[97] Pausanias, i. 22. 1, ii. 32. 1.

[98] S. Wide, _De sacris Troezeniorum, Hermionensium, Epidauriorum_

(Upsala, 1898), pp. 86 _sq._ C. Boetticher thought that “the whole

legend of Hippolytus represents simply the conflict of the worship

of Aphrodite with that of Artemis at Troezen” (_Der Baumkultus der

Hellenen_, p. 445, n. 2).

[99] Pausanias, ii. 32. 3.

[100] Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ v. 72; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7. As to the

myrtle and Aphrodite, see C. Boetticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_,

pp. 444 _sqq._; V. Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere_⁷ (Berlin,

1902), pp. 220 _sqq._

[101] Pausanias, i. 22. 1; Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 30 _sqq._, with the

scholiast’s note; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 62; J. Tzetzes, _Scholia on

Lycophron_, 1329.

[102] Pausanias, ii. 32. 6 Ἀφροδίτης Ἀσκραίας, where Bekker and all

subsequent editors have changed Ἀσκραίας into Ἀκραίας. But Ἀσκραίας has

the better manuscript authority. The title is derived from _askra_, “a

fruitless oak” (Hesychius, _s.v._ ἄσκρα). See Mr. A. B. Cook, “Zeus,

Jupiter, and the Oak,” _Classical Review_, xvii, (1903) pp. 415 _sq._

[103] Pausanias, ii. 32. 10. In Greek _saronis_ is a hollow oak. See

Callimachus, _Hymn to Zeus_, 22; Hesychius and _Etymologicum Magnum_,

_s.v._ σαρωνίδες; A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” _Classical

Review_, xviii. (1904) p. 370. Mythology derived the name Saronian from

a certain Saron, an ancient king of Troezen and a mighty hunter, who

had been drowned while swimming after a doe (Pausanias, ii. 30. 7). In

this mythical hunter associated with Artemis we may perhaps detect a

duplicate of Hippolytus.

[104] Pausanias, ii. 31. 4, 8, and 9.

[105] See Kühner-Blass, _Grammatik der griech. Sprache_, ii. 288 _sq._

[106] Pausanias, ii. 27. 4.

[107] Pausanias, ii. 33. 2 with my commentary, vol. iii. pp. 285 _sq._

vol. v. pp. 596 _sqq._

[108] Strabo, v. 1. 4, 8, and 9, pp. 212, 214 _sq._ As to the

topography, see Bunbury in Smith’s _Dictionary of Greek and Roman

Geography_, _s.v._ “Timavus”; H. Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii.

233. I have to thank my friend Mr. A B. Cook for drawing my attention

to the association of the horse and wolf in the early cults of Greece

and Italy.

[109] M. Salomon Reinach would explain Hippolytus at Troezen as a

sacred horse, which was torn to pieces by his worshippers at a solemn

sacrifice, just as Dionysus Zagreus was said to have been rent in

pieces by his worshippers. See S. Reinach, “Hippolyte,” _Archiv für

Religionswissenschaft_, x. (1907) pp. 47–60; _id._ _Cultes, Mythes, et

Religions_, iii. (Paris, 1908) pp. 54–67.

[110] No argument can be drawn from the bronze wolf-heads of Caligula’s

ships (above, p. 5, note 5), since these may have been purely

ornamental.

[111] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 60.

[112] Plutarch, _Theseus_, 5.

[113] Athenaeus, xiii. 83, p. 605A. For dedications of hair to Apollo

see _Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 198, 279.

[114] Statius, _Theb._ ii. 253 _sqq._

[115] Pausanias, i. 43. 4.

[116] Herodotus, iv. 33 _sq._; Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 291

_sqq._; Pausanias, i. 43. 4.

[117] _Anthologia Palatina_, vi. 276, 277; Pollux, iii. 38; Hesychius,

_s.v._ γάμων ἔθη. Pollux seems to imply that the hair was dedicated to

Hera and the Fates as well as to Artemis.

[118] G. Deschamps and G. Cousin, in _Bulletin de Correspondance

hellénique_, xi. (1887) pp. 390 _sq._; _id._ xii. (1888) pp. 97 _sq._,

249 _sqq._, 479–490.

