Nilakantan. Bhavasarman.
Paramesvaran. Nandi.
Raman. Kuberan.
Harijayandan. Madhavan.
Chandrasekharan. Anantan.
Vasudevan. Nambiatan.
Greni. Shannan.
Damodaran. Krishnan.
Sivadasan. Sankaran.
Mahesvaran.
In connection with the names of Nambutiris, Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes
as follows. "A list of names not current or unusual now among other
Brahman communities in Southern India may be interesting. These are--
Vishnu. Kadamban.
Gayantan. Chitran.
Devadattan. Gadavedan.
Kiratan. Bhavadasan.
Prabhakaran. Srikumaran.
Dattareyan
"The conspicuous absence of the names of the third son of Siva (Sasta),
such as Hariharaputra and Budhanatha, may be noted. Nor are the names
of Ganapathi much in favour with them. Sridevi and Savitri are the
two most common names, by which Nambutiri females are known. There
are also certain other names of a Prakrita or non-classic character,
used to denote males and females, which sometimes border on the
humorous. Among these are--
Males. Females.
Nampiyattan. Nangngaya.
Ittiyattan. Nangngeli.
Uzhutran. Pappi.
Tuppan. Ittichchiri.
Nampotta. Unnima.
Chiruta.
"Some names in this list are identifiable with the names of divinities
and puranic personages. For example, Uzhutran is a corruption of
Rudran. In the same manner, Tuppan is the Prakrit for Subramanya, and
Chiruta for Sita. Unnima is another name for Uma or Parvati. Nambutiris
grudge to grant the title of Nambutiri to each other. For instance,
the Tamarasseri Nambutiri calls the Mullappalli Nambutiri merely
Mullapalli (house name). But, if the person addressed is an Adhya
of one of the eight houses, or at least a Tantri Adhya, the title
Nambutiri is added to his name. Again, if there are in a house two
Nambutiris, one of them being the father and the other the son, the
father whenever he writes, subscribes himself as the Achchan Nambutiri
or father Nambutiri, while the son subscribes himself as the Makan or
son Nambutiri. In Malabar there were two poets called Venmani Achchan
Nambutiri and Venmani Makan Nambutiri, venmani signifying the name
of the illam. It is only in documents and other serious papers that
the proper name or sarman of the Nambutiri would be found mentioned."
When addressing each other, Nambutiris use the names of their
respective illams or manas. When a Nambutiri is talking with a
Nayar, or indeed with one of any other caste, the manner in which
the conversation must be carried on, strictly according to custom,
is such that the Nambutiri's superiority is apparent at every
turn. Thus, a Nayar, addressing a Nambutiri, must speak of himself
as foot-servant. If he mentions his rice, he must not call it rice,
but his gritty rice. Rupees must be called his copper coins, not
his rupees. He must call his house his dung-pit. He must speak of
the Nambutiri's rice as his raw rice, his coppers as rupees, and his
house as his illam or mana. The Nayar must not call his cloth a cloth,
but an old cloth or a spider's web. But the Nambutiri's cloth is to
be called his daily white cloth, or his superior cloth. The Nayar,
speaking of his bathing, says that he drenches himself with water,
whereas the Nambutiri sports in the water when he bathes. Should he
speak of eating or drinking, the Nayar must say of himself that he
takes food, or treats himself to the water in which rice has been
washed. But, should he speak of the Nambutiri eating, he must say
that he tastes ambrosia. The Nayar calls his sleeping lying flat,
and the Nambutiri's closing his eyes, or resting like a Raja. The
Nayar must speak of his own death as the falling of a forest,
but of the Nambutiri's as entering fire. The Nambutiri is not
shaved by the barber; his hairs are cut. He is not angry, but merely
dissatisfied. He does not clean his teeth as the Nayar; he cleans his
superior pearls. Nor does he laugh; he displays his superior pearls.
Concerning the recreations and pastimes of the Nambutiris,
Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "During the intervals of Vedic
or Puranic recitations, the Nambutiri engages himself in chaturangam
or chess. When the players are equally matched, a game may last five,
six, or even seven days. Another amusement, which the Nambutiris
take a great interest in, is the Yatrakali, which is said to be a
corruption of Sastrakali, a performance relating to weapons. This is
a unique institution, kept up by a section of the Nambutiris, who are
believed to represent the Brahmanical army of Parasu Rama. When, at a
ceremony in the Travancore royal household, a Yatrakali is performed,
the parties have to be received at the entrance of the Maharaja's
palace in state, sword in hand. The dress and songs are peculiar. In
its import, the performance seems to combine the propitiation of Siva
and Parvati in the manner indicated in a tradition at Trikkariyur with
exorcism and skill in swordsmanship. It is generally believed that, in
ancient days, the Brahmans themselves ruled Kerala. When they found it
necessary to have a separate king, one Attakat Nambutiri was deputed,
with a few other Brahmans, to go and obtain a ruler from the adjoining
Chera territory. The only pass in those days, connecting Malabar
and Coimbatore, was that which is now known as Nerumangalam. When
the Nambutiris were returning through this pass with the ruler whom
they had secured from the Chera King, a strange light was observed
on the adjacent hills. Two young Brahmans of Chengngamanat village,
on proceeding towards the hill to investigate the source thereof,
found to their amazement that it was none other than Sri Bhagavati,
the consort of Siva, who enjoined them to go, viâ Trikkariyur,
to Kodungngnallur, the capital of the Perumals. Seeing that the
sight of Bhagavati foretold prosperity, the king called the range of
hills Nerumangalam or true bliss, and made an endowment of all the
surrounding land to the Brahman village of Chengngamanat, the members
of which had the good fortune to see the goddess face to face. When
they entered the temple of Trikkariyur, a voice was heard to exclaim
"Chera Perumal," which meant that into that town, where Parasu Rama
was believed to be dwelling, no Perumal (king) should ever enter--a
traditional injunction still respected by the Malabar Kshatriyas. At
this place, the sixth Perumal who, according to a tradition, had a
pronounced predilection for the Bouddha religion (Islamism or Buddhism,
we cannot say), called a meeting of the Brahmans, and told them that
a religious discussion should be held between them and the Bouddhas,
in view to deciding their relative superiority. The presiding deity
of the local Saiva shrine was then propitiated by the Brahmans, to
enable them to come out victorious from the trial. A Gangama saint
appeared before them, and taught them a hymn called nalupadam (four
feet or parts of a sloka) which the Nambutiris say is extracted from
the Samaveda. The saint further advised them to take out a lamp from
within the temple, which according to tradition had existed from the
time of Sri Rama, to a room built on the western ghat of the temple
tank, and pray to Siva in terms of the hymn. While this was continued
for forty-one days, six Brahmans, with Mayura Bhatta at their head,
arrived from the east coast to the succour of the Nambutiris. With
the help of these Brahmans, the Nambutiris kept up a protracted
discussion with the Bouddhas. Wishing to bring it to a close, the
Perumal thought of applying a practical test. He enclosed a snake
within a pot, and asked the disputants to declare its contents. The
Bouddhas came out first with the correct answer, while the Brahmans
followed by saying that it was a lotus flower. The Perumal was, of
course, pleased with the Bouddhas; but, when the pot was opened, it was
found to contain a lotus flower instead of a snake. The Bouddhas felt
themselves defeated, and ever afterwards the nalupadam hymn has been
sung by the Nambutiris with a view to securing a variety of objects,
every one of which they expect to obtain by this means. It is also
said that, when the Brahmans were propitiating Siva at Trikkariyur,
diverse spirits and angels were found amusing Parvati with their
quips and cranks. A voice from heaven was then heard to say that such
frolics should thereafter form part of the worship of Siva.
