The illustration on the next leaf is the reduced fac-simile of a suite

of twenty-two playing cards, intended, apparently, [p102] to convey

solemn religious truths in the form of a game of life and death. We do

not know how the game was played: we have to accept the figures upon

the cards as their own explanation and commentary. In the figures of

Jupiter and of the Devil, we see the powers which shape the destinies

of men. The Wheel of Fortune is emblematic of the fate which assigns to

one man the condition of a Hermit, and to another that of an Emperor.

The virtues of Temperance, Justice and Strength which man opposes to

Fate, the frivolity of the Fool, the happiness of the Lover (if he can

be happy who is cajoled by two women), and the pride of the Empress,

are all dominated by the central card bearing an image of the skeleton

Death—Death which precedes the Last Judgment and opens to the righteous

the House of God. In these cards we have a pictorial representation

of scenes from one of the curious spectacle plays of the middle ages,

which were often enacted in the open air to the accompaniments of dance

and music. The union of fearful mysteries with ridiculous accessories,

and the ghastly suggestion of the fate of all men, as shown in the

card of Death the reaper—these were the features which gave point and

character to the series of strange cartoons popular for many centuries

in all parts of civilized Europe under the title of the _Dance of

Death_.

This was but one of the many innovations proposed as substitutes for

the older oriental games. In the latter part of the fifteenth century,

playing cards were made in Italy with figures which represented the

four great monarchies of the ancient world, with which a childish game

was played in imitation of war and conquest. Suitable marks on the

cards designated the four different classes of society; hearts were

the symbol of the clergy; spades (from the Italian _spada_, a sword)

were for the nobility; clubs stood for the peasantry; and diamonds

represented the citizens or burghers.

[Illustration:

1 The Juggler. 12 The Hanged.

2 Juno. 13 Death.

3 The Empress. 14 Temperance.

4 The Emperor. 15 The Devil.

5 Jupiter. 16 The House of God.

6 The Lovers. 17 The Stars.

7 The Chariot. 18 The Moon.

8 Justice. 19 The Sun.

9 The Hermit 20 The Last Judgment.

10 The Wheel of Fortune. 21 The World.

11 Strength. 22 The Fool.

Reduced Fac-Simile of French Copper-plate Playing Cards of the

Sixteenth Century.

[From Breitkopf.]]

Thomas Murner, a professor of philosophy at Cracow in 1507, undertook

to make use of playing cards for teaching high scholastic science.

He published a book which he called [p104] _Logical Playing Cards,

or Logic Realized and Made Comprehensible through Pleasant Exercises

with Pictures_. The cards were filled with mysterious symbols intended

as keys to the entire art of reasoning. The difficult science was

adapted to the meanest capacity, by puerile methods which subsequently

provoked the contempt of Erasmus. Each card had some pedantic name like

Proposition, Predicate or Syllogism. Could there be a more unattractive

game?

Eminent German artists—among them Martin Schongauer and the Master

of 1466—undertook to supplant the stiff and barbarous figures that

had been used on playing cards, with designs of merit. They drew and

engraved new face figures of most extraordinary character, in which

satirical and poetic fancies were strangely blended. The amorousness of

the monks and the coquetry of the ladies, the quarrels of termagants

among the peasantry, the revenge of hares who are roasting their enemy

man and his friend the dog, are the subjects of some cards. On other

German cards of this period are represented, in startling contrast, the

sweet and saintly faces of pure women, heroic men riding in triumph,

and filthy sows with their litters.

Jost Amman[36] designed, and perhaps engraved, a full pack of cards

which was published in book form with explanatory verses in Latin and

German. Rejecting the established forms of hearts, clubs, spades and

diamonds for the designation of the suites, he substituted books,

printers’ inking balls, wine pots and drinking cups. The moral that he

endeavored to inculcate was the advantages of industry and learning

over idleness and drunkenness. But the intended moral is not as clear

as it should be. Some of the figures are exceedingly gross, although

they are drawn with admirable skill and spirit.

[Illustration: French Card of the Fifteenth Century.

[From Lacroix.]]

[Illustration: German Card of the Sixteenth Century.

[From Lacroix.]]

