MARAKKAYAR.--The Marakkayars are described, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as "a Tamil-speaking Musalman tribe of mixed Hindu and
Musalman origin, the people of which are usually traders. They seem
to be distinct from the Labbais (q.v.) in several respects, but the
statistics of the two have apparently been confused, as the numbers
of the Marakkayars are smaller than they should be." Concerning
the Marakkayars of the South Arcot district, Mr. Francis writes as
follows. [1] "The Marakkayars are largely big traders with other
countries such as Ceylon and the Straits Settlements, and own most
of the native coasting craft. They are particularly numerous in
Porto Novo. The word Marakkayar is usually derived from the Arabic
markab, a boat. The story goes that, when the first immigrants of this
class (who, like the Labbais, were driven from their own country by
persecutions) landed on the Indian shore, they were naturally asked
who they were, and whence they came. In answer they pointed to their
boats, and pronounced the word markab, and they became in consequence
known to the Hindus as Marakkayars, or the people of markab. The
Musalmans of pure descent hold themselves to be socially superior to
the Marakkaayars, and the Marakkayars consider themselves better than
the Labbais. There is, of course, no religious bar to intermarriages
between these different sub-divisions, but such unions are rare,
and are usually only brought about by the offer of strong financial
inducements to the socially superior party. Generally speaking, the
pure-bred Musalmans differ from those of mixed descent by dressing
themselves and their women in the strict Musalman fashion, and by
speaking Hindustani at home among themselves. Some of the Marakkayars
are now following their example in both these matters, but most of
them affect the high hat of plaited coloured grass and the tartan
(kambayam) waist-cloth. The Labbais also very generally wear these,
and so are not always readily distinguishable from the Marakkayars,
but some of them use the Hindu turban and waist-cloth, and let their
womankind dress almost exactly like Hindu women. In the same way, some
Labbais insist on the use of Hindustani in their houses, while others
speak Tamil. There seems to be a growing dislike to the introduction of
Hindu rites into domestic ceremonies, and the processions and music,
which were once common at marriages, are slowly giving place to a
simpler ritual more in resemblance with the nikka ceremony of the
Musalman faith."
Of 13,712 inhabitants of Porto Novo returned at the census, 1901,
as many as 3,805 were Muhammadans. "The ordinary vernacular name
of the town is Farangipettai or European town, but the Musalmans
call it Muhammad Bandar (Port). The interest of the majority of
the inhabitants centres in matters connected with the sea. A large
proportion of them earn their living either as owners of, or sailors
in, the boats which ply between the place and Ceylon and other parts,
and it is significant that the most popular of the unusually large
number of Musalman saints who are buried in the town is one Malumiyar,
who was apparently in his lifetime a notable sea-captain. His fame as
a sailor has been magnified into the miraculous, and it is declared
that he owned ten or a dozen ships, and used to appear in command of
all of them simultaneously. He has now the reputation of being able to
deliver from danger those who go down to the sea in ships, and sailors
setting out on a voyage or returning from one in safety usually put
an offering in the little box kept at his darga, and these sums are
expended in keeping that building lighted and whitewashed. Another
curious darga in the town is that of Araikasu Nachiyar, or the one
pie lady. Offerings to her must on no account be worth more than
one pie (1/192 of a rupee); tributes in excess of that value are
of no effect. If sugar for so small an amount cannot be procured,
the devotee spends the money on chunam (lime) for her tomb, and this
is consequently covered with a superabundance of whitewash. Stories
are told of the way in which the valuable offerings of rich men have
altogether failed to obtain her favour, and have had to be replaced
by others of the regulation diminutive dimensions. The chief mosque
is well kept. Behind it are two tombs, which stand at an odd angle
with one another, instead of being parallel as usual. The legend goes
that once upon a time there was a great saint called Hafiz Mir Sahib,
who had an even more devout disciple called Saiyad Shah. The latter
died and was duly buried, and not long after the saint died also. The
disciple had always asked to be buried at the feet of his master,
and so the grave of this latter was so placed that his feet were
opposite the head of his late pupil. But his spirit recognised that
the pupil was really greater than the master, and when men came later
to see the two graves they found that the saint had turned his tomb
round so that his feet no longer pointed with such lack of respect
towards the head of his disciple." [2]
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Jonagans are separated from
the Marakkayars, and are described as Musalman traders of partly
Hindu parentage. And, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, Mr. Francis
says that "the term Jonagan or Sonagan, meaning a native of Sonagan
or Arabia, is applied by Hindus to both Labbais and Marakkayars, but
it is usually held to have a contemptuous flavour about it." There
is some little confusion concerning the exact application of the name
Jonagan, but I gather that it is applied to sea-fishermen and boatmen,
while the more prosperous traders are called Marakkayars. A point,
in which the Labbais are said to differ from the Marakkayars, is that
the former are Hanafis, and the latter Shafis.
The Marakkayars are said to admit converts from various Hindu classes,
who are called Pulukkais, and may not intermarry with the Marakkayars
for several generations, or until they have become prosperous.
In one form of the marriage rites, the ceremonial extends over four
days. The most important items on the first day are fixing the mehr
(bride-price) in the presence of the vakils (representatives), and
the performance of the nikka rite by the Kazi. The nikka kudbha is
read, and the hands of the contracting couple are united by male
elders, the bride standing within a screen. During the reading of
the kudbha, a sister of the bridegroom ties a string of black beads
round the bride's neck. All the women present set up a roar, called
kulavi-idal. On the following day, the couple sit among women, and
the bridegroom ties a golden tali on the bride's neck. On the third
or fourth day a ceremony called paparakkolam, or Brahman disguise,
is performed. The bride is dressed like a Brahman woman, and holds
a brass vessel in one hand, and a stick in the other. Approaching
the bridegroom, she strikes him gently, and says "Did not I give you
buttermilk and curds? Pay me for them." The bridegroom then places
a few tamarind seeds in the brass vessel, but the bride objects to
this, and demands money, accompanying the demand with strokes of
the stick. The man then places copper, silver, and gold coins in the
vessel, and the bride retires in triumph to her chamber.
Like the Labbais, the Marakkayars write Tamil in Arabic characters,
and speak a language called Arab-Tamil, in which the Kuran and other
books have been published. (See Labbai.)
Maralu (sand).--A gotra of Kurni.
Maran or Marayan.--The Marayans are summed up, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, as being "temple servants and drummers in Malabar. Like
many of the Malabar castes, they must have come from the east coast,
as their name frequently occurs in the Tanjore inscriptions of 1013
A.D. They followed then the same occupation as that by which they live
to-day, and appear to have held a tolerably high social position. In
parts of North Malabar they are called Oc'chan."