"Engaged in these socio-religious performances are eighteen sanghas
or associations. The chief office-bearers are the Vakyavritti who
is the chief person, and must be an Ottu Nambutiri or a Nambutiri
with full Vedic knowledge; the Parishakkaran who holds charge of
the Yatrakali paraphernalia; and the guru or instructor. The chief
household divinities of these soldier Nambutiris are Bhadrakali, Sasta,
and Subrahmanya. On the evening of the Yatrakali day, these Brahmans
assemble round the lamp, and recite the nalupadam and a few hymns
in praise of their household divinities, and especially of Siva,
the saviour who manifested himself at Trikkariyur. On the night
of the performance they are entertained at supper, when they sing
certain songs called Karisloka. They then move in slow procession to
the kalam or hall, singing specially songs in the vallappattu metre,
with the sacred thread hanging vertically round the neck (apiviti),
and not diagonally as is the orthodox fashion. In the hall have
been placed a burning lamp in the centre, a para (Malabar measure)
filled with paddy, a number of bunches of cocoanuts, plantain fruits,
and various kinds of flowers. The Brahmans sit in a circle round the
lamp, and, after preliminary invocations to Ganapathi, sing songs in
praise of Siva. After this various kinds of dumb-show are performed,
and this is the time for exhibiting skill in swordsmanship. The
exorcising, by the waving of a lighted torch before the face of the
host, of any evil spirits that may have attached themselves is then
gone through. The performance ends with a prayer to Bhagavati, that
she will shower every prosperity. Following close upon this, a variety
entertainment is sometimes given by the Yatrakali Nambutiris. This
old institution is still in great favour in British Malabar, and,
as it has a religious aspect intertwined with it, it is not likely to
be swept away by the unsparing broom of the so-called parishkarakalam
or reforming age of modern India.
"The Kathakali, or national drama of Malabar, is held in great esteem
and favour by the Nambutiris. Most of them are conversant with the
songs and shows relating to it, and severely criticise the slightest
fault or failure. The Kathakali is more than three centuries old in
Malabar, and is said to have been first brought into existence by a
member of the ancient ruling house of Kottarakkara. As the earliest
theme represented was the Ramayana, the Kathakali is also known
as Ramanattam. A single play lasts for eight and even ten hours in
the night. Kshatriyas, Asuras, Rakshasas, Kiratas (hunting tribes),
monkeys, birds, etc., each has an appropriate make-up. The play is in
dumb-show, and no character is permitted to speak on the stage. The
songs are sung by the Bhagavatar or songster, and the actors literally
act, and do nothing more. The Nambutiris love this antiquated form
of theatrical performance, and patronise it to a remarkable extent.
"There are a number of other recreations of an entirely non-religious
character. The chief of these are called respectively seven dogs and
the leopard, fifteen dogs and the leopard, and twenty-eight dogs and
the leopard. Success in these games consists in so arranging the dogs
as to form a thick phalanx, two abreast, round the leopard. Stones
of two sizes are employed to represent the dogs and leopards, and
the field is drawn on the ground.
"The ezahmattukali, or seventh amusement, is said to have been so
called from the fact of its being introduced by the seventh Nambutiri
gramam of Kerala. It is a miniature form of Yatrakali, but without its
quasi-religious character, and is intended to serve merely as a social
pastime. The players need not all be Brahmans; nor is fasting or any
religious discipline part of the preliminary programme. Sitting round
the lamp as at the Yatrakali, and reciting songs in praise of Siva,
the players proceed to the characteristic portion of the recreation,
which is a kind of competition in quick-wittedness and memory held
between two yogas or parties. One among them calls himself the
Kallur Nayar and is the presiding judge. There is interrogation
and answering by two persons, and a third proclaims the mistakes
in the answers. There are two others, who serve as bailiffs to
execute the judge's orders. Humorous scenes are then introduced,
such as Ittikkantappan Nayar, Prakkal, Mutti or old woman, Pattar or
Paradesa Brahman, and other characters, who appear on the stage and
amuse the assembly."
The Nambutiris are Vedic Brahmans: their scriptures are the Vedas. It
is safe to say that the Nambutiris are Shaivas, but not to the
exclusion of Vishnu. The ordinary South Indian Vaishnava Brahman has
nothing to do with the Shaiva temple over the way, and takes no part
or interest in the Shaiva festivals. Siva is to the Nambutiri the
supreme deity, but he has temples also to Vishnu, Krishna, Narasimha,
Sri Raghava, Ganapathi, Subrahmanya, Bhagavati, etc. There are said
to be temples to Sastavu and Sankarnarayanan--amalgamated forms of
Siva and Vishnu. The lingam is the ordinary object of worship.
Like all Brahmans, the Nambutiris believe that the eight directions
or points of the compass, north, north-east, east, south-east, south,
south-west, west, north-west, are presided over by eight deities, or
Ashtadikpalakas, riding on various animals. Indra reigns in heaven and
Yama in hell, and Surya is the sun god. All these and their wives are
worshipped. Parvati shares adoration with Siva, Lakshmi with Vishnu,
and so on. The Nambutiris believe in the existence of evil spirits
which influence man, but they do not worship them.
It is said that the Nambutiri has of late been influenced by Vedantism,
that wonderful religious idea of the existence of one spirit or
atman, the only reality, outside which the world and all besides is
mere illusion, and whose doctrine is wrapped up in the three words
"Ekam eva advitiyam". (There is but one being without a second).
The Nambutiris call themselves Arya Brahmanar. Their legendary
transmigration to Malabar from Northern India is doubtless true. Theirs
is by far the purest form of the Vedic Brahmanism to be met with in
Southern India. A complete account of the religion of the Nambutiris
cannot be given in these pages. The Nambutiri's life is a round
of sacrifices, the last of which is the burning of his body on the
funeral pyre. When the Nambutiri has no male issue, he performs the
putra kameshti or karmavipakaprayaschittam yagams or sacrifices to
obtain it. Should he be unwell, he performs the mrittyunjaya santi
yagam, so that he may be restored to good health. He performs the
aja yagam, or goat sacrifice, in order to obtain salvation. Though
animal food is strictly forbidden, and the rule is strictly followed,
the flesh of the goat, which remains after the offering has been made
in this sacrifice, is eaten by the Nambutiris present as part of the
solemn ceremonial. This is the only occasion on which animal food is
eaten. Namaskaram, or prostration, is much done during prayers. By some
it is done some hundreds of times daily, by others not so often. It
amounts to physical exercise, and is calculated to strengthen the
arms and the back.