[Illustration: German Card of the Sixteenth Century.

[From Lacroix.]]

[Illustration: German Card of the Fifteenth Century. [From Breitkopf.]]

These innovations had but a transient popularity. The people played

cards, not for instruction in art, science or [p106] morality, but

for amusement, and they would not suffer the games to be diverted

from their first purpose of the pleasure of hazard. The old games and

the old figures were deeply rooted in their memories and habits. They

would have no changes, and there have been none of any importance.

The hard conventional figures of king, queen and jack which are to be

found on the oldest playing cards have been repeated almost without

alteration in the popular cards of every succeeding century. We can

readily understand the reasons why the scholastic and scientific games

were rejected, but it would be difficult to account for the preference

always manifested for coarse outlines and clumsy drawing in the figures.

Although playing cards led to gambling, and to forms of dissipation

which required restraint,[37] their general use was not an unmixed

evil. To the common people, they were a means of education; a

circuitous and a dangerous means, no doubt, but not the less effectual.

The medieval churl whose ignorance was so dense that he failed to

see the advantages of education, and who would have refused to learn

his letters by any persuasion, did perceive that there was amusement

in playing cards, and did take the trouble to learn the games. With

him, as with little children, the course of instruction began with

bright-colored little pictures and the explanation of hidden meanings

in absurd-looking little spots or symbols. In the playing of the

game, his dull mind was trained to a new and a freer exercise of his

reasoning faculties, and he must have been inspired with more of

respect for the dimly seen utility of painted or printed symbols. To

the multitude of early card players, cards were of no other and no

greater benefit as a means of mental discipline. To men of thought and

purpose, they taught a more impressive lesson of the value of paper and

letters. They induced inquiries that led [p107] to important resolves.

If a few arbitrarily arranged signs on bits of paper could greatly

amuse a party of friends during a long evening, would not the letters

of the alphabet as they were combined in books, furnish a still greater

and an unfailing source of amusement?

The meagre notices of card-makers and card-painters in old town-books

of Germany and in the decree of Venice do not tell us whether cards

were made before or after image prints. Those who have written most

learnedly on this subject,[38] tell us that the cards were made before

the images; that at first they were drawn and painted by hand; that

they were afterward colored by stencils; that when this method was

found too slow, blocks were engraved and printed; and that the image

prints were subsequently introduced for the purpose of counteracting

the evil influences of cards. These propositions are ingenious, but

it must be confessed that we have no certain knowledge that the

improvement was made in this order. This theory of gradual development

is based on conjecture, and its best support is derived from a

consideration of the fact that cards were in common use before we have

any indications of the existence of image prints. That the cards should

have been made by engraving before the images seems reasonable when we

consider that the workmanship of the cards was of a much ruder nature.

The experimenting amateur who knew that he was unable to cut a block

like that of the _St. Christopher_, would readily undertake to engrave

the spots and face figures of the earlier cards.

Breitkopf, an expert type-founder and a writer of authority, stands

almost alone in his opinion that playing cards were [p108] made after

the image prints. He says that the engravers who made cards also made

images, and he adds the curious fact that in some places cards and

images were called by the same name.[39]

The curt and careless manner in which the business of card-making is

mentioned in the old records is an indication that the process used

was not novel. We do not find in the writings of any author of the

fifteenth or sixteenth centuries a statement that the earliest playing

cards were made by a new art. That they were made by block-printing

at the beginning of the fifteenth century in Italy and Germany seems

clearly established. That they were made at a corresponding period in

Spain and France, where cards were as common, cannot be proved. It is

probable that the Germans derived their knowledge of cards from Italy,

but the evidences of an early manufacture by printing are decidedly

in favor of southern Germany, a district in which the most famous

image prints have been found, and which, at a later period, was the

birthplace of many eminent engravers on wood.

[p109]

VI

The Chinese Method of Printing.

Antiquity of Printing among the Chinese . . . Statement of Du Halde

. . . Its Perversion . . . First Chinese Method, the Gouging of

Letters . . . Didot’s Hypothesis . . . Second Method, of Xylography

. . . Third Method, a Combination of Xylography and Typography

. . . A Peculiarly Chinese Invention . . . Method now used . . .