"The development of this caste," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [3]
"is interesting. In Chirakkal, the northernmost taluk of the Malabar
district, and in the adjoining Kasargod taluk of South Canara, Marayans
are barbers, serving Nayars and higher castes; in the Kottayam and
Kurumbranad taluks they are barbers and drummers, and also officiate
as purohits (priests) at the funeral ceremonies of Nayars. In the
latter capacity they are known in those parts also as Attikurissi
Marayan. Going still further south, we find the Nayar purohit called
simply Attikurissi, omitting the Marayan, and he considers it beneath
his dignity to shave. Nevertheless, he betrays his kinship with the
Marayan of the north by the privilege which he claims of cutting
the first hair when a Nayar is shaved after funeral obsequies. On
the other hand, the drummer, who is called Marayan, or honorifically
Marar, poses as a temple servant, and would be insulted if it were
said that he was akin to the shaving Marayan of the north. He is
considered next in rank only to Brahmans, and would be polluted by
the touch of Nayars. He loses caste by eating the food of Nayars,
but the Nayars also lose caste by eating his food. A proverb says
that a Marayan has four privileges:--
1. Pani, or drum, beaten with the hand.
2. Koni, or bier, i.e., the making of the bier.
3. Natumittam, or shaving.
4. Tirumittam, or sweeping the temple courts.
"In North Malabar a Marayan performs all the above duties even
now. In the south there appears to have been a division of labour,
and there a Marayan is in these days only a drummer and temple
servant. Funeral rites are conducted by an Attikurissi Marayan,
otherwise known as simply Attikurissi, and shaving is the duty of
the Velakattalavan. This appears to have been the case for many
generations, but I have not attempted to distinguish between the
two sections, and have classed all as barbers. Moreover, it is only
in parts of South Malabar that the caste has entirely given up the
profession of barber; and, curiously enough, these are the localities
where Nambudiri influence is supreme. The Marayans there appear
to have confined themselves to officiating as drummers in temples,
and to have obtained the title of Ambalavasi; and, in course of time,
they were even honoured with sambandham of Nambudiris. In some places
an attempt is made to draw a distinction between Marayan and Marayar,
the former denoting the barber, and the latter, which is merely the
honorific plural, the temple servant. There can, however, be little
doubt that this is merely an ex post facto argument in support of the
alleged superiority of those Marayans who have abandoned the barber's
brush. It may be here noted that it is common to find barbers acting
as musicians throughout the Madras Presidency, and that there are
several other castes in Malabar, such as the Tiyyans, Mukkuvans,
etc., who employ barbers as purohits at their funeral ceremonies."
In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, Mr. M. Sankara Menon writes
that the Marars are "Sudras, and, properly speaking, they ought
to be classed along with Nayars. Owing, however, to their close
connection with services in temples, and the absence of free
interdining or intermarriage with Nayars, they are classed along
with Ambalavasis. They are drummers, musicians, and storekeepers in
temples. Like Tiyattu Nambiyars, some sections among them also draw
figures of the goddess in Bhagavati temples, and chant songs. In
some places they are also known as Kuruppus. Some sub-castes among
them do not dine, or intermarry. As they have generally to serve in
temples, they bathe if they touch Nayars. In the matter of marriage
(tali-kettu and sambandham), inheritance, period of pollution, etc.,
they follow customs exactly like those of Nayars. In the southern
taluks Elayads officiate as purohits, but, in the northern taluks,
their own castemen take the part of the Elayads in their sradha
ceremonies. The tali-kettu is likewise performed by Tirumalpads in
the southern taluks, but by their own castemen, called Enangan, in
the northern taluks. Their castemen or Brahmans unite themselves with
their women in sambandham. As among Nayars, purificatory ceremonies
after funerals, etc., are performed by Cheethiyans or Nayar priests."
For the following detailed note on the Marans of Travancore I am
indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer, The name Maran has nothing to do
with maranam or death, as has been supposed, but is derived from the
Tamil root mar, to beat. In the Tanjore inscriptions of the eleventh
century, the caste on the Coromandel coast appears to have been
known by this name. The Marans correspond to the Occhans of the Tamil
country, and a class of Marans in North Malabar are sometimes called by
this designation. In the old revenue records of the Travancore State,
Mangalyam appears to be the term made use of. The two well-known
titles of the caste are Kuruppu and Panikkar, both conveying the idea
of a person who has some allotted work to perform. In modern days,
English-educated men appear to have given these up for Pillai, the
titular affix added to the name of the Sudra population generally.
Marans may be divided into two main divisions, viz., Marans who
called themselves Marars in North Travancore, and who now hesitate to
assist other castes in the performance of their funeral rites; and
Marans who do not convert their caste designation into an honorific
plural, and act as priests for other castes. This distinction is most
clearly marked in North Travancore, while to the south of Alleppey
the boundary line may be said to remain only dim. In this part of
the country, therefore, a fourfold division of the caste is the
one best known to the people, namely Orunul, Irunul, Cheppat, and
Kulanji. The Orunuls look upon themselves as higher than the Irunuls,
basing their superiority on the custom obtaining among them of marrying
only once in their lifetime, and contracting no second alliance after
the first husband's death. Living, however, with a Brahman, or one
of a distinctly higher caste, is tolerated among them in the event
of that calamity. The word Orunul means one string, and signifies
the absence of widow marriage, Among the Irunuls (two strings) the
tali-tier is not necessarily the husband, nor is a second husband
forbidden after the death of the first. Cheppat and Kulanji were once
mere local varieties, but have now become separate sub-divisions. The
males of the four sections, but not the females, interdine. With what
rapidity castes sub-divide and ramify in Travancore may be seen from
the fact of the existence of a local variety of Marans called Muttal,
meaning substitute or emergency employée, in the Kalkulam taluk,
who are believed to represent an elevation from a lower to a higher
class of Marans, rendered necessary by a temple exigency. The Marans
are also known as Asupanis, as they alone are entitled to sound the
two characteristic musical instruments, of Malabar temples, called
asu and pani. In the south they are called Chitikans, a corruption
of the Sanskrit chaitika, meaning one whose occupation relates to the
funeral pile, and in the north Asthikkurichis (asthi, a bone), as they
help the relations of the dead in the collection of the bones after
cremation. The Marans are, further, in some places known as Potuvans,
as their services are engaged at the funerals of many castes.
Before the days of Sankaracharya, the sole occupation of the Marans
is said to have been beating the drum in Brahmanical temples. When
Sankaracharya was refused assistance in the cremation of his dead
mother by the Nambutiri Brahmans, he is believed to have sought in
despair the help of one of these temple servants, with whose aid the
corpse was divided into eight parts, and deposited in the pit. For
undertaking this duty, which the Nambutiris repudiated from a sense of
offended religious feeling, the particular Maran was thrown out of his
caste by the general community, and a compromise had to be effected
by the sage with the rest of the caste, who returned in a body on
the day of purification along with the excommunicated man, and helped
Sankaracharya to bring to a close his mother's death ceremonies. In
recognition of this timely help, Sankara is believed to have declared
the Maran to be an indispensable functionary at the death ceremonies
of Nambutiris and Ambalavasis. It has even been suggested that the
original form of Maran was Muran, derived from mur (to chop off),
in reference to the manner in which the remains of Sankara's mother
were disposed of.
The traditional occupation of the Marans is sounding or playing on the
panchavadya or five musical instruments used in temples. These are the
sankh or conch-shell, timila, chendu, kaimani, and maddalam. The conch,
which is necessary in every Hindu temple, is loudly sounded in the
early morning, primarily to wake the deity, and secondarily to rouse
the villagers. Again, when the temple service commences, and when the
nivedya or offering is carried, the music of the conch is heard from
the northern side of the temple. On this account, many Marans call
themselves Vadakkupurattu, or belonging to the northern side. The
asu and pani are sounded by the highest dignitaries among them. The
beating of the pani is the accompaniment of expiatory offerings to the
Saptamata, or seven mothers of Hindu religious writings, viz., Brahmi,
Mahesvari, Kaumari, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrani, and Chamunda. Offerings
are made to these divine mothers during the daily sribali procession,
and in important temples also during the sribhutabali hours, and on the
occasion of the utsavabali at the annual utsava of the temple. There
are certain well-established rules prescribing the hymns to be
recited, and the music to be played. So religiously have these rules
to be observed during the utsavabali, that the priest who makes the
offering, the Variyar who carries the light before him and the Marans
who perform the music all have to fast, and to dress themselves in
orthodox Brahmanical fashion, with the uttariya or upper garment
worn in the manner of the sacred thread. It is sincerely believed
that the smallest violation of the rules would be visited with dire
consequences to the delinquents before the next utsava ceremony.