Reference has already been made to certain ceremonies connected with
pregnancy, and the early life of a child. There are three further
important ceremonies, called Upanayana, Samavartana and Upakarma,
concerning which Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes as follows. "Upanayana
may be called the Brahmanising ceremony. An oft-repeated Sanskrit
verse runs to the effect that a Brahman is a Brahman by virtue of
his karmas or actions in this life, or the lives preceding it. The
meaning of the term Upanayana is a ceremony which leads one to god,
i.e., to a realisation of the eternal self through the aid of a guru
(preceptor). This ceremony takes place in the seventh, eighth, or ninth
year of a boy's life. As ordinarily understood, it is a ceremony for
males only, as they alone have to observe the four asramas. But, in
ancient days, it seems to have been performed also by females. Marriage
was not compulsory, and a girl might take to asceticism at once. Sita
is said to have worn a yagnopavitam (sacred thread). A Brahman is not
born, but made by the karmas. In other words, a Brahman boy is, at the
time of his birth, only a Sudra, and it is by the performance of the
necessary karmas--not merely the ceremonial rites, but the disciplinary
and preparatory process in view to spiritual development--that he
becomes a Dviga or twice-born. The word Upanayana is composed of
upa, meaning near, and nayana, leading. What the youth is led to is,
according to some, Brahmaggnana or the realisation of the eternal and
universal self, and according to others only the teacher or guru. A
Nambutiri Upanayana begins with the presentation of a dakshina
(consolidated fee) to the Ezhuttachchan, or the Nayar or Ambalavasi
teacher, who has been instructing the youth in the vernacular. The boy
stands on the western side of the sacrificial fire, facing the east,
and the father stands beside him, facing the same way. The second cloth
(uttariya) is thrown over the boy's head, and his right hand being
held up, the sacred thread, to which a strap made from the skin of
a Krishnamriga (antelope) is attached, is thrown over his shoulders
and under his right arm, while he stands reverently with closed
eyes. The thread and skin are wrapped up in the cloth, and are not
to be seen by the boy. He is then taken to an open place, where the
priest introduces the new Brahmachari to the sun, and invokes him to
cover his pupil with his rays. The boy next goes to the sacrificial
altar, and himself offers certain sacrifices to the fire. Saluting
his preceptor and obtaining his blessing, he requests that he may be
initiated into the Savitrimantram. After a few preliminary ceremonies,
the guru utters in the right ear of his disciple the sacred syllable
Om, and repeats the Gayatri mantram nine times. He then instructs
him in certain maxims of conduct, which he is to cherish and revere
throughout the Brahmacharya stage. Addressing the boy, the guru says,
'You have become entitled to the study of the Vedas; perform all
the duties which pertain to the asrama you are about to enter. Never
sleep during the day. Study the Vedas by resigning yourself to the
care of your spiritual instructor.' These exhortations, though made
in Sanskrit, are explained in Malayalam, in order that the boy
may understand them--a feature unknown to Brahmans on the other
coast. With his words of advice, the preceptor gives the youth a
danda or stick made of pipal (Ficus religiosa) wood, as if to keep
him in perpetual memory of what would follow if any of the directions
be disregarded. The boy then makes his obeisance to his parents and
all his relations, and is given a brass vessel called bhikshapatra
(alms pot), in which he collects, by house-to-house visits, food
for his daily sustenance during the Brahmacharya stage. He proceeds
to the kitchen of his own house with the vessel in one hand and the
stick in the other. Making his obeisance in due form to his mother,
who stands facing the east, he says 'Bhiksham bhavati dadatu' (May you
be pleased to give me alms). The mother places five or seven handfuls
of rice in the vessel. After receiving similar contributions from the
assembled elders, the boy takes the vessel to his father, who is the
first guru, saying 'Bhaikshmamidam' (This is my alms collection). The
father blesses it, and says 'May it be good.' After the Gayatrijapa,
the ceremony of Samidadhana is performed. This is the Brahmachari's
daily worship of the sacred fire, corresponding to the aupasana of the
Grihastha, and has to be performed twice daily. After another homam at
night, the cloth covering the sacred thread and skin is removed, and
the consecration of the food is done for the first time. In addition
to the skin strap, the Brahmachari wears a mekhala or twisted string
of kusa grass. It is doubtless of the youthful Nambutiri that Barbosa
wrote as follows at the beginning of the sixteenth century. 'And
when these are seven years old, they put round their necks a strap
two fingers in width of an animal which they call cresnamergan,
and they command him not to eat betel for seven years, and all this
time he wears that strap round the neck, passing under the arm;
and, when he reaches fourteen years of age, they make him a Brahman,
removing from him the leather strap round his neck, and putting on
another three-thread, which he wears all his life as a mark of being a
Brahman. The rules which were observed with such strictness centuries
ago are still observed, and every Nambutiri boy goes through his period
of Brahmacharya, which lasts at least for full five years. During
the whole of this period, no sandal paste, no scents, and no flowers
are to be used by him. He is not to take his meals at other houses
on festive occasions. He must not sleep during the day. Nor may he
wear a loin-cloth in the ordinary fashion. Shoes and umbrella are
also prohibited. The completion of the Brahmachari asrama, or stage
of pupilage, is called Samavartana. After a few religious ceremonies
in the morning, the Brahmachari shaves for the first time since
the Upanayana ceremonies, casts off the skin strap and mekhala, and
bathes. He puts on sandal paste marks, bedecks himself with jasmine
flowers, and puts on shoes. He then holds an umbrella, and wears a
pearl necklace. After this, he puts on a head-dress, and a few other
ceremonials conclude the Samavartana. For three days subsequent
to this, the budding Grihastha is considered ceremonially impure,
and the pollution is perhaps based on the death of the old asrama,
and birth of the new. In the Upakarma ceremony, hymns are sung by
the preceptor, and the pupil has merely to listen to them."
In conclusion, something may be said concerning the general beliefs
of the Nambutiris. All objects, animate or inanimate, organic or
inorganic, are believed to be permeated by the divine spirit. Animals,
trees, plants, and flowers are animate, and therefore venerated. The
sun, moon, and stars are revered on account of some inherent quality
in each, such as utility or strength, or owing to their connection
with some deity. A god can assume any form at any time, such as that
of a man, bird, beast, or tree. The various forms in which a god has
appeared are ever sacred. Some animals have been used as vehicles by
the gods, and are therefore revered. Cows, horses, and snakes are
worshipped. The cow is the most sacred of all animals. The Puranas
tell of Kamadhenu, the cow of plenty, one of the fourteen useful
things which turned up out of the ocean of milk when it was churned,
and which is supposed to have yielded the gods all they desired. So
Kamadhenu is one who gives anything which is desired. Every hair of
the cow is sacred, its urine is the most holy water, and its dung
the most purificatory substance. The horse is the favourite animal of
Kubera, the treasure-god. The Uchchaisravas the high-eared prototype
of all horses, also came out of the churned ocean. Horse sacrifice,
or Asvamedha, is the greatest of all sacrifices. Performance of a
hundred of them would give the sacrificer power to displace Indra,
in order to make room for him. Snakes are the fruitful progeny of
the sage Kasyapa and Kadru. The Maha Sesha, their prince, is the
couch and canopy of Vishnu, and supports the world on his thousand
heads. But attention to snakes is probably more in the light of the
harm which they may do, and propitiatory in character.