Its Advantages over Types . . . Chinese Paper . . . Performance of

Pressmen . . . Curious Method of Binding . . . Expense of Engraving no

hindrance to Chinese Printing . . . The Xylographic Method necessary

. . . Chinese Practice in Typography . . . Cheapness of Chinese Books

. . . Similarity between the Chinese and the European Methods of

Block-Printing . . . The Hypothesis of its Transmission to Europe

through Marco Polo, or other Venetian Travelers.

* * * * *

In both arts, writing and printing alike, the Chinese have

remained stiff, stolid, and immovable at the first step, With the

characteristic unchangeability of the yellow races of Eastern Asia.

_D. F. Bacon._

* * * * *

Many eminent authors are of the opinion that we are indebted to China

not only for playing cards, but for the means of making them. They tell

us that playing cards could not have been popular, as they were at the

beginning of the fifteenth century, if they had not been made by a

cheaper process than drawing by hand. The inference attempted is that

block-printing and playing cards were brought to Europe together. The

reasons presented in support of this opinion are far from conclusive,

but they are based on many curious facts which deserve consideration.

The Chinese claims for priority in the practice of block printing

have been disallowed by some critics, chiefly because they have been

presented in the form of perverted translations. That oriental people

practised printing before this art was applied to any useful purpose

in Europe is admitted by all who have studied their history. Du Halde,

a learned Jesuit father, who traveled in China during the earlier part

of the [p110] eighteenth century, was the first author who furnished

Europeans with a description of Chinese printing. He quotes the

following extract from a Chinese book, supposed to have been written

in the reign of the emperor Wu-Wong, who was living 1120 B. C. “As

the stone _me_ (Chinese for blacking), which is used to blacken the

engraved characters, can never become white, so a heart blackened by

vices will always retain its blackness.”[40] This is an allusion to

some primitive method of blackening incised characters, for the purpose

of making them more legible. It is a method which is still observed in

the inscriptions on memorial stones in churches and graveyards. But it

is an allusion to engraving and blackening only. There is no mention

of printing ink, and no suggestion of printing. Du Halde quoted it

only to show the antiquity of engraving, yet it has been used by many

authors as a warrant for the assertion that printing was practised in

China eleven hundred years before the Christian era. If we could accept

this statement, we should have to believe that printing was invented

in China but a few years after the siege of Troy, before Rome was

founded, before Homer wrote and Solomon reigned. Du Halde’s words do

not warrant this statement. He says, with due caution, “In printing, it

seemeth that China ought to have the precedence of other nations, for,

according to their books, the Chinese have made use of this art for

sixteen hundred years,” or since the first century.

The practice of blackening characters was not printing, but it may have

led to its development. Du Halde says that the Chinese printed not only

on wood blocks, but on tables of “stone of a proper and particular

kind.” The writing or design to be printed, while it was still wet

with ink, was transferred by pressure from the paper upon which it

was written to the smooth surface of a slab of stone. When the [p111]

black lines of the writing or design were firmly set on the stone,

the paper was peeled off. The black transferred lines were then cut

out, or cut below the surface, as they are now done in the copper-plate

process. The surface was inked, paper was laid on the stone, and an

impression was taken. The result was, the appearance on the paper of

the writing or design in white on a field of solid black. This method

of cutting out the lines, so that they should appear white in the

printed impression, is the simplest form of engraving. It is like that

of the boy who cuts his name in the bark of a tree. He finds it easier

to gouge out the letters than it is to raise them in high relief.

Reasoning from probability, we should say that it should have been the

earliest of the methods. Didot believes that it was known to the old

Romans.[41] Du Halde says that this method of printing on stone was

used chiefly for “epitaphs, pictures, trees, mountains and such like

things.” He does not fix the date of its invention, but it was probably

the earlier method. Didot says that he had in his [p112] library the

portraits of four Chinese emperors of a dynasty which began A. D. 618,

and ended during the ninth century, and also some fac-similes of the

imperial writings, which were made by the same process.[42]

Sir John Francis Davis, for many years British Minister to China, and

author of two valuable books on that country, places the invention of

block-printing in China in the tenth century of the Christian era.

