of a foreigner in

the dress of the middle of the last century--three-cornered hat, coat

with wide skirts, breeches, and long stockings, shoes with buckles,

lace sleeves, and in his hand a cane. I have now one of these pamphlets

before me. It commences thus, 'Yun,' and under it is its 'barbarian'

definition, expressed in another Chinese word whose _sound_ is 'man.'

After many examples of this kind come words of two syllables--thus,

'kum-yat' with their foreign meaning expressed by two other Chinese

characters pronounced 'to-teay' to-day--and so on to sentences, for

which the construction of the language is peculiarly adapted. This

pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of

servants, coolies, and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman, whose

ingenuity should immortalise him. I have often wondered who the man was

who first reduced the 'outlandish tongue' to a current language. Red

candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations

of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which

in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.

* * * * *

Although during the south-west monsoon little general business went

on, transactions in Opium were very active. It was the period when the

new drug arrived. Sales were made to brokers for cash (only) against

orders on the receiving ships. The orders would be sent down by 'smug

boats,'[35] which carried the Opium to its several destinations. These

boats, of a peculiar build, were of great length and beam, the latter

increasing rather disproportionately abaft to give quarters to brokers'

agents who always went with them. The crews numbered from sixty to

seventy men, who, like all Chinese boatmen, were singularly good

sailors, intelligent and very active. They plied the oars sitting on low

benches ranged on both sides of the deck, while additional propelling

power was provided in an enormous mainsail and a foresail made of mats,

bamboos, and rattans. The armament was one large gun in the bows,

swivels, spears, and flint-lock muskets purchased from foreign vessels.

The 'smug boats' differed from Government cruisers in a less powerful

armament, smaller crew, and in the hull being bright varnished instead

of painted 'black and red,' which are the colours of the latter.

On delivery of the opium, the receiving ships were paid five dollars

per chest,[36] which was called 'cumsha' (literally 'gold sand'), and

two dollars for 'demurrage' if the order was not presented within seven

days. It was always repacked, before being taken from the ship, in mat

bags, then marked with the owner's private sign and the weight. At times

as many as one hundred chests, in bulk, would form a single cargo, whose

market value was from $150,000 to $200,000. The Canton agent received

five, afterwards reduced to three, per cent. commission on sales. The

time occupied in unpacking, weighing, and repacking would occupy but a

few hours. The crews of the receiving ships were mostly Manila men and

some Lascars, while the shroffs, carpenters, and boats' crews, cooks and

servants were Chinese.

It is needless to say the opium trade was prohibited by Imperial edicts

as well as by proclamations of the Canton authorities. The Chinese who

dealt in 'foreign mud'[37] were threatened even with capital punishment,

but so perfect a system of bribery existed (with which foreigners had

nothing whatever to do) that the business was carried on with ease and

regularity. Temporary interruptions occurred, as, for instance, on the

installation of newly-arrived magistrates. Then the question of fees

arose, but was soon settled unless the new-comer was exorbitant in his

demands, or, as a broker would express it, 'too muchee foolo'--i.e.

'the man is crazy.' In good time, however, all would be arranged

satisfactorily, the brokers reappeared with beaming faces, and 'peace'

and immunity reigned in the land.

Opium was never found for sale in Chinese shops at Canton, nor were

there any signs by which one could judge where it was prepared for sale

or for smoking, it being used in no other form.

The Canton officials rarely made any reference to the Lintin station;

but sometimes, compelled by form to do so, would issue a proclamation

ordering vessels 'loitering at the outer anchorage' either to come into

port or sail away to their own countries, lest the 'dragons of war'

should be opened, and with their fiery discharges annihilate all who

opposed this, a 'special edict.'

Another branch of the opium trade was on the East Coast, where vessels

of moderate size, belonging to two foreign houses at Canton, were

stationed, say, near Amoy, Chin-Chew, Cup-Chee, and the island of Namao.

They received supplies by brigs and schooners (all in this business

being known as 'coasters'), which, starting from Lintin, touched at the

anchorages above on going up to deliver, and on their return collecting

the proceeds of sales. As an opportunity offered to get a practical

experience of this trade, which was carried on with all the secrecy

possible by the few engaged in it, I availed myself of a suggestion

from the house to take a run up to Namao. We owned at the time a

Boston clipper schooner called the 'Rose,' which, in 1837, was about

leaving for that anchorage with a quantity of opium sold at Canton for

delivery there, and an additional number of chests to try the market.

The whole cargo consisted of nearly 300 chests of the Canton value of

about $300,000. I joined the vessel at Capshuymun from Macao with an

English gentleman, my guest there, whom I invited to accompany me. The

'Rose' was soon ready for sea; we made sail and started with a moderate

south-west monsoon. She was a foretopsail schooner of about 150 tons

register, with her scuppers within two feet of the water. The weather

proved delightful, the wind steady, and the sea smooth. We kept an eye

upon the barometer, it being the taiphoon season, and a sharp look-out

upon the fleet of 'fishing boats' which covered the water, and the crews

of which were peaceable fishermen or cut-throat pirates according to

circumstances.

We anchored on the inside of the island of Namao on the third day,

close by two English brigs, the 'Omega'[38] and 'Governor Findlay.'[39]

Inshore of us were riding at anchor two men-of-war junks, with much

bunting displayed; one bore the flag of a 'Foo-Tseang' or Commodore.

Knowing the 'formalities' to be gone through with the Mandarins, we

expected a visit from one, and until it was made no Chinese boat would

come alongside, nor would a junk, not even a bumboat. We had no sooner

furled sails and made everything shipshape, when 'his Excellency'

approached in his 'gig,' a sort of _scow_ as broad as she was long.

Besides the oarsmen, there were official and personal attendants,

in grass cloth with conical rattan hats and flowing red silk cord

surrounding them to the brim. He himself sat majestically in an

arm-chair smoking quietly. A large embroidered silk umbrella was held

over his head, while servants with fans protected him from the attacks

of flies and mosquitoes. He was received at the gangway by Captain

Forster. His manner and bearing were easy and dignified. When cheroots

and a glass of wine had been offered, the 'Commodore' enquired the

cause of our anchoring at Namao. The Shroff[40] gave him to understand

that the vessel, being on her way from Singapore to Canton, had been

compelled, through contrary winds and currents, to run for Namao to

replenish her wood and water. Having listened attentively, the great man

said that 'any supplies might be obtained, but when they were on board,

not a moment must be lost in sailing for Whampoa, as the Great Emperor

did not permit vessels from afar to visit any other port.' He then

gravely pulled from his boot a long red document and handed it to his

secretary, that we might be informed of its purport.