Among plants, the tulasi or sacred basil (Ocimum sanctum) is the most
sacred of all. It is supposed to be pervaded by the essence of both
Vishnu and Lakshmi: according to some legends, it is a metamorphosis
of Sita and Rukmini. The daily prayer offered to the tulasi is thus
rendered by Monier Williams. "I adore that tulasi in whose roots
are all the sacred places of pilgrimage, in whose centre are all the
deities, and in whose upper branches are all the Vedas." The udumbara
(Ficus glomerata) is also sacred. Under this tree Dattatreya, the
incarnation of the Trinity, performed his ascetic austerities. The
Nambutiri says that, according to the sastras, there must be one of
these trees in his compound, and, if it is not there, he imagines it
is. The bilva (Ægle Marmelos) is specially sacred to Siva all over
Southern India. To the Nambutiri it is very sacred. Its leaves are
supposed to represent the three attributes of Siva--Satva, Raja, and
Tama--and also his three eyes and his trisulam (trident). They are used
by the Nambutiri in propitiatory ceremonies to that god. An offering
of a single leaf of this tree is believed to annihilate the sins done
three births or existence. Kusa grass (Eragrostis cynosuroides) is very
sacred, and used in many ceremonies. At the churning of the ocean,
the snakes are said to have been greedy enough to lick the nectar
off the kusa grass, and got their tongues split in consequence. The
asvaththa (Ficus religiosa) is also very sacred to the Nambutiris. It
is supposed to be pervaded by the spirit of Brahma the Creator.
From the sun (Surya, the sun-god) emanate light and heat, and
to its powers all vegetation is due, so the Nambutiri worships it
daily. He also offers puja to the sun and moon as belonging to the nine
navagrahas (planets). The planets are the Sun, Moon, Mercury, Venus,
Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, Rahu and Ketu. They influence the destinies
of men, and therefore come in for some worship. The three last are
sinister in their effects, and must be propitiated.
Namdev.--A synonym of Rangari.
Nanchi Kuruva.--A name for Kuruvas, who inhabit Nanchinad in
Travancore.
Nanchinad Vellala.--The Nanchinad Vellalas, to the number of 18,000,
are found scattered all over Travancore, though their chief centre is
Nanchinad, composed of the taluks of Tovala and Agastisvaram. Their
manners and customs at the present day are so different to those
of the Tamil Vellalas that they may be regarded as a separate caste
indigenous to Travancore and Cochin. Like other Sudras of Travancore,
they add the title Pillai to their name, which is often preceded by
the title Kannaku.
From a copper-plate grant in the possession of the Syrian Christians,
dated A.D. 824, we learn that one family of carpenters, and four
families of Vellalas, were entrusted with the growing of plants on
the sea-coast, the latter being the Karalars or trustees. From this
it appears that the Vellalas must have settled on the west coast in
the ninth century at the latest. The Nanchinad Vellalas were not
originally different from their Pandyan analogues, but settled in
the taluks above mentioned, over which the Pandyans held sway during
several periods in mediæval times. On one occasion, when there was a
dispute about the territorial jurisdiction of Nanchinad between the
Maharaja of Travancore and the Pandyan ruler, the leading Vellalas of
these taluks went over in a body to the Travancore camp, and swore
allegiance to the Travancore throne. They gradually renounced even
the law of inheritance, which their brethren of the Tamil country
followed, and adopted many novel customs, which they found prevalent
in Kerala. From Nanchinad the caste spread in all directions, and, as
most of them were respectable men with good education and mathematical
training, their services were utilised for account-keeping in the civil
and military departments of the State. They must, of course, be clearly
distinguished from the Tamil makkathayam Vellalas of Kuttamperur in
Tiruvella, who have also become naturalised in Travancore,
For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
Like the Tamil Vellalas, the Nanchinad Vellalas are divided into two
classes, Saiva and Asaiva, of which the former abstain from flesh and
fish, while the latter have no such scruple. Asaivas will take food
in the houses of Saivas, but the Saivas cook their own food when
they go to an Asaiva house. Again, though the Saivas marry girls
from Asaiva families, they are taught the Saiva hymn by the Gurukal
immediately afterwards, and prohibited from dining with their former
relatives. This custom is, however, only known to prevail in the
south. While the Vellalas in the south reside in streets, their
brethren in the north live, like Nayars, in isolated houses. In
their dress and ornaments, too, the Nanchinad Vellalas living in
North Travancore differ from those of the south, inasmuch as they
adopt the practice of the Nayars, while the latter are conservative,
and true to their old traditions.
The Nanchinad Vellalas are well known, throughout Travancore, for
their thrift, industry, and mathematical acumen. Several families
have dropped the designation of Vellala, and adopted Nanchinad Nayar
as their caste-name.
Their language is largely mixed up with Malayalam words and
phrases. Madan Isakki (Yakshi) and Inan are their recognised
tutelary deities, and were till recently worshipped in every
household. Villati-chanpattu is a common propitiatory song, sung by
members of the goldsmith and oilmonger castes, in connection with
the ceremonies of the Nanchinad Vellalas. It deals with the origin
of these minor deities, and relates the circumstances in which their
images were set up in various shrines. Amman-kodai, or offering to the
mother, is the most important religious festival. They also observe
the Tye-pongal, Depavali, Trikkartikai, Onam and Vishu festivals. The
anniversary of ancestors is celebrated, and the Pattukkai ceremony of
the Tamil Vellalas, in propitiation of deceased female ancestors, is
performed every year. Stories of Chitragupta, the accountant-general of
Yama, the Indian Pluto, are recited on the new-moon day in the month,
of Chittiray (April-May) with great devotion.
The Nanchinad Vellalas are chiefly an agricultural class, having
their own village organisation, with office-bearers such as
kariyasthan or secretary, mutalpiti or treasurer, and the pilla or
accountant. Contributions towards village funds are made on certain
ceremonial occasions. Their high priest belongs to the Umayorubhagam
mutt of Kumbakonam, and the North Travancore Vellalas recognise the
Panantitta Gurukal as their spiritual adviser. East coast Brahmans
often officiate as their priests, and perform the sacrificial and
other rites at weddings.
The usual rule is for girls to marry after puberty, but early marriage
is not rare. The maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter is
regarded as the legitimate bride. The presents to the bridegroom
include a mundu and neriyatu, the ordinary Malabar dress, and very
often an iron writing-style and knife. This is said to be symbolical of
the fact that the Vellalas formed the accountant caste of Travancore,
and that several families of them were invited from Madura and
Tinnevelly to settle down in Nanchinad for this purpose. A procession
of the bridal couple in a palanquin through the streets is a necessary
item of the marriage festivities. The Nanchinad Vellalas contract
temporary alliances with Nayar women from the Padamangalam section
downwards. Divorce is permitted, provided a formal release-deed,
or vidu-muri, is executed by the husband. After this, the woman may
enter into sambandham (connection) with a Nanchinad or Pandi Vellala.