He attributes the discovery of the art to Foong-Taou, the Chinese

minister of state, who had been greatly hindered in the discharge of

his duties by his inability to procure exact copies of his writings.

After many trials and failures, he dampened a written sheet of paper,

and pressed it on a smooth surface of wood until he had produced a fair

transfer. He then cut away every part of the surface that did not show

the transferred lines, and thus produced a block in relief. The lines

in relief were next brushed with ink; a sheet of paper was laid on the

block, and impression was applied. The result was, a true fac-simile of

his writing, and the birth of block-printing.

There was another Chinese method, which, paradoxical as it may seem,

was a combination of xylography and typography. It was invented A.

D. 1041, by an ingenious Chinese blacksmith, named Pi-Ching, whose

process is thus described by Davis. The inventor first made a thick

paste of porcelain clay, and moulded or cut it in little oblong cubes

of proper size. On these cubes he carved the Chinese characters that

were most frequently used, thereby making movable types. The next

process was to bake them in an oven until they were hardened. But the

types so made were irregular as to height and as to body. In printers’

phrase, they would not stand together: some would be larger than the

standard, others would be too high to paper, and all would be crooked.

This difficulty could be remedied only by fixing the types firmly on

a surface or bed-plate of unequal elevation. This surface was formed

by pouring a melted mixture of wax, lime and [p113] resin on a plate

of iron. Pi-Ching then took a stout frame of the size of the page he

proposed to print, filled with iron wires in narrow parallels, and

placed it on the prepared bed-plate. The types of clay were next forced

between the iron wires on the mixture, and pressed close together. Then

the plate was put on a furnace and heated until the composition became

soft. A planer was put upon the face of the types, to force them down

in the composition until they were firmly secured at a uniform height.

So treated, the composed types were made as solid as a xylographic

block or a stereotype plate. The form was then ready for printing. The

method of printing was like that subsequently used for printing blocks

engraved on wood, a method that will be described hereafter. When the

form had been printed, heat was again applied; the types were withdrawn

from the composition, cleaned of ink and adhering composition by the

aid of a brush, and put back into a case for future use. Signs and

unusual characters not in constant use were wrapped up in paper.

There is nothing incredible in this curious story: on the contrary,

it bears internal evidences of its probability. The selection, for

printing purposes, of so unpromising a material as clay, the patient

labor given to each character before it reached the condition of a

type, the sagacity that foresaw and evaded the difficulty of irregular

bodies and heights by the use of iron parallels, and a yielding

bed-plate—all these are characteristic of the eccentricities of

Chinese invention. The process was ingenious, but it was not entirely

practical. It depended for its success more on the zeal and ability of

Pi-Ching than it did on its own merits. When Pi-Ching died, his process

died with him. His friends preserved his types as mementos of his

ability, but none of them were able to use his method with success.

The present Chinese method is, practically, the method originally used

by Foong-Taou. For the purpose of block-printing, Chinese printers

select the wood of the pear-tree, which has close fibres that yield

readily and sharply to the [p114] touch of the graver. Contrary to

western usage, the blocks are cut from wood sawed in boards, or sawed

parallel with the fibres. The thickness of the boards or blocks is

about a half-inch, but, in the Chinese method, it is not important that

the blocks be made of uniform thickness.[43] Each block is cut large

enough to contain two pages, and is carefully planed and truly squared.

The surface is then sized with a thick solution of boiled rice, which

saturates the pores of the wood. When the sizing is hard, the block is

ready for the engraver.

The writing or design to be engraved is neatly drawn or written on

thin, strong, transparent paper, and is transferred, face downward,

to the surface of the block. The rubbing of the back of the paper

permanently transfers the writing in its inverted position to the

block. The engraver then cuts away the field, leaving the transferred

lines in high relief. If the graver slips and spoils a letter, the

defective part is cut out; the vacant space is plugged with new wood,

on which plug the letter is redrawn and cut. Labor is cheap, and skill

is abundant: the cutting of a block of Chinese characters which conveys

as many ideas as a page of large Roman book types costs no more, often

less, than the composition of the types. The block has advantages over

metal types or stereotypes. It is, practically, a stereotype: correct

to copy, it needs no proof-reading; light, portable, and not so liable

to damage as the stereotype, it can be used for printing copies as they

are needed from time to time.