[119] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 60.

[120] J. Marquardt, _Privatleben der Römer_, pp. 599 _sq._

[121] Suetonius, _Nero_, 12. On hair-offerings in general see G.

A. Wilken, _Ueber das Haaropfer_ (Amsterdam, 1886) (reprinted from

the _Revue Coloniale Internationale_). On the hair-offerings of the

Greeks see Fr. Wieseler, in _Philologus_, ix. (1854), pp. 711–715; G.

Deschamps and G. Cousin, in _Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique_,

xii. (1888) pp. 479–490; W. H. D. Rouse, _Greek Votive Offerings_

(Cambridge, 1902), pp. 240–245.

[122] Herodotus, ii. 65; Diodorus Siculus, i. 83. The latter writer’s

account is the fuller, and has been followed in the text.

[123] Lucian, _De dea Syria_, 6.

[124] W. Robertson Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,² p. 329. He refers

to Sozomenus, _Histor. Eccles._ v. 10. 7; Socrates, _Histor. Eccles._

i. 18; and Eusebius, _Vita Constant._ iii. 58, from whose testimonies

we learn that at Heliopolis, in Syria, it was the custom to prostitute

maidens to strangers before marriage. Eusebius speaks of the religious

prostitution of married women as well as of maidens. Constantine

destroyed the temple of the goddess in which these impure rites seem to

have been performed. To moderns, Heliopolis (the City of the Sun) is

better known as Baalbec; its magnificent ruins are the finest remains

of Greek architecture in the East.

[125] This is recognised by G. A. Wilken (_Ueber das Haaropfer_, p.

105).

[126] G. A. Wilken, _Das Haaropfer_, pp. 61 _sqq._; W. Robertson

Smith, _Religion of the Semites_,² pp. 323 _sqq._; I. Goldziher,

_Muhammedanische Studien_, i. (Halle a. S. 1888) pp. 247 _sqq._ See

also below, p. 102.

[127] Pausanias, viii. 41. 3. To the references given in my note on the

passage add Pollux, ii. 30.

[128] Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 278 _sqq._; Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ iv.

91; Strabo, vi. 1. 15, p. 264; Plutarch, _De Pythiae oraculis_, 16.

In Apollo’s temple at Delphi there were dedicated a radish of gold, a

beet of silver, and a turnip of lead, which was thought to signify the

respective value of these vegetables (Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xix. 86). A

poet speaks of tithes and first-fruits hung up for Apollo on a high

pillar at Delphi (Clement of Alexandria, _Strom._ i. 24. 164, p. 419,

ed. Potter).

[129] Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philos._ ii. 44, iii. 2; Plutarch,

_Quaest. Conviv._ viii. 1. 2; J. T. Wood, _Discoveries at Ephesus:

Inscriptions from the great Theatre_, pp. 4, 16. Apollo’s birthday

(the 7th of Thargelion) was probably the festival known in the Delian

calendar as the Apollonia, not the Delia as was formerly supposed. The

Delia seems to have fallen in early spring, not in early summer. See C.

Robert in _Hermes_, xxi. (1886) pp. 161–169; Aug. Mommsen, _Feste der

Stadt Athen_ (Leipsic, 1898), p. 451. On this harvest-festival at Delos

see W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und Feldkulte_, pp. 232 _sqq._, who,

however, took the festival to be the Delia.

[130] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 383 _sq._; L. Ideler, _Handbuch der

mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_, i. 242.

[131] _Folk-lore_, i. (1890) p. 518. As to the season of the ripening

of the corn in Greece both in ancient and modern times, see G. Busolt’s

discussion of the evidence, _Griechische Geschichte_, iii. 2 (Gotha,

1904), pp. 909 _sqq._, note.

[132] Philostratus, _Heroica_, xx. 24.

[133] _Bulletin de Correspondance hellénique_, xviii. (1894) pp. 87–93;

_id._ xx. (1896) pp. 639–641; E. Curtius in _Archäologischer Anzeiger_,

1895, pp. 109 _sq._; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,²

Nos. 611, 665, 718.

[134] Strabo, ix. 2. 11, p. 404.