In connection with the musical instrument called the timila, the
following legend is current. There was a timila in the Sri Padmanabha
temple made of kuruntotti, and there was a Maran attached to the
temple, who was such an expert musician that the priest was unable to
adjust his hymn recitation to the music of the Maran's drum, and was
in consequence the recipient of the divine wrath. It was contrived
to get a Brahman youth to officiate as priest, and, as he could not
recite the hymns in consonance with the sounds produced by the drum,
a hungry spirit lifted him up from the ground to a height of ten
feet. The father of the youth, hearing what had occurred, hastened to
the temple, and cut one of his fingers, the blood of which he offered
to the spirit. The boy was then set free, and the old man, who was more
than a match for the Maran, began to recite the hymns. The spirits,
raising the Maran on high, sucked away his blood, and vanished. The
particular timila has since this event never been used by any Maran.
The higher classes of Marans claim six privileges, called pano, koni,
tirumuttam, natumuttam, velichchor, and puchchor. Koni means literally
a ladder, and refers to the stretcher, made of bamboo and kusa grass or
straw, on which the corpses of high caste Hindus are laid. Tirumuttam
is sweeping the temple courtyard, and natumuttam the erection of a
small pandal (booth) in the courtyard of a Nambutiri's house, where
oblations are offered to the departed spirit on the tenth day after
death. Velichchor, or sacrificial rice, is the right to retain the
remains of the food offered to the manes, and puchchor the offering
made to the deity, on whom the priest throws a few flowers as part
of the consecration ceremony.
A large portion of the time of a Maran is spent within the temple,
and all through the night some watch over it. Many functions are
attended to by them in the houses of Nambutiris. Not only at the
tonsure ceremony, and samavartana or closing of the Brahmacharya stage,
but also on the occasion of sacrificial rites, the Maran acts as the
barber. At the funeral ceremony, the preparation of the last bed,
and handing the til (Sesamum) seeds, have to be done by him. The
Chitikkans perform only the functions of shaving and attendance at
funerals, and, though they may beat drums in temples, they are not
privileged to touch the asu and pani. At Vechur there is a class
of potters called Kusa Maran, who should be distinguished from the
Marans proper, with whom they have absolutely nothing in common.
Many families of the higher division of the Marans regard themselves
as Ambalavasis, though of the lowest type, and abstain from flesh
and liquor. Some Marans are engaged in the practice of sorcery, while
others are agriculturists. Drinking is a common vice, sanctioned by
popular opinion owing to the notion that it is good for persons with
overworked lungs.
In their ceremonies the Marans resemble the Nayars, as they do also
in their caste government and religious worship. The annaprasana,
or first food-giving ceremony, is the only important one before
marriage, and the child is taken to the temple, where it partakes of
the consecrated food. The Nayars, on the contrary, generally perform
the ceremony at home. Purification by a Brahman is necessary to
release the Maran from death pollution, which is not the case with
the Nayars. In Travancore, at any rate, the Nayars are considered to
be higher in the social scale than the Marans.
In connection with asu and pani, which have been referred to in
this note, I gather that, in Malabar, the instruments called maram
(wood), timila, shanku, chengulam, and chenda, if played together,
constitute pani kottugu, or playing pani. Asu and maram are the
names of an instrument, which is included in pani kottugu. Among the
occasions when this is indispensable, are the dedication of the idol
at a newly built temple, the udsavam puram and Sriveli festivals,
and the carrying of the tadambu, or shield-like structure, on which
a miniature idol (vigraham) is borne outside the temple,
Marasari.--Marasari or Marapanikkan, meaning carpenter or worker in
wood, is an occupational sub-division of Malayalam Kammalas.
Maratha.--Marathas are found in every district of the Madras
Presidency, but are, according to the latest census returns, most
numerous in the following districts:--
South Canara 31,351
Salem 7,314
Tanjore 7,156
Bellary 6,311
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the term
Marathi denotes the various Marathi non-Brahman castes, who came
to the south either as soldiers or camp followers in the armies of
the Marathi invaders; but in South Canara, in which district the
caste is most numerous, it appears to be the same as Are, a class of
Marathi cultivators. Of the total number of 65,961, as many as 40,871
have returned Marathi as both caste and sub-division. The number of
sub-divisions returned by the rest is no less than 305, of which the
majority are the names of other castes. Some of these castes are purely
Dravidian, and the names have evidently been used in their occupational
sense. For example, we have Bogam, Gandla, Mangala, etc." Mr. H. A,
Stuart writes further, in the South Canara Manual, that "Marathi, as a
caste name, is somewhat open to confusion, and it is probable that many
people of various castes, who speak Marathi, are shown as being of that
caste. The true Marathi caste is said to have come from Goa, and that
place is the head-quarters. The caste is divided into twelve wargs or
balis, which are exogamous sub-divisions. Caste disputes are settled
by headmen called Hontagaru, and allegiance is paid to the head of the
Sringeri math. The favourite deity is the goddess Mahadevi. Brahmans,
usually Karadis, officiate at their ceremonies. Marriage is both infant
and adult. The dhare form of marriage is used (see Bant). Widows may
remarry, but they cannot marry again into the family of the deceased
husband--a rule which is just the reverse of the Levirate. In some
parts, however, the remarriage of widows is prohibited. A husband
or a wife can divorce each other at will, and both parties may marry
again. Marathis are either farmers, labourers, or hunters. They eat
fish and flesh (except that of cattle and animals generally regarded
as unclean) and they use alcoholic liquors. They speak either the
ordinary Marathi or the Konkami dialect of it." The Marathis of South
Canara call themselves Are and Are Kshatri.
In the North Arcot Manual, Mr, Stuart records that the term Marathi is
"usually applied to the various Maratha Sudra castes, which have come
south. Their caste affix is always Rao. It is impossible to discover
to what particular Sudra division each belongs, for they do not seem
to know, and take advantage of being away from their own country to
assert that they are Kshatriyas--a claim which is ridiculed by other
castes. In marriage they are particular to take a bride only from
within the circle of their own family, so that an admixture of the
original castes is thus avoided. Their language is Marathi, but they
speak Telugu or Tamil as well, and engage in many professions. Many
are tailors. [4] Others enlist in the army, in the police, or as peons
(orderlies or messengers), and some take to agriculture or trading."
Of the history of Marathas in those districts in which they are most
prevalent, an account will be found in the Manuals and Gazetteers.
The last Maratha King of Tanjore, Maharaja Sivaji, died in 1855. It
is noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse [5] that "an eye-witness has recorded
the stately and solemn spectacle of his funeral, when, magnificently
arranged, and loaded with the costliest jewels, his body, placed in
an ivory palanquin, was borne by night through the torchlit streets
of his royal city amid the wail of vast multitudes lamenting the
last of their ruling race. The nearest descendant, a boy of twelve,
was carried thrice round the pile, and at the last circuit a pot of
water was dashed to pieces on the ground. The boy then lit the pile,
and loud long-sustained lament of a nation filled the air as the
flames rose." Upon the death of Sivaji, the Raj became, under the
decision of the Court of Directors, extinct. His private estate was
placed under the charge of the Collector of the district. In addition
to three wives whom he had already married, Sivaji, three years before
his death, married in a body seventeen girls. In 1907, three of the
Ranis were still living in the palace at Tanjore. It is recorded [6]
by the Marchioness of Dufferin that, when the Viceroy visited the
Tanjore palace in 1886 to speak with the Ranis, he was admitted behind
the purdah, "The ladies had not expected him, and were not dressed
out in their best, and no one could speak any intelligible language,
However, a sort of chattering went on, and they made signs towards
a chair, which, being covered with crimson cloth, Dufferin thought
he was to sit down on. He turned and was just about to do so, when
he thought he saw a slight movement, and he fancied there might be
a little dog there, when two women pulled the cloth open, and there
was the principal Rani--a little old woman who reached half way up
the back of the chair, and whom the Viceroy had been within an act
of squashing. He said it gave him such a turn!"