The laws of inheritance are a curious blend of the makkathayam
and marumakkathayam systems. Sons are entitled to a portion of the
property, not exceeding a fourth, of the self-acquired property of
the father, and also a fourth of what would have descended to him in a
makkathayam family. This is called ukantutama, because it is property
given out of love as opposed to right. It is a further rule that, in
case of divorce, the wife and children should be given this ukantutama,
lest they should be left in utter destitution, only a tenth part of
the ancestral property being allotted for this purpose, if her husband
leaves no separate estate. If more than a fourth of the estate is to
be given in this manner, the permission of the heirs in the female
line has generally to be obtained. If a man dies without issue, and
leaves his wife too old or unwilling to enter into a fresh matrimonial
alliance, she is entitled to maintenance out of his estate. A divorced
woman, if without issue, is similarly entitled to maintenance during
the life of her former husband. The property to which she may thus
lay claim is known as nankutama, meaning the property of the nanka
or woman. The nankutama cannot be claimed by the widow, if, at the
time of her husband's death, she does not live with, and make herself
useful to him. When a widow enters into a sambandham alliance, the
second husband has to execute a deed called etuppu, agreeing to pay
her, either at the time of his death or divorce, a specified sum of
money. The ukantutama from the family of her first husband does not
go to the issue of a woman who is in possession of an etuppu deed.
The namakarana, or name-giving ceremony, is performed in early
life. Many of the names are unknown among Nayars, e.g., Siva, Vishnu,
Kuttalalingam, Subramanya, Ponnampalam among males, and Sivakami,
Kantimati among females. The tonsure is performed before a boy is three
years old. The right of performing the funeral ceremonies is vested
in the son, or, failing one, the nephew. Pollution lasts for sixteen
days. The karta (chief mourner) has to get himself completely shaved,
and wears the sacred thread throughout the period of pollution, or
at least on the sixteenth day. On that day oblations of cooked food,
water and gingelly (Sesamum) seeds are offered to the departed. If
a daughter's son dies, her mother, and not the father, observes
pollution.
Nanchinad Vellala has been assumed by males of the Deva-dasi caste
in Travancore.
Nandikattu (bull's mouth).--An exogamous sept of Medara.
Nandimandalam.--A sub-division of Razu.
Nanga (naked).--A sub-division of Poroja.
Nangudi Vellala.--The so-called Nangudi Vellalas, or Savalai Pillais,
are found inhabiting several villages in the Tinnevelly district,
and differ from other Vellalas in several important points. They say
that they are Kottai (fort) Vellalas, who have given up the custom of
living within a fort. Nangudi women are not allowed to enter the fort
at Srivaiguntam, wherein the Kottai Vellalas live. Within the last few
years, marriages are said to have taken place between members of the
two communities. The Nangudis have exogamous septs or kilais, named
for the most part after persons or deities, which, like the septs of
the Maravans, run in the female line. The hereditary caste headman is
called Pattaththu Pillai. In olden times, members who disobeyed him
were made to run through the streets with a rotten tender cocoanut
tied to the kudumi (hair knot), while a man ran behind, applying a
tamarind switch to the back.
The consent of a girl's maternal uncle and his wife is necessary,
before she can marry. The aunt's consent is signified by touching the
tali (marriage badge) on the wedding day. The uncle keeps a light,
called ayira panthi, burning until the time for tying the tali, A
quarter measure of rice is tied up in a cloth, and the knot converted
into a wick, which is fed with ghi (clarified butter).
The news of a death in the community is conveyed by the barber. Before
the removal of the corpse, all close relations, and at least one pair
of Nangudis from every village, must come to the house. Absence on
this occasion is considered as a very grave insult. On the second
day after death, an Amarantus, called arakkirai, must be cooked.
A special feature in connection with inheritance is that a man should
give his daughters some property, and every daughter must be given a
house. The husbands have to live in their wives' houses. The property
which a woman receives from her father becomes eventually the property
of her daughters, and her sons have no claim to it. Sons inherit the
property of the father in the usual manner.
Like the Kondaikatti Vellalas, the Nangudis claim that they had the
right of placing the crown on the head of the Pandyan kings. In the
village of Korkai, there is a tank (pond) called Kannimar Jonai,
because celestial maidens used to bathe there. When one Agni Maha
Rishi was doing penance, three of the celestial maidens are said to
have come to bathe. The Rishi fell in love with them, and eventually
three sons were born. These children were brought up by the Vellalas
of Korkai at the request of the Rishi, who represented that they were
likely to become kings. According to the legend, they became Chera,
Chola, and Pandya kings.
Nannuru (four hundred).--An exogamous sept of Madiga.
Nantunikkuruppu.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901,
as a synonym of Vatti, a sub-division of Nayar.
Nanukonda.--A sub-division of Lingayat Kapus, named after the village
of Nanukonda in the Kurnool district.
Naravidyavaru.--These are Vipravinodis, who are Jangams by caste. They
style themselves Naravidyavaru when they perform acrobatic and other
feats before ordinary people, and Vipravinodi when they perform
before Brahmans. The name Naravidyavaru is said to be a contraction
of Narulu-mechche-vidya-cheyu-varu, i.e., those who receive the
approbation of men. One of their most favourite feats is throwing
three or four wooden or stone balls up into the air, and rolling them
quickly in succession over various parts of the body--arms, chest, etc.
Nariangal (nari, jackal).--An exogamous sept of Vallamban.
Narikela (cocoanut).--An exogamous sept of Balija.
Narollu (fibre).--An exogamous sept of Pedakanti Kapu.
Narpathu Katchi (forty-house section).--A sub-division of Valluvan.
Nasrani Mappilla.--A name, in Malabar, applied to Christians.
Nasuvan.--Nasivan or Nasuvan, said to mean unholy, one who should not
be touched, or one sprung from the nose, is the name for Ambattans
(Tamil barbers). The equivalents Nasiyan and Navidan occur as a name
for Telugu barbers, and Malayali barbers who shave Nayars and higher
castes. Navidan is further recorded as the occupational name of a
sub-division of Tamil Paraiyans, and Vettuvans.
Natamukki.-- Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Naththalu (snails).--An exogamous sept of Mala.
Natramiludaiyan.--A name, meaning the repository of chaste Tamil,
returned by some Nattamans at times of census.
Nattan.--At the Census, 1901, nearly 12,000 individuals returned
themselves as Nattan, which is stated by the Census Superintendent to
be "a vague term meaning people of the country, reported by some to be
a main caste, and by others to be a sub-caste of Vellala. Nearly all
of those who returned the name came from Salem and were cultivators,
but some of them entered themselves as possessing the title of Servai,
which usually denotes an Agamudaiyan" (see Servai, Servaikaran). Nattan
also occurs as a title of the Tamil Sembadavan and Pattanavan fishing
castes, and of the Vallambans. Portions of the Tamil country are
divided into areas known as nadus, in each of which certain castes,
known as Nattan or Nattar, are the predominant element. For example,
the Vallambans and Kallans are called the Nattars of the Palaya Nadu
in the Sivaganga zamindari of the Madura district. In dealing with
the tribal affairs of the various castes inhabiting a particular nadu,
the lead is taken by the Nattars.
Nattati (the name of a village).--A sub-division of Shanan.
Nattu (sons of the soil).--Recorded as a sub-division of Kallan,
and of the Malayans of Cochin.
Nattukattada Nayanmar.--A class of mendicants attached to the Kaikolans
(q.v.).