[135] Plutarch, _Aristides_, 20. Probably the custom of sending out new

fire from Delos and Delphi was common, though the existing evidence

of it is scanty. The same remark applies to the practice of bringing

tithes of the harvest to these sanctuaries.

[136] Herodotus, iv. 33; Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 278 _sqq._

Herodotus does not tell us in what the sacred offerings consisted;

Pausanias says (i. 31. 2) that no one knew what they were. But from the

evidence of Callimachus, compared with that of Pliny (_Nat. Hist._ iv.

91) and Mela (iii. 37), it appears that they were believed to be the

first-fruits of the corn.

[137] H. Stein on Herodotus, iv. 33; O. Crusius in W. H. Roscher’s

_Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_, i. 2813, 2831;

Preller-Robert, _Griechische Mythologie_, i. 298 _sq._; Wernicke, in

Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyclopädie der_ _class. Altertumswissenschaft_,

ii. coll. 1355, 1356, 1357, 1358, 1359, 1380, 1383, 1393, 1402. The

names of the maidens were variously given as Hyperoche and Laodice

(Herodotus, iv. 33), or Hekaerge and Opis, (Pausanias, i. 43. 4, v.

7. 8; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi. 532), or Upis, Loxo, and Hekaerge

(Callimachus, _Hymn to Delos_, 292). Herodotus further mentions (iv.

35) another pair of Hyperborean maidens, Arge and Opis by name, who

came with Apollo and Artemis to Delos, and were buried behind the

sanctuary of Artemis in the island. They are clearly the equivalents

of the Hekaerge and Opis or Upis of the other writers. For Hekaerge as

an epithet of Artemis see Servius, _loc. cit._; Clement of Alexandria,

_Strom._ v. 8. 49, p. 674, ed. Potter, quoting Apollodorus of Corcyra:

μέλπετε ὧ παῖδες ἑκάεργον καὶ ἑκαέργαν. For Opis or Upis as a name of

Artemis see Macrobius, _Saturn._ v. 22. 3–6; Callimachus, _Hymn to

Artemis_, 204; Palaephatus, _De incredib._ 32.

[138] Pseudo-Plato, _Axiochus_, p. 371A; Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ xi.

532: “_Alii putant Opim et Hecaergon nutritores Apollinis et Dianae

fuisse; hinc itaque Opim ipsam Dianam cognominatam, quod supra dictum

est, Apollinem vero Hecaergon_.”

[139] Herodotus, iv. 34 _sq._ According to Herodotus, each grave

contained the dust of a pair of Hyperborean damsels.

[140] Porphyry, _Vita Pythagorae_, 16.

[141] Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Real-Encyclopädie der class.

Altertumswissenschaft_, ii. 1339. This general statement the writer

supports with a wealth of detailed evidence, to which I can only refer

the reader.

[142] This appears from the name _Partheniai_ applied at Sparta to

the men who were born of the _parthenoi_ (unmarried women) during the

absence of the married men at the Messenian war. See Ephorus, cited by

Strabo, vi. 3. 3, p. 279. Whether this explanation was historically

correct or not (and other explanations of it were given, see W. L.

Newman on Aristotle, _Politics_, vii. (v.) 7, p. 1306 b 29), it proves

that in Greek of the best period _parthenos_ did not connote chastity.

Compare what Herodotus says of the Thracians (v. 6): τὰς δὲ παρθένους

οὐ φυλάσσουσι, ἀλλ’ ἐῶσι τοῖσι αὐταὶ βούλονται ἀνδράσι μίσγεσθαι. As to

the worship of unmarried goddesses in Western Asia, Sir W. M. Ramsay

observes: “It is, in fact, probable, though with our present knowledge

not susceptible of proof, that the term Parthenos in connection with

the Anatolian system should be rendered simply as ‘the Unmarried,’

and should be regarded as evidence of the religious existence of the

pre-Greek social system. The Parthenos goddess was also the Mother; and

however much the Parthenoi who formed part of her official retinue may

have been modified by Greek feeling, it is probable that originally the

term indicated only that they were not cut off by marriage from the

divine life” (_Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. p. 96). Similarly

in a celebrated passage of Isaiah (vii. 14) the Hebrew word (עַלְמָה)

which is translated “virgin” in our English version means no more than

“young woman.” A correct translation would have obviated the necessity

for the miracle which so many generations of devout but unlearned

readers have discovered in the text; for while it would unquestionably

be a miracle if a virgin were to conceive and bear a son, there is

nothing whatever miraculous or even unusual about a young woman doing

so.