A classified index to the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Tanjore palace
was published by Mr. A. C. Burnell in 1880. In the introduction
thereto, he states that "the library was first brought to the
notice of European scholars by H.S.H. Count Noer, Prince Frederic of
Schleswig-Holstein, who brought an account of it to the late Professor
Goldstücker. But its full importance was not known till I was deputed,
in 1871, to examine it by the then Governor of Madras, Lord Napier
and Ettrick. The manuscripts are the result of perhaps 300 years'
collections; firstly, by the Nayaks of Tanjore; secondly, after about
1675, by the Mahratha princes. Some of the palm-leaf manuscripts
belong to the earlier period, but the greater part were collected
in the last and present centuries. All the Nagari Manuscripts belong
to the Mahratha times, and a large number of these were collected at
Benares by the Raja Serfojee (Carabhoji) about fifty years ago."
In the Maratha Darbar Hall of the Tanjore palace are large pictures,
of little artistic merit, of all the Maratha kings, and the palace
also contains a fine statue of Sarabhoji by Chantrey. The small but
splendid series of Maratha arms from this palace constitutes one
of the most valuable assets of the Madras Museum. "The armoury,"
Mr. Walhouse writes, [7] "consisted of great heaps of old weapons
of all conceivable descriptions, lying piled upon the floor of the
Sangita Mahal (music-hall), which had long been occupied by many
tons of rusty arms and weapons, in confused heaps, coated and caked
together with thick rust. Hundreds of swords, straight, curved and
ripple-edged, many beautifully damascened and inlaid with hunting
or battle scenes in gold; many broad blades with long inscriptions
in Marathi or Kanarese characters, and some so finely tempered as
to bend and quiver like whalebone. There were long gauntlet-hilts,
brass or steel, in endless devices, hilts inlaid with gold, and hilts
and guards of the most tasteful and elaborate steel-work. There were
long-bladed swords and executioners' swords, two-handed, thick-backed,
and immensely heavy. Daggers, knives, and poniards by scores, of all
imaginable and almost unimaginable shapes, double and triple-bladed;
some with pistols or spring-blades concealed in their handles, and
the hilts of many of the kuttars of the most beautiful and elaborate
pierced steel-work, in endless devices, rivalling the best medieval
European metal-work, There was a profusion of long narrow thin-bladed
knives, mostly with bone or ivory handles very prettily carved, ending
in parrot-heads and the like, or the whole handle forming a bird or
monster, with legs and wings pressed close to the body, all exquisitely
carved. The use of these seemed problematical; some said they were
used to cut fruit, others that they had been poisoned and struck about
the roofs and walls of the women's quarters, to serve the purpose
of spikes or broken glass! A curious point was the extraordinary
number of old European blades, often graven with letters and symbols
of Christian meaning, attached to hilts and handles most distinctly
Hindu, adorned with figures of gods and idolatrous emblems. There
was an extraordinary number of long straight cut-and-thrust blades
termed Phirangis, which Mr. Sinclair, in his interesting list of
Dakhani weapons, [8] says means the Portuguese, or else made in
imitation of such imported swords. A kuttar, with a handsome steel
hilt, disclosed the well-known name ANDREA FERARA (sic.). Sir Walter
Elliot has informed me that, when a notorious freebooter was captured
in the Southern Marâthâ country many years ago, his sword was found
to be an 'Andrea Ferrara.' Mr. Sinclair adds that both Grant Duff
and Meadows Taylor have mentioned that Râja Sivâji's favourite sword
Bhavânî was a Genoa blade [9].... Eventually the whole array (of arms)
was removed to Trichinapalli and deposited in the Arsenal there, and,
after a Committee of officers had sat upon the multifarious collection,
and solemnly reported the ancient arms unfit for use in modern warfare,
the Government, after selecting the best for the Museum, ordered the
residue to be broken up and sold as old iron. This was in 1863."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that
"in 1790 Lord Cornwallis, then Governor-General of India, entered
into an alliance with the Marathas and the Nizam to reduce Tipu to
order, and it was agreed that whatever territories should be acquired
by them from Tipu should be equally divided between them. Certain
specified poligars, among whom were the chiefs of Bellary, Rayadrug
and Harpanahalli, were, however, to be left in possession of their
districts. Tipu was reduced to submission in 1792, and by the treaty
of that year he ceded half his territories to the allies. [10] Sandur
was allotted to the Marathas, and a part of the Bellary district to
the Nizam." The present Maratha chief of the little hill-locked Sandur
State is a minor, whose name and titles are Raja Venkata Rao Rao Sahib
Hindu Rao Ghorpade Senapati Mamalikat Madar. Of the eleven thousand
inhabitants of the State, the various castes of Marathas number over a
thousand. "Three families of them are Brahmans, who came to Sandur as
officials with Siddoji Rao when he took the State from the Jaramali
poligar. Except for two short intervals, Siddoji's descendants have
held the State ever since. The others are grouped into three local
divisions, namely, Khasgi, Kumbi, and Lekavali. The first of these
consists of only some eight families, and constitutes the aristocracy
of the State. Some of them came to Sandur from the Maratha country with
Siva Rao and other rulers of the State, and they take the chief seats
at Darbars and on other public occasions, and are permitted to dine
and intermarry with the Raja's family. They wear the sacred thread
of the Kshatriyas, belong to the orthodox Brahmanical gotras, have
Brahmans as their purohits, observe many of the Brahmanical ceremonies,
burn their dead, forbid widow re-marriage, and keep their womankind
gosha. On the other hand, they do not object to drinking alcohol or
to smoking, and they eat meat, though not beef. Their family god is
the same as that of the Raja's family, namely, Martanda Manimallari,
and they worship him in the temple in his honour which is in the Raja's
palace, and make pilgrimages to his shrine at Jejuri near Poona. [It
is noted by Monier-Williams [11] that 'a deification, Khando-ba (also
called Khande-Rao), was a personage who lived in the neighbourhood of
the hill Jejuri, thirty miles from Poona. He is probably a deification
of some powerful Raja or aboriginal chieftain, who made himself useful
to the Brahmans. He is now regarded as an incarnation of Siva in his
form Mallari. The legend is that the god Siva descended in this form
to destroy a powerful demon named Mallasura, who lived on the hill,
and was a terror to the neighbourhood. Parvati descended at the same
time to become Khando-ba's wife. His worship is very popular among the
people of low caste in the Maratha country. Sheep are sacrificed at
the principal temple on the Jejuri hill, and a bad custom prevails of
dedicating young girls to the god's service. Khando-ba is sometimes
represented with his wife on horseback, attended by a dog. A sect
existed in Sankara's time, who worshipped Mallari as lord of dogs.'] At
the marriages of the Khasgis, an unusual custom, called Vira Puja,
or the worship of warriors, is observed. Before the ceremony, the men
form themselves into two parties, each under a leader, and march to
the banks of the Narihalla river, engaging in mock combat as they
go. At the river an offering is made to Siva in his form as the
warrior Martanda, and his blessing is invoked. The goddess Ganga is
also worshipped, and then both parties march back, indulging on the
way in more pretended fighting. The second division of the Marathas,
the Kunbis, are generally agriculturists, though some are servants to
the first division. They cannot intermarry with the Khasgis, or dine
with them except in separate rows, and their womanfolk are not gosha;
but they have Brahmanical gotras and Brahman purohits. Some of them
use the Raja's name of Ghorpade, but this is only because they are
servants in his household. The third division, the Lekavalis, are
said to be the offspring of irregular unions among other Marathas, and
are many of them servants in the Raja's palace. Whence they are also
called Manimakkalu. They all call themselves Ghorpades, and members
of the Raja's (the Kansika) gotra. They thus cannot intermarry among
themselves, but occasionally their girls are married to Kunbis. Their
women are in no way gosha." [12]
The cranial type of the Marathas is, as shown by the following table,
like that of the Canarese, mesaticephalic or sub-brachycephalic:--
Cephalic Index
Av. Max.