Nattukottai Chetti.--"Of all the Chettis," Mr. Francis writes, [106]
"perhaps the most distinctive and interesting are the Nattukottai
Chettis, who are wealthy money-lenders with head-quarters in the
Tiruppattur and Devakottai divisions of the Sivaganga and Ramnad
zamindaris in the Madura district. They are the most go-a-head of
all the trading castes in the south, travelling freely to Burma,
the Straits Settlements and Ceylon (also Saigon, Mauritius, and
South Africa), and having in some cases correspondents in London and
on the Continent. As long as their father is alive, the members of a
Nattukottai Chetti family usually all live together. The caste is noted
in the Madura district for the huge houses, to which this custom has
given rise. Married sons have a certain number of rooms set aside for
them, and are granted a carefully calculated yearly budget allotment
of rice and other necessaries. On the father's death, contrary to
all ordinary Hindu usage, the eldest son retains the house, and the
youngest his mother's jewels and bed, while the rest of the property
is equally divided among all the sons. When a male child is born,
a certain sum is usually set aside, and in due time the accumulated
interest upon it is spent on the boy's education. As soon as he has
picked up business ways sufficiently, he begins life as the agent of
some other members of the caste, being perhaps entrusted with a lakh of
rupees, often on no better security than an unstamped acknowledgment
scratched on a palmyra leaf, and sent off to Burma or Singapore to
trade with it, and invest it. A percentage on the profits of this
undertaking, and savings from his own salary, form a nucleus which he
in turn invests on his own account. His wife will often help pay the
house-keeping bills by making baskets and spinning thread, for the
women are as thrifty as the men. As a caste they are open-handed and
devout. In many houses, one pie in every rupee of profit is regularly
set aside for charitable and religious expenditure, and a whip round
for a caste-fellow in difficulties is readily responded to. By religion
they are fervent Saivites, and many of the men proclaim the fact by
wearing a rudraksham (Eleocarpus Ganitrus) fruit, usually set in gold,
round their necks. Of late years they have spent very large sums upon
several of the famous Saivite shrines in the Madras Presidency, notably
those at Chidambaram, [107] Madura, and Tiruvannamalai. Unfortunately,
however, much of the work has been executed in the most lamentable
modern taste, and it is saddening to contrast the pitiful outcome of
their heavy outlay with the results which might have been attained
under judicious guidance. The decoration in the new Kaliyana Mahal
in the Madura temple is mainly inferior varnished wood-carving,
looking-glasses, and coloured glass balls. The same style has been
followed at Tiruvannamalai, although lying scattered about in the
outer courts of the temple are enough of the old pierced granite
pillars to make perhaps the finest mantapam in South India. Owing to
their wealth and their money-lending, the Nattukottai Chettis have
been called the Jews of South India, but their kindliness and charity
deserve more recognition than this description accords."
I am informed that the property of a woman (jewels, vessels,
investments, etc.), on her decease, goes to her daughters. As among
other Hindu castes, the eldest son may retain the personal effects
of his father, and, with the consent of his brothers, may retain
his house. But the value thereof is deducted from his share in the
property.
It is stated in the Madura Manual that the "Nattukottai Settis in
particular are notorious for their greed, and most amusing stories
are told about them. However wealthy they may be, they usually live
in the most penurious manner, and they will never by any chance show
mercy to a debtor, so long as he shall have a penny left, or the
chance of earning one. However, to make amends for their rapacity,
they are in the habit of spending large sums now and then in works of
charity. And, whatever faults there may be, they are most excellent
men of business. Indeed, until quite lately, the good faith and
honesty of a Nattukottai Setti were proverbial, and are even now
conspicuous. The Nattukottai Settis claim to be a good caste, and
asserted that they emigrated to this district thousands of years ago
from a town called Kaveripattanam, in consequence of an intolerable
persecution. But the other Settis will not admit the truth of their
story, and affect to despise them greatly, alleging even that they are
the bastard descendants of a Muhammadan man and a Kalla woman. The word
Nattukottai is said to be a corruption of Nattarasangkottai, the name
of a small village near Sivaganga. But this derivation appears to be
doubtful." The name is usually said to be derived from Nattukottai,
or country fort.
It has been said that "the Nattukottai Chettis, in organisation,
co-operation, and business methods, are as remarkable as the
European merchants. Very few of them have yet received any English
education. They regard education as at present given in public
schools as worse than useless for professional men, as it makes
men theoretical, and scarcely helps in practice. The simple but
strict training which they give their boys, the long and tedious
apprenticeship which even the sons of the richest among them have to
undergo, make them very efficient in their profession, and methodical
in whatever they undertake to do."
Concerning the Nattukottai Chettis, Mr. P. R. Sundara Aiyar writes as
follows. [108] "The first and chiefest aim of a Nattukottai Chetti
is to make as much money as possible. He does not regard usury as
a sin. As a little boy of ten or twelve, he begins to apply himself
to business, learns accounts, and attends the shop of his father. As
soon as he marries, his father gives him a separate home, or rather
compels him to live separately, though often in the same house as his
parents. This makes him self-reliant, and produces in him a desire
to save as much money as possible. He is given a certain allowance
out of the paternal estate, but, if he spends more, he is debited
with the excess amount. Every one consequently tries to increase his
stock of individual savings. Even the women earn money in a variety
of ways. Every rupee saved is laid out at as high a rate of interest
as possible. It is commonly stated that a rupee, laid out at the birth
of a child at compound interest at 12 per cent., will amount to a lakh
of rupees by the time he attains the age of a hundred. The habits of
a Nattukottai Chetti are very simple, and his living is very cheap,
even when he is rich. So strict are the Chettis in pecuniary matters
that, if a relation visits them, he gets only his first meal free,
and if he stays longer, is quietly debited with the cost of his stay."
The Nattukottai Chettis [109] are said to employ Kammalans, Valaiyans,
Kallans, and Vallambans as their cooks. They are permitted to enter
the interior of Hindu temples, and approach near to the innermost
doorway of the central shrine. This privilege is doubtless accorded
to them owing to the large sums of money which they spend on temples,
and in endowing charitable institutions. It is noted, in the Gazetteer
of the Madura district, that "of the profits of their commercial
transactions, a fixed percentage (called magamai) is usually set aside
for charity. Some of the money so collected is spent on keeping up
Sanskrit schools, but most of it has been laid out in the repair and
restoration of the temples of the south, especial attention being
paid to those shrines (padal petta sthalangal, as they are called),
which were hymned by the four great poet-saints, Manikya Vachakar,
Appar, Tirugnana Sambandhar, and Sundaramurti." "The Chettis,"
Mr. Sundara Aiyar writes, "are believed to be the most charitable
class in Southern India, and undoubtedly they spend the largest
amount of money on charity. They set apart a fraction of their
profits for charity. They levy rates among themselves for local
charities, wherever they go. The income obtained from the rates is
generally spent on temples. In new places like Ceylon, Burma, and
Singapore, they build new temples, generally dedicated to Subramanya
Swami. In India itself, they establish festivals in existing temples,
and undertake the repair of temples. Immense sums have been spent by
them recently in the renovation and restoration of ancient temples. We
should not be surprised to be told that the amount spent within the
last thirty years alone amounts to a crore of rupees. Being Saivites,
they do not generally care for Vaishnava temples. And, even among Saiva
temples, only such as have special sanctity, and have been sung about
by the Saiva Nainars or Bhaktas, are patronised by them. They have
devoted large sums to the establishment of comfortable choultries
(rest-houses), feeding houses, Vedic and recently also Sastraic
pathasalas (schools). They have established schools for the education
of the Kurukal or the priestly class. And, in fact, every charity of
the orthodox Hindu type finds generous support among them."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that the
gopurams of the Madura temple "have been repaired of late years at
great cost by the Nattukottai Chettis. The northern tower used to
consist only of the brick and stone-work storeys, and was known in
consequence as the mottai (literally bald) gopuram. Recently, however,
a courageous Chetti, who cared nothing for the superstition that it
is most unlucky to complete a building left unfinished, placed the
usual plaster top upon it."