For printing the block, a press is not needed. The block is adjusted

upon a level table, before which the printer stands, with a bowl

of fluid ink on one side, and a pile of paper, cut to proper size,

on the other. In his right hand the printer holds two flat-faced

brushes, fixed on the opposite ends of the same handle. One brush is

occasionally dipped into the ink, [p115] and afterward swept over the

face of the block. This done, the printer places a sheet on the block;

he then reverses the position of the wet brush, and sweeps the paper

lightly, but firmly, with the dry brush at the other end of the handle.

This light impression of the brush is all that is needed to fasten the

ink on the paper. The success of this operation depends largely on

the quality of the paper, which is soft, thin, pliable, and a quick

absorbent of fluid ink.[44] If American book papers were substituted

for Chinese paper, the process of printing by the brush and with fluid

ink would be found impracticable: the sheet would not adhere to the

block; the ink would smear on the paper; the brush would not give

enough pressure to transfer the ink.

Chinese presswork is done with rapidity. Du Halde said that a printer

could perfect, without exertion, ten thousand sheets within one day.

As this performance, about thirteen impressions in a minute, for a

working day of twelve hours, is really greater than that of ordinary

book-printing machines in modern printing offices, this part of the

description of Du Halde may be rejected as entirely untrustworthy. We

must believe that the good father did not count the work, and that his

credulity was imposed upon by some Chinese braggart. Davis, with more

reason, says that the usual performance of the Chinese printer is two

thousand sheets per day, which is about one-fourth more than the daily

task of an American hand-pressman. The simple nature of the work favors

speed. The sheets are printed on one side only, and the printer is not

delayed by the setting-off, or smearing of the ink, on the back of the

white paper.

Although the Chinese book is printed on paper of the size of two

leaves, in pairs of two pages, it is not stitched through the back or

centre of the double leaf. The paper is folded between the pages, and

the fold is made the outer edge of the book; the cut edges are the back

of the book, [p116] through which the stitching is done. Clumsy as

this method of binding may seem to our standards of propriety, it is

done in China with a neatness and thoroughness which are almost beyond

criticism.[45]

The labor of engraving separate blocks for every work, which would be

regarded as an insuperable difficulty in the Western World, is esteemed

but lightly by the patient and plodding Chinese, and is no hindrance

to a very broad development of printing. A daily newspaper, known to

European residents as the _Peking Gazette_, has been printed in Peking

for centuries. This paper, which is made up chiefly of the orders of

the emperor and the proceedings and papers of his general council,

is printed from a composition of hard wax, which can be more quickly

engraved or indented than wood. The presswork, as might be expected,

is inferior to that done from engraved wooden blocks. The cost, in

China, of engraving a full page, about twice the size of the fac-simile

opposite, would be about forty-five cents; a careful imitation of the

same page by a competent engraver on wood in New-York would cost about

thirty-five dollars.

Adherence to old usages, in neglect of improved methods, is a true

oriental trait, but the preference of the Chinese for block-printing

is not altogether unreasonable. Their written language is an

almost insurmountable obstacle to the employment of types. Chinese

characters do not stand for letters or sounds; they represent complete

words or ideas. As their vocabulary contains a great many of these

words, estimated by some at 80,000, and by others at 240,000, it is

impracticable, by reason of its expense, to cut punches for all these

characters. European type-founders, at various times, have made up an

assortment of Chinese characters for printing the New Testament, and

for other books requiring a limited [p117] number of words, but a

complete collection has never been attempted beyond the Chinese Empire.

[Illustration: Fac-Simile of part of a Page from a Chinese Book.]

[Illustration: Chinese Types Made in London.

[Furnished by Mr. John F. Marthens of Pittsburgh.]]

The Invention of Printing. A Collection of Facts and Opinions, Descriptive of Early Prints and Playing Cards, the Block-Books of the Fifteenth Century, the Legend of Lourens Janszoon Coster, of Haarlem, and the Work of John Gutenberg and His Associates · 第 7 / 47 段