Canarese 50 Holeyas 79.1 87.4
Marathi 30 Rangaris 79.8 92.2
Canarese 50 Vakkaligas 81.7 93.8
Marathi 30 Suka Sales 81.8 88.2
Marathi 30 Sukun Sales 82.2 84.4
Maravan.--"The Maravans," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [13] "are found
chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly, where they occupy the tracts
bordering on the coast from Cape Comorin to the northern limits of
the Ramnad zemindari. The proprietors of that estate, and of the
great Sivaganga zemindari, are both of this caste. The Maravars must
have been one of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated
to the south of the peninsula, and, like the Kallans, they have been
but little affected by Brahmanical influence. There exists among
them a picturesque tradition to the effect that, in consequence of
their assisting Rama in his war against the demon Ravana, that deity
gratefully exclaimed in good Tamil Maraven, or I will never forget,
and that they have ever since been called Maravans. But, with more
probability, the name may be connected with the word maram, which
means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like, as pointing clearly
to their unpleasant profession, that of robbing and slaying their
neighbours. In former days they were a fierce and turbulent race,
famous for their military prowess. At one time they temporarily
held possession of the Pandya kingdom, and, at a later date, their
armies gave valuable assistance to Tirumala Nayakkan. They gave the
British much trouble at the end of last (eighteenth) century and the
beginning of this (nineteenth) century, but they are now much the
same as other ryots (cultivators), though perhaps somewhat more bold
and lawless. Agamudaiyan and Kallan are returned as sub-divisions
by a comparatively large number of persons. Maravan is also found
among the sub-divisions of Kallan, and there can be little doubt
that there is a very close connection between Kallans, Maravans,
and Agamudaiyans." This connection is dealt with in the article
on the Kallans. But I may here quote the following legend relating
thereto. "Once upon a time, Rishi Gautama left his house to go abroad
on business. Devendra, taking advantage of his absence, debauched his
wife, and three children were the result. When the Rishi returned,
one of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus acted
like a thief, he was henceforward called Kallan. Another got up a
tree, and was therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree, whilst
the third brazened it out, and stood his ground, thus earning for
himself the name of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name
was corrupted into Ahambadiyan." [14]
"Some say the word Maravan is derived from marani, sin; a Maravan being
one who commits sin by killing living creatures without feeling pity,
and without fear of god." [15]
The Maravans claim descent from Guha or Kuha, Rama's boatman, who
rowed him across to Ceylon. According to the legend, Rama promised
Guha that he would come back at a fixed time. When he failed to return,
Guha made a fire, whereon to burn himself to death. Hanuman, however,
prevented him from committing suicide, and assured him that Rama would
shortly return. This came to pass, and Rama, on learning what Guha had
done, called him Maravan, a brave or reckless fellow. According to
another legend, the god Indra, having become enamoured of Ahalya,
set out one night to visit her in the form of a crow, and, seating
himself outside the dwelling of the Rishi her husband, cawed
loudly. The Rishi believing that it was dawn, went off to bathe,
while Indra, assuming the form of her husband, went in to the woman,
and satisfied his desire. When her husband reached the river, there
were no signs of dawn, and he was much perturbed, but not for long, as
his supernatural knowledge revealed to him how he had been beguiled,
and he proceeded to curse Indra and his innocent wife. Indra was
condemned to have a thousand female organs of generation all over his
body, and the woman was turned into a stone. Indra repented, and the
Rishi modified his disfigurement by arranging that, to the onlooker,
he would seem to be clothed or covered with eyes, and the woman was
allowed to resume her feminine form when Rama, in the course of his
wanderings, should tread on her. The result of Indra's escapade was
a son, who was stowed away in a secret place (maravuidam). Hence his
descendants are known as Maravan. [16]
The head of the Maravans is the Setupati (lord of the bridge), or
Raja of Ramnad. "The Sethupati line, or Marava dynasty of Ramnad,"
the Rev. J. E. Tracy writes, [17] "claims great antiquity. According
to popular legendary accounts, it had its rise in the time of the
great Rama himself, who is said to have appointed, on his victorious
return from Lanka (Ceylon), seven guardians of the passage or bridge
connecting Ceylon with the mainland.... Another supposition places
the rise of the family in the second or third century B.C. It rests
its case principally upon a statement in the Mahawanso, according
to which the last of the three Tamil invasions of Ceylon, which took
place in the second or third century B.C., was under the leadership
of seven chieftains, who are supposed, owing to the silence of the
Pandyan records on the subject of South Indian dealings with Ceylon,
to have been neither Cheras, Cholas, or Pandyans, but mere local
adventurers, whose territorial proximity and marauding ambition had
tempted them to the undertaking.... Another supposition places the rise
of the family in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. There are two
statements of this case, differing according to the source from which
they come. According to the one, which has its source in South India,
the rise of the family took place in or about 1059 A.D., when Raja
Raja, the Chola king, upon his invasion of Ceylon, appointed princes
whom he knew to be loyal to himself, and who, according to some, had
aided him in his conquest of all Pandya, to act as guardians of the
passage by which his armies must cross to and fro, and supplies be
received from the mainland. According to the other statement, which
has its source in Sinhalese records, the family took its rise from the
appointment of Parakrama Bahu's General Lankapura, who, according to a
very trustworthy Sinhalese epitome of the Mahawanso, after conquering
Pandya, remained some time at Ramespuram, building a temple there,
and, while on the island, struck kahapanas (coins similar to those of
the Sinhalese series). Whichever of those statements we may accept,
the facts seem to point to the rise of the family in the eleventh
or twelfth century A.D., and inscriptions quoted from Dr. Burgess by
Mr. Robert Sewell [18] show that grants were made by Sethupati princes
in 1414, again in 1489, still again in 1500, and finally as late as
1540. These bring the line down to within two generations of the time
when Muttu Krishnappa Nayakka is said, in 1604, to have found affairs
sadly disordered in the Marava country, and to have re-established the
old family in the person of Sadaiyaka Tevar Udaiyar Sethupati. The
coins of the Sethupatis divide themselves into an earlier and later
series. The earlier series present specimens which are usually larger
and better executed, and correspond in weight and appearance very
nearly to the well-known coins of the Sinhalese series, together
with which they are often found, 'These coins' Rhys Davids writes,
[19] 'are probably, the very ones referred to as having been struck
by Parakrama's General Lankapura.' The coins of the later series are
very rude in device and execution. The one face shows only the Tamil
legend of the word Sethupati, while the other side is taken up with
various devices."
A poet, in days of old, refers to "the wrathful and furious Maravar,
whose curled beards resemble the twisted horns of the stag, the
loud twang of whose powerful bowstrings, and the stirring sound
of whose double-headed drums, compel even kings at the head of
large armies to turn their back and fly." [20] The Maravans are
further described as follows. "Of strong limbs and hardy frames, and
fierce looking as tigers, wearing long and curled locks of hair, the
blood-thirsty Maravans, armed with the bow bound with leather, ever
ready to injure others, shoot their arrows at poor and defenceless
travellers, from whom they can steal nothing, only to feast their
eyes on the quivering limbs of their victims." [21] In a note on
the Maravans of the Tinnevelly district, it is recorded [22] that
"to this class belonged most of the Poligars, or feudal chieftains,
who disputed with the English the possession of Tinnevelly during
the last, and first years of the present (nineteenth) century. As
feudal chiefs and heads of a numerous class of the population,
and one whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the roll
of followers of a turbulent chieftain, bold, active, enterprising,
cunning and capricious, this class constituted themselves, or were
constituted by the peaceful cultivators, their protectors in time of
bloodshed and rapine, when no central authority, capable of keeping
the peace, existed. Hence arose the systems of Desha and Stalum
Kaval, or the guard of a tract of country comprising a number of
villages against open marauders in armed bands, and the guard of
separate villages, their houses and crops, against secret theft. The
feudal chief received a contribution from the area around his fort
in consideration of protection afforded against armed invasion. The
Maravars are chiefly the agricultural servants or sub-tenants of the
wealthier ryots, under whom they cultivate, receiving a share of the
crop. An increasing proportion of this caste are becoming the ryotwari
owners of land by purchase from the original holders."