In recent years, the temple at Chidambaram has been renovated by the
Nattukottai Chettis, who "have formed for this and similar restorations
a fund which is made up of a fee of four annas per cent. levied from
their clients on all sums borrowed by the latter. The capital of
this is invested, and the interest thereon devoted exclusively to
such undertakings." [110]
In 1906, the purificatory ceremony, or kumbabishekam, of the Sri
Pasupathiswara Swami temple at Karur was performed with great
pomp. The old temple had been thoroughly overhauled and repaired
by the Nattukottai Chettis. The ceremony cost about fifty thousand
rupees. Many thousands were fed, and presents of money made to a large
number of Vaidiki Brahmans. In the same year, at a public meeting held
in Madras to concert measures for establishing a pinjrapole (hospital
for animals), one of the resolutions was that early steps should
be taken to collect public subscriptions from the Hindu community
generally, and in particular from the Nattukottai Chettis, Gujaratis,
and other mercantile classes.
Still more recently, the kumbabishekam festival was celebrated at
Tiruvanaikkaval, the seat of a celebrated temple near Trichinopoly,
which was repaired by the Nattukottai Chettis at a cost of many lakhs
of rupees.
By a traditional custom, the Nattukottai Chettis live largely by
money-lending. They never serve under any one outside their own
community. They either trade on their own account, or are employed as
agents or assistants. The pay of an assistant is always calculated for
a period of three years, and a portion thereof is paid in advance after
a month's service. This the assistant invests to the best advantage. At
the end of a year, a portion of the balance of the pay is handed over
to him, leaving a small sum to be paid at the end of the contract
period. His expenses for board and lodging are met by his employer,
and he may receive a small share of the profits of the business. A man,
on receiving an agency, starts on an auspicious day, and proceeds to
a temple of Ganesa, and to a matam (religious institution) containing
figures of Ganesa and Natesa. After prostrating himself before the
gods, he proceeds on his way. If he encounters an object of evil omen,
he will not continue, and, if he has to journey to a distant spot, he
will throw up his appointment. The accounts of the Nattukottai Chettis
are audited triennially, an annual audit being inconvenient, as their
business is carried on at various remote spots. The foreign business
is said [111] to "be transacted by agents belonging to the caste, who
receive a salary proportioned to the distance of the place, and also,
usually, a percentage on the profits. They generally serve for three
years, and then return, and give an account of their stewardship." The
commencement of a fresh period of three years is made on an auspicious
day called puthukanakkunal (fresh account day), which is observed
as a holiday. No business is transacted, and customers are invited,
and receive presents of fruits, sweets, etc.
In connection with Nattukottai agencies, Mr. Hayavadana Rao writes as
follows. [112] "People of moderate means usually elect to go to distant
places as agents of the different firms that have their head offices
either at Madura or in the Zamindaris of Ramnad and Sivaganga. The
pay of a local agent varies directly with the distance of the place
to which he is posted. If he is kept at Madura, he gets Rs. 100 per
mensem; if sent to Burma, he gets three times as much; and, if to
Natal, about twice the latter sum. If an agent proves himself to be
an industrious and energetic man, he is usually given a percentage on
the profits. The tenure of office is for three years, six months before
the expiry of which the next agent is sent over to work conjointly with
the existing one, and study the local conditions. On relief, the agent
returns directly to his head office, and delivers over his papers,
and then goes to his own village. With this, his connection with his
firm practically ceases. He enjoys his well-earned rest of three years,
at the end of which he seeks re-employment either under his old firm,
or under any other. The former he is bound to, if he has taken a
percentage on the profits during his previous tenure of office. If
the old firm rejects him when he so offers himself, then he is at
liberty to enter service under others." It is said to be very rare for
Nattukottai women to accompany their husbands to distant places. "In
fact, the husbands have to visit their native places at long intervals,
and make a felicitous sojourn in the company of their wives."
The houses of the Nattukottai Chettis are spacious and substantial
buildings all based on the same general plan. The front entrance
opens into an oblong courtyard with a verandah all round, and rows
of rooms at the two sides. At the farther end of the courtyard is an
entrance leading into a backyard or set of apartments. Modern houses
have imposing exteriors, and an upper storey. Married sons live in
separate quarters, and every couple receive from their fathers a fixed
yearly allowance, which may amount to twenty rupees and fifteen kalams
of paddy. The sons may, if they choose, spend more, but the excess is
debited to their account, and, at the time of partition of the estate,
deducted, with interest, from their share.
It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that "the remarkable custom prevails
amongst them that obliges all married members to cook separately
and eat their meals, though they live in the same house. Even the
widowed mother is no exception to this rule. Unmarried members live
with their parents until they are married. Allotments of rice and
other necessaries are annually made to the several semi-independent
members of the household. This custom has given rise to the commodious
houses in which members of this caste usually reside."