[143] L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_, ii. 444.

The whole of Dr. Farnell’s treatment of this subject is excellent

(pp. 442–449). He suggests doubtfully that the epithets _Peitho_,

_Hegemone_, and _Eukleia_ may possibly refer to marriage. But clearly

“persuasion,” “leader,” and “good fame” do not in themselves imply any

allusion to wedlock. The passage of Euripides referred to in the text

is _Supplices_, 958 _sq._: οὐδ’ Ἄρτεμις λοχία προσφθέγξαιτ’ ᾶν τὰς

ἀτέκνους.

[144] Thus she was identified with Anaitis (Plutarch, _Artoxerxes_,

27; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscr. Graec._² No. 775), and with Nana

(_Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum_, iii. 131), or Nanaea, the goddess

of Elymais (2 Maccabees, i. 13 and 15, compared with Polybius, xxxi.

11, and Josephus, _Antiquit. Jud._ xii. 9). This Nanaea was sometimes

identified with Aphrodite instead of with Artemis (Appian, _Syriace_,

66). She seems to have been the old Babylonian goddess Nana, Nanai, or

Nannaia, who was identical with the Ishtar (Astarte) of Erech. See H.

Zimmern, in Schrader’s _Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament_,³

p. 422; R. F. Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York,

1901), pp. 116 _sq._, 245; W. H. Roscher’s _Lexikon der griech. und

röm. Mythologie_, iii. 4 _sq._ _s.v._ “Nana.” For the identification of

Artemis with another Semitic mother-goddess, see W. Robertson Smith,

_Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_² (London, 1903), p. 298. As to

the dissolute worship of Anaitis, see Strabo, xi. 14, 16, p. 532. And

as to the identification of Artemis with Asiatic goddesses of this

type see L. R. Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, ii. 478 _sqq._;

Wernicke, in Pauly-Wissowa, _Encycl. d. class. Alter._ ii. 1369 _sqq._

[145] Pausanias, iv. 31. 8; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscript.

Graecarum_,² No. 656.

[146] The statues on which this description is based are in the

Vatican, the Lateran, and the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitol

at Rome. The first of these is figured and described in Baumeister’s

_Denkmäler_, i. 130 _sq._, and the second is described by O. Benndorf

and R. Schoene, _Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranischen Museums_, pp.

260 _sq._ See also Roscher’s _Lexik. d. griech. und röm. Myth._ i. 588

_sqq._; S. Reinach, _Répertoire de la Statuaire grecque et romaine_,

i. pp. 298, 299, 300, 302, ii. pp. 321 _sq._ Both the Vatican and the

Lateran statues have the necklace of acorns, and the Lateran copy (No.

768) has in addition a circlet of acorns hanging on the bosom. The

acorns probably refer to the oak-tree under which the Amazons were said

to have set up the image of the goddess at Ephesus (Callimachus, _Hymn

to Artemis_, 237 _sqq._). The statue in the Palazzo dei Conservatori

(No. 47) has serpents twined round the arms. The many breasts of the

Ephesian Artemis are mentioned by Minucius Felix (_Octavius_, xxii. 5).

On the worship of the Ephesian Artemis continued as that of the Virgin

Mary see Sir W. M. Ramsay, “The Worship of the Virgin Mary at Ephesus,”

_The Expositor_, June 1905, pp. 401 _sqq._

[147] Strabo, xiv. I. 23, p. 641. That a goddess of fertility should

be served by such ministers may strike us as a contradiction. Yet it

is typical of the Oriental worship of the great Mother Goddess. I have

suggested an explanation of the custom elsewhere. See _Adonis, Attis,

Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 236 _sqq._

[148] Pausanias, vii. 2. 7 _sq._; Preller-Robert, _Griechische