Though the Maravans, Mr, Francis writes, [23] "are usually
cultivators, they are some of them the most expert cattle-lifters in
the Presidency. In Madura, they have a particularly ingenious method
of removing cattle. The actual thief steals the bullocks at night, and
drives them at a gallop for half a dozen miles, hands them over to a
confederate, and then returns and establishes an alibi. The confederate
takes them on another stage, and does the same. A third and a fourth
man keep them moving all that night. The next day they are hidden and
rested, and thereafter they are driven by easier stages to the hills
north of Madura, where their horns are cut and their brands altered,
to prevent them from being recognised. They are then often sold at the
great Chittrai cattle fair in Madura town. In some papers read in G.O.,
No. 535, Judicial, dated 29th March 1899, it was shown that, though,
according to the 1891 census, the Maravans formed only 10 per cent. of
the population of the district of Tinnevelly, yet they had committed
70 per cent. of the dacoities which have occurred in that district in
the previous five years. They have recently (1899) figured prominently
in the anti-Shanar riots in the same district." (See Shanan.)
"The Maravans", Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes, [24] "furnish nearly the
whole of the village police (kavilgars, watchmen), robbers and thieves
of the Tinnevelly district. Very often the thief and the watchman
are one and the same individual. The Maravans of the present time, of
course, retain only a shadow of the power which their ancestors wielded
under the poligars, who commenced the kavil system. Still the Marava
of to-day, as a member of a caste which is numerous and influential,
as a man of superior physique and bold independent spirit, thief and
robber, village policeman and detective combined--is an immense power
in the land."
It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1903, that "a large
section of the population in Tinnevelly--the Maravans--are criminal by
predilection and training. Mr. Longden's efforts have been directed to
the suppression of a bad old custom, by which the police were in the
habit of engaging the help of the Maravans themselves in the detection
of crime. The natural result was a mass of false evidence and false
charges, and, worst of all, a police indebted to the Maravan, who was
certain to have his quid pro quo. This method being discountenanced,
and the station-house officer being deprived of the aid of his tuppans
(men who provide a clue), the former has found himself very much at
sea, and, until sounder methods can be inculcated, will fail to show
successful results. Still, even a failure to detect is better than a
police in the hands of the Maravans." Further information concerning
tuppukuli, or clue hire, will be found in the note on Kallans.
From a very interesting note on the Maravans of the Tinnevelly
district, the following extract is taken. [25] "On the principle of
setting a thief, to catch a thief, Maravars are paid blackmail to
keep their hands from picking and stealing, and to make restitution
for any thefts that may possibly take place, notwithstanding the
vigilance of the watchmen. (A suit has been known to be instituted,
in a Munsiff's Court, for failure to make restitution for theft after
receipt of the kudikaval money.) As a matter of fact, no robberies
on a large scale can possibly take place without the knowledge,
connivance, or actual co-operation of the Kavalgars. People living in
country places, remote from towns, are entirely at the mercy of the
Maravars, and every householder or occupier of a mud hut, which is
dignified by being called a house, must pay the Maravars half a fanam,
which is equal to one anna eight pies, yearly. Those who own cattle,
and there are few who do not, must pay one fanam a year. At the time
of the harvest, it is the custom in Southern India for an enemy to go
and reap his antagonist's crops as they are growing in the fields. He
does this to bring matters to a climax, and to get the right side of
his enemy, so that he may be forced to come to terms, reasonable or
otherwise. Possession is nine points of the law. On occasions such
as these, which are frequent, the advantage of the employment of
Kavalgars can readily be understood. The Maravars are often true to
their salt, though sometimes their services can be obtained by the
highest bidder. The plan of keeping kaval, or going the rounds like
a policeman on duty, is, for a village of, say, a hundred Maravars,
to divide into ten sections. Each section takes a particular duty,
and they are paid by the people living within their range. If a robbery
takes place, and the value of the property does not exceed ten rupees,
then this section of ten men will each subscribe one rupee, and pay
up ten rupees. If, however, the property lost exceeds the sum of ten
rupees, then all the ten sections of Maravars, the hundred men, will
join together, and make restitution for the robbery. How they are
able to do this, and to recoup themselves, can be imagined. Various
attempts for many years have been made to put a stop to this system of
kudi-kaval. At one time the village (Nunguneri) of the chief Maravar
was burnt down, and for many years the police have been on their
track, and numerous convictions are constantly taking place. Out
of 150,000 Maravars in the whole district, 10,000 are professional
thieves, and of these 4,000 have been convicted, and are living at
the present time. The question arises whether some plan could not
be devised to make honest men of these rogues. It has been suggested
that their occupation as watchmen should be recognised by Government,
and that they should be enlisted as subordinate officials, just as
some of them are now employed as Talayaris and Vettiyans.... The
villages of the Maravars exist side by side with the other castes,
and, as boys and girls, all the different classes grow up together,
so that there is a bond of sympathy and regard between them all. The
Maravans, therefore, are not regarded as marauding thieves by the other
classes. Their position in the community as Kavalgars is recognised,
and no one actually fears them. From time immemorial it has been the
mamool (custom) to pay them certain dues, and, although illegal, who
in India is prepared to act contrary to custom? The small sum paid
annually by the villagers is insignificant, and no one considers it a
hardship to pay it, when he knows that his goods are in safety; and,
if the Maravars did not steal, there are plenty of other roving castes
(e.g., the Kuluvars, Kuravars, and Kambalatars) who would, so that,
on the whole, ordinary unsophisticated natives, who dwell in the
country side, rather like the Maravar than otherwise. When, however,
these watchmen undertake torchlight dacoities, and attack travellers on
the high-road, then they are no better than the professional thieves
of other countries, and they deserve as little consideration. It must
be borne in mind that, while robbery is the hereditary occupation of
the Maravars, there are thousands of them who lead strictly honest,
upright lives as husbandmen, and who receive no benefit whatever from
the kudi-kaval system. Some of the most noted and earnest Native
Christians have been, and still are, men and women of this caste,
and the reason seems to be that they never do things by halves. If
they are murderers and robbers, nothing daunts them, and, on the other
hand, if they are honest men, they are the salt of the earth." I am
informed that, when a Maravan takes food in the house of a stranger,
he will sometimes take a pinch of earth, and put it on the food before
he commences his meal. This act frees him from the obligation not to
injure the family which has entertained him.
In a note entitled Marava jati vernanam, [26] from the Mackenzie
Manuscripts, it is recorded that "there are seven sub-divisions in the
tribe of the Maravas, respectively denominated Sembunattu, Agattha,
Oru-nattu, Upukatti, and Kurichikattu. Among these sub-divisions,
that of the Sembunattu Maravas is the principal one." In the Madras
Census Report, 1891, the following are returned as the most important
sub-divisions:--Agamudaiyan, Kallan, Karana, Kondaikatti, Kottani,
Sembanattu, and Vannikutti, Among the Sembanattus (or Sembanadus),
the following septs or khilais have been recorded:--
Marikka.
Piccha.
Tondaman.
Sitrama.
Thanicha.
Karuputhra.
Katra.
"The Kondayamkottai Maravars," Mr. F. Fawcett writes, [27] "are
divided into six sub-tribes, or, as they call them, trees. Each tree,
or kothu, is divided into three khilais or branches. These I call
septs. Those of the khilais belonging to the same tree or kothu are
never allowed to intermarry. A man or woman must marry with one of a
khilai belonging to another tree than his own, his or her own being
that of his or her mother, and not of the father. But marriage is
not permissible between those of any two trees or kothus: there are
some restrictions. For instance, a branch of betel vine or leaves may
marry with a branch of cocoanut, but not with areca nuts or dates. I
am not positive what all the restrictions are, but restrictions of
some kind, by which marriage between persons of all trees may not
be made indiscriminately, certainly exist. The names of the trees
or kothus and of the khilais or branches, as given to me from the
Maraver Padel, a book considered to be authoritative, are these--
=======================================================
Tree. | Kothu. | Khilai.
===============+====================+==================
| { |Viramudithanginan.
Milaku | Pepper vine { |Sedhar.
| { |Semanda.
| { |Agastyar.
Vettile | Betel vine { |Maruvidu.
| { |Alakhiya Pandiyan.
| { |Vaniyan.
Thennang | Cocoanut { |Vettuvan.
| { |Nataivendar.
| { |Kelnambhi.
Komukham | Areca nut { |Anbutran.
| { |Gautaman.
| { |Sadachi.
Ichang | Dates { |Sangaran.
| { |Pichipillai.
| { |Akhili.
Panang | Palmyra { |Lokhamurti
| { |Jambhuvar.
=======================================================
"Unfortunately I am unable to trace out the meanings of all
these khilais. Agastya and Gautamar are, of course, sages of
old. Viramudithanginan seems to mean a king's crown-bearer. Alakhiya
Pandiyan seems to be one of the old Pandiyan kings of Madura (alakhiya
means beautiful). Akhili is perhaps intended to mean the wife of
Gautama, Lokamurti, the one being of the world, and Jambhuvar, a
monkey king with a bear's face, who lived long, long ago. The common
rule regulating marriages among Brahmans, and indeed people of almost
every caste in Southern India, is that the proper husband for the
girl is her mother's brother or his son. But this is not so among the
Kondayamkottai Maravars. A girl can never marry her mother's brother,
because they are of the same khilai. On the other hand, the children
of a brother and sister may marry, and should do so, if this can be
arranged, as, though the brother and sister are of the same khilai,
their children are not, because the children of the brother belong
perforce to that of their mother, who is of a different khilai. It
very often happens that a man marries into his father's khilai; indeed
there seems to be some idea that he should do so if possible. The
children of brothers may not marry with each other, although they
are of different khilais, for two brothers may not marry into the
same khilai. One of the first things to be done in connection with a
marriage is that the female relations of the bridegroom must go and
examine the intended bride, to test her physical suitability. She
should not, as it was explained to me, have a flat foot; the calf
of her leg should be slender, not so thick as the thigh; the skin on
the throat should not form more than two wrinkles; the hair over the
temple should grow crossways. The last is very important." A curl on
the forehead resembling the head of a snake is of evil omen.
In one form of the marriage rites as carried out by the Maravans, the
bridegroom's party proceed, on an auspicious day which has been fixed
beforehand, to the home of the bride, taking with them five cocoanuts,
five bunches of plantains, five pieces of turmeric, betel, and flowers,
and the tali strung on a thread dyed with turmeric. At the auspicious
hour, the bride is seated within the house on a plank, facing east. The
bridegroom's sister removes the string of black beads from her neck,
and ties the tali thereon. While this is being done, the conch-shell
is blown, and women indulge in what Mr. Fawcett describes as a shrill
kind of keening (kulavi idal). The bride is taken to the house of the
bridegroom, where they sit side by side on a plank, and the ceremony
of warding off the evil eye is performed. Further, milk is poured
by people with crossed hands over the heads of the couple. A feast
is held, in which meat takes a prominent part. A Maravan, who was
asked to describe the marriage ceremony, replied that it consists
in killing a sheep or fowl, and the bringing of the bride by the
bridegroom's sister to her brother's house after the tali has been
tied. The Kondaikatti Maravans, in some places, substitute for the
usual golden tali a token representing "the head of Indra fastened to
a bunch of human hair, or silken strings representing his hair." [28]
In another form of the marriage ceremony, the father of the bridegroom
goes to the bride's house, accompanied by his relations, with the
following articles in a box made of plaited palmyra leaves:--
5 bundles of betel.
21 measures of rice.
7 cocoanuts.
70 plantains.
7 lumps of jaggery (crude sugar).
21 pieces of turmeric.
Flowers, sandal paste, etc.
At the bride's house, these presents are touched by those assembled
there, and the box is handed over to the bride's father. On the
wedding day (which is four days afterwards), pongal (cooked rice) is
offered to the house god early in the morning. Later in the day, the
bridegroom is taken in a palanquin to the house of the bride. Betel is
presented to him by her father or brother. The bride generally remains
within the house till the time for tying the tali has arrived. The
maternal uncle then blindfolds her with his hand, lifts her up, and
carries her to the bridegroom, Four women stand round the contracting
couple, and pass round a dish containing a broken cocoanut and a
cake three times. The bride and bridegroom then spit into the dish,
and the females set up their shrill keening. The maternal uncles join
their hands together, and, on receiving the assent of those present,
the bridegroom's sister ties the tali on the bride's neck. The tali
consists of a ring attached to a black silk thread. After marriage,
the "silk tali" is, for every day purposes, replaced by golden beads
strung on a string, and the tali used at the wedding is often borrowed
for the occasion. The tali having been tied, the pair are blessed,
and, in some places, their knees, shoulders, heads, and backs are
touched with a betel leaf dipped in milk, and blessed with the words
"May the pair be prosperous, giving rise to leaves like a banyan
tree, roots like the thurvi (Cynodon Dactylon) grass, and like the
bamboo." Of the thurvi grass it is said in the Atharwana Veda "May
this grass, which rose from the water of life, which has a hundred
roots and a hundred stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong
my existence on earth for a hundred years."
Still further variants of the marriage ceremonial are described by
Mr. Fawcett, in one of which "the Brahman priest (purohit) hands
the tali to the bridegroom's sister, who in turn hands it to the
bridegroom, who ties a knot in it. The sister then ties two more
knots in it, and puts it round the bride's neck. After this has
been done, and while the pair are still seated, the Brahman ties
together the little fingers of the right hands of the pair, which
are interlocked, with a silken thread. The pair then rise, walk
thrice round the marriage seat (manavanai), and enter the house,
where they sit, and the bridegroom receives present from the bride's
father. The fingers are then untied. While undergoing the ceremony,
the bridegroom wears a thread smeared with turmeric tied round the
right wrist. It is called kappu."
In the manuscript already quoted, [29] it is noted that "should it so
happen, either in the case of wealthy rulers of districts or of poorer
common people, that any impediment arises to prevent the complete
celebration of the marriage with all attendant ceremonies according to
the sacred books and customs of the tribe, then the tali only is sent,
and the female is brought to the house of her husband. At a subsequent
period, even after two or three children have been born, the husband
sends the usual summons to a marriage of areca nut and betel leaf; and,
when the relatives are assembled, the bride and bridegroom are publicly
seated in state under the marriage pandal; the want of completeness
in the former contract is made up; and, all needful ceremonies being
gone through, they perform the public procession through the streets of
the town, when they break the cocoanut in the presence of Vignesvara
(Ganesa), and, according to the means possessed by the parties, the
celebration of the marriage is concluded in one day, or prolonged
to two, three or four days. The tali, being tied on, has the name of
katu tali, and the name of the last ceremony is called the removal of
the former deficiency. If it so happen that, after the first ceremony,
the second be not performed, then the children of such an alliance are
lightly regarded among the Maravas. Should the husband die during the
continuance of the first relation, and before the second ceremony be
performed, then the body of the man, and also the woman are placed upon
the same seat, and the ceremonies of the second marriage, according
to the customs of the tribe, being gone through, the tali is taken
off; the woman is considered to be a widow, and can marry with some
other man." It is further recorded [30] of the Orunattu Maravans that
"the elder or younger sister of the bridegroom goes to the house of
the bride, and, to the sound of the conch-shell, ties on the tali;
and, early on the following morning, brings her to the house of the
bridegroom. After some time, occasionally three or four years, when
there are indications of offspring, in the fourth or fifth month, the
relatives of the pair assemble, and perform the ceremony of removing
the deficiency; placing the man and his wife on a seat in public,
and having the sacrifice by fire and other matters conducted by the
Prohitan (or Brahman); after which the relatives sprinkle seshai
rice (or rice beaten out without any application of water) over the
heads of the pair. The relatives are feasted and otherwise hospitably
entertained; and these in return bestow donations on the pair, from
one fanam to one pagoda. The marriage is then finished. Sometimes, when
money for expenses is wanting, this wedding ceremony is postponed till
after the birth of two or three children. If the first husband dies,
another marriage is customary. Should it so happen that the husband,
after the tying on of the tali in the first instance, dislikes the
object of his former choice, then the people of their tribe are
assembled; she is conducted back to her mother's house; sheep, oxen,
eating-plate, with brass cup, jewels, ornaments, and whatever else she
may have brought with her from her mother's house, are returned; and
the tali, which was put on, is broken off and taken away. If the wife
dislikes the husband, then the money he paid, the expenses which he
incurred in the wedding, the tali which he caused to be bound on her,
are restored to him, and the woman, taking whatsoever she brought with
her, returns to her mother's house, and marries again at her pleasure."
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "a special
custom obtaining among the Marava zemindars of Tinnevelly is mentioned
by the Registrar of that district. It is the celebration of marriage
by means of a proxy for the bridegroom in the shape of a stick,
which is sent by the bridegroom, and is set up in the marriage booth
in his place. The tali is tied by some one representative of the
bridegroom, and the marriage ceremony then becomes complete.... Widow
re-marriage is freely allowed and practiced, except in the Sembunattu
sub-division." "A widow," Mr. Fawcett writes, "may marry her deceased
husband's elder brother, but not a younger brother. If she does not
like him, she may marry some one else."
When a girl reaches puberty, news of the event is conveyed by a
washerman. On the sixteenth day she comes out of seclusion, bathes,
and returns home. At the threshold, her future husband's sister is
standing, and averts the evil eye by waving betel leaves, plantains,
cocoanuts, cooked flour paste (puttu), a vessel filled with water,
and an iron measure containing rice with a style (ambu) stuck in
it. The style is removed by the girl's prospective sister-in-law,
who beats her with it as she enters the house. A feast is held at the
expense of the girl's maternal uncle, who brings a goat, and ties it
to a pole at her house.
Both burial and cremation are practiced by the Maravans. The Sembunattu
Maravans of Ramnad regard the Agamudaiyans as their servants, and the
water, with which the corpse is washed, is brought by them. Further,
it is an Agamudaiyan, and not the son of the deceased, who carries
the fire-pot to the burial-ground. The corpse is carried thither on
a bier or palanquin. The grave is dug by an Andi, never by a Pallan
or Paraiyan. Salt, powdered brick, and sacred ashes are placed on the
floor thereof and the corpse is placed in it in a sitting posture. The
Kondaiyamkottai Maravans of Ramnad, who are stone and brick masons,
burn their dead, and, on their way to the burning-ground, the bearers
of the corpse walk over cloths spread on the ground. On the second or
third day, lingams are made out of the ashes, or of mud from the grave
if the corpse has been buried. To these, as well as to the soul of the
deceased, and to the crows, offerings are made. On the sixteenth day,
nine kinds of seed-grain are placed over the grave, or the spot where
the corpse was burnt. A Pandaram sets up five kalasams (brass vessels),
and does puja (worship). The son of the deceased, who officiated as
chief mourner, goes to a Pillayar (Ganesa) shrine, carrying on his
head a pot containing a lighted lamp made of flour. As he draws near
the god, a screen is stretched in front thereof. He then takes a few
steps backwards, the screen is removed, and he worships the god. He
then retires, walking backwards. The flour is distributed among those
present. Presents of new cloths are made to the sons and daughters
of the deceased. In his account of the Kondaiyamkottai Maravans,
Mr. Fawcett gives the following account of the funeral rites. "Sandals
having been fastened on the feet, the corpse is carried in a recumbent
position, legs first, to the place of cremation. A little rice is
placed in the mouth, and the relatives put a little money into a small
vessel which is kept beside the chest. The karma karta (chief mourner)
walks thrice round the corpse, carrying an earthen vessel filled with
water, in which two or three holes are pierced. He allows some water
to fall on the corpse, and breaks the pot near the head, which lies
to the south. No Brahman attends this part of the ceremony. When he
has broken the pot, the karma karta must not see the corpse again;
he goes away at once, and is completely shaved. The barber takes the
cash which has been collected, and lights the pyre. When he returns to
the house, the karma karta prostrates himself before a lighted lamp;
he partakes of no food, except a little grain and boiled pulse and
water, boiled with coarse palm sugar and ginger. Next day he goes to
the place of cremation, picks up such calcined bones as he finds,
and places them in a basket, so that he may some day throw them in
water which is considered to be sacred. On the eleventh or twelfth day,
some grain is sown in two new earthen vessels which have been broken,
and there is continued weeping around these. On the sixteenth day,
the young plants, which have sprouted, are removed, and put into
water, weeping going on all the while; and, after this has been
done, the relatives bathe and enjoy a festive meal, after which the
karma karta is seated on a white cloth, and is presented with a new
cloth and some money by his father-in-law and other relatives who
are present. On the seventeenth day takes place the punyagavachanam
or purification, at which the Brahman priest presides, and the karma
karta takes an oil bath. The wood of the pipal tree (Ficus religiosa)
is never used for purposes of cremation."
Concerning the death ceremonies in the Trichinopoly district,
Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. "Before the corpse is removed,
the chief mourner and his wife take two balls of cow-dung, in which
the barber has mixed various kinds of grain, and stick them on to the
wall of the house. These are thrown into water on the eighth day. The
ceremonial is called pattam kattugiradu, or investing with the title,
and indicates the succession to the dead man's estate. A rocket is
fired when the corpse is taken out of the house. On the sixth day,
a pandal (booth) of naval (Eugenia, Jambolana) leaves is prepared,
and offerings are made in it to the manes of the ancestors of the
family. It is removed on the eighth day, and the chief mourner puts
a turban on, and merry-making and dances are indulged in. There
are ordinarily no karumantaram ceremonies, but they are sometimes
performed on the sixteenth day, a Brahman being called in. On the
return home from these ceremonies, each member of the party has to
dip his toe into a mortar full of cow-dung water, and the last man
has to knock it down."
Among some Kondaiyamkottai Maravans, a ceremony called palaya
karmandhiram, or old death ceremony, is performed. Some months
after the death of one who has died an unnatural death, the skull is
exhumed, and placed beneath a pandal (booth) in an open space near
the village. Libations of toddy are indulged in, and the villagers
dance wildly round the head. The ceremony lasts over three days,
and the final death ceremonies are then performed.