As concerning the origin of the Nattukottai Chettis, the following
story is told. In ancient days, the Vaisyas of the lunar race
were living in the town of Santhyapuri in the Naganadu of the
Jambudvipa(India). They paid daily visits to the shrine of Vinayaka god
made of emerald, and were traders in precious stones. They were much
respected, and led the life of orthodox Saivites, wore rudraksha beads,
and smeared themselves with sacred ashes. They were, however, much
oppressed by a certain ruler, and emigrated in a body to Conjeeveram
in the Tondamandalam country in the year 204 of the Kaliyuga. The
king of Conjeeveram gave them permission to settle in his territory,
and made grants to them of land, temples and matams. They stayed there
for a very long time, but, being troubled by heavy taxes and fines,
left this part of the country about 2312 Kaliyuga, and settled in the
Chola country. The Chola king, being much impressed with them, bestowed
on them the privilege of placing the crown on the head of a new ruler
at his coronation. At this time, the town of Kaveripumpattanam is said
to have been in a very flourishing state, and the north street was
occupied by Vaisyas from other countries. Being unwilling to disturb
them, the king made the new settlers occupy the east, west, and south
streets. As a mark of respect, they were allowed to use flags with the
figure of a lion on them, and use golden vessels (kalasam) in their
houses. They all, at the instigation of the king, became disciples
of one Isanya Sivachariar of Patanjalikshetra (Chidambaram). About
3775 Kaliyuga, Puvandi Chola Raja imprisoned several of the Vaisya
women, whereon all the eight thousand Vaisya families destroyed
themselves, leaving their male children to be taken care of by a
religious teacher named Atmanadhachariar. In all 1,502 children
were thus brought up, viz., 600 of six ways from the west street,
502 of seven ways from the east street, and 400 of four ways from
the south street. Later on, Puvandi Chola fell ill, and, knowing his
recovery to be impossible, sent for the Vaisya boys, and asked them
to look after the coronation of his son Rajabhushana Chola. But they
said that, as they were bachelors, they could not comply with his
request. The king accordingly made them marry Vellala girls. Those
of the west street took as wives girls of the Karkaththar section,
those of the east street girls of the Sozhia section, and those of the
south street girls of the Kaniyala section. The three groups became
disciples of three different matams, viz., Tiruvarur, Kumbakonam,
and Vanchium. In the year 3790, a dispute arose in connection with
the right of priority in receiving sacred ashes between the Vaisya and
true Vellala women, and the former were made to become the disciples
of a new guru (religious preceptor). About 3808, a Pandya king, named
Sundara Pandya, is said to have asked the Chola king to induce some of
the Vaisyas to settle down in the Pandya territory. They accordingly
once more emigrated in a body, and reached the village of Onkarakudi
on a Friday (the constellation Astham being in the ascendant on that
day). They were allowed to settle in the tract of country north of the
river Vaigai, east of the Piranmalai, and south of Vellar. Those from
the east street settled at Ilayaththukudi, those from the west street
at Ariyur, and those from the south street at Sundarapattanam. Thus
the Chettis became divided into three endogamous sections, of which
the Ilayaththukudi and Sundarapattanam are found at the present day
in the Madura district. The members of the Ariyur section migrated
to the west coast on the destruction of their village. The members
of the Ilayaththukudi section became the Nattukottais. They, not
being satisfied with only one place of worship, requested the king
to give them more temples. Accordingly, temples were provided for
different groups at Maththur, Vairavanpatti, Iraniyur, Pillayarpatti,
Nemam, Iluppaikudi, Suraikudi, and Velangkudi. At the present day,
the Nattukottai Chettis are divided into the following divisions
(kovils or temples) and exogamous sub-divisions:--
1. Ilayaththukudi kovil--
Okkurudaiyar.
Pattanasamiar.
Perumaruthurudaiyar.
Kazhanivasakkudaiyar.
Kinkinikkudaiyar.
Perasendurudaiyar.
Siruseththurudaiyar.
2. Maththur kovil--
Uraiyur.
Arumbakur.
Manalur.
Mannur.
Kannur.
Karuppur.
Kulaththur.
3. Vairavan kovil--
Sirukulaththur.
Kazhanivasal.
Marudendrapuram.
4. Iraniyur kovil.
5. Pillayarpatti kovil.
6. Nemam kovil.
7. Iluppaikudi kovil.
8. Suraikudi kovil.
9. Velangkudi kovil.
When Nattukottai Chettis adopt children, they must belong to the
same temple division. An adopted son is called Manjanir Puthiran, or
turmeric-water son, because, at the ceremony of adoption, the lad has
to drink turmeric-water. [113] In villages where their main temples
are situated, the temple manager is obliged to give food to stranger
Chettis, and charge for it if they belong to another temple division.
According to a variant of the story relating to the origin of the
Nattukottai Chettis, "they were formerly merchants at the court of the
Chola kings who ruled at Kaveripattanam, at one time a flourishing
sea-port at the mouth of the Cauveri, from which they emigrated
in a body on being persecuted by one of them, and first settled at
Nattarasankottai, about three miles north-east of Sivaganga."
By other castes, the Nattukottai Chettis are said to be the descendants
of the offspring of unions between a Shanan and a Muhammadan and Uppu
Korava women. Some of the peculiarities of the caste are pointed out
in support of the story. Thus, Nattukottai men shave their heads
like Muhammadans, and both men and women have the lobes of their
ears dilated like the older Shanans. Their girls wear necklaces
of shell beads like Korava women, and the women delight in making
baskets for recreation, as the Korava women do for sale. The caste is
sometimes spoken of as Uppu (salt) Maruhira Chetti. The arguments and
illustrations are naturally much resented by the Nattukottai Chettis,
who explain the obnoxious name by the story that they were formerly
very poor, and made a living by selling salt.
The Nattukottai Chettis have recourse to panchayats (councils)
in matters affecting the community. They have, Mr. Sundara Aiyar
writes, "been at any rate till recently remarkable for settling their
differences out of court. The influence of the elders in preventing
litigation is very strong. They conciliate the disputants as far as
possible and, after reducing the difference between them to a minimum,
they often get their signatures to an award, in which a blank is left
to decide the still existing point of difference, the disputants
agreeing, after putting in their signatures, to the mediators'
filling in the blank, and deciding the dispute as they choose. We
are afraid that this spirit of give-and-take is now unfortunately
diminishing, and the arbitrament of the courts is more often resorted
to than before." There are, among the Nattukottai Chettis, two forms
of panchayat, called madaththuvasal mariyal (matam panchayat) and
kovilvasal mariyal (temple panchayat), of which, at the present day,
only the latter is in vogue. For every temple there is a manager, an
assistant, and a servant called Vairavi, who must be a Melakkaran. The
aggrieved party lodges his complaint with the manager, who sends word
to the leading men of the temple division concerned. The complainant
and defendant are summoned to attend a council meeting, and the
evidence is recorded by the temple manager. If the accused falls to put
in an appearance, the Vairavi is sent to his house, to take therefrom
adavu (security) in the shape of some article belonging to him. In a
recent case, a wealthy Nattukottai Chetti promised his brother's widow
that she should be allowed to adopt a boy. But, as the promise was not
fulfilled, she complained to the temple; and, as her brother-in-law did
not attend the council meeting, the Vairavi went to his house, and,
in his absence, abstracted the adavu. This was regarded as a great
insult, and there was some talk of the case going into court. Matters
such as the arrangement of marriage contracts, monetary disputes,
family discussions, and the like, are referred to the temple council
for settlement. Final decisions are never recorded in writing, but
delivered by word of mouth. Those who fail to abide by the decision
of the council do not receive a garland from the temple for their
marriage, and without this garland a marriage cannot take place.
It is noted by Mr. Hayavadana Rao that each of the kovils or temples
"is managed by Karyakarans, who are nominated to the place by the
local elders. These Karyakarans act as Panchayatdars, and decide all
civil cases referred to them. If a case is first referred to them,
it may, if necessary, be carried over again to the established courts
of the country. But, if once a case is first taken to the courts, they
would not entertain it before themselves. They enforce their decrees
(1) by refusing to give the garland of flowers at the marriage time,
(2) by exercising the power of excommunication."
Every Nattukottai Chetti youth has to perform a ceremony called Suppidi
before marriage. On the Karthika day, when the constellation Krithikai
is in the ascendant, he is taken on horseback to a Pillayar (Ganesa)
temple, where he worships, and whirls a bag of burning charcoal tied
to a long string round his head. In front of the temple he burns
a booth (chokkapane), which has been set up, and with the ashes
his forehead is marked. On his return home, and at the entrance of
Nattukottai houses which he passes, rice lamps are waved before him
(alathi). In like manner, every girl has to go through a ceremony,
called thiruvadhirai, before marriage. On the day of the Arudradarsanam
festival, she is bathed and decorated. A necklace of gold beads is
placed on her neck instead of the necklace of glass beads (pasimani),
which she has hitherto worn. She proceeds, with a silver cup, to the
houses where other girls are performing the ceremony, and bawls out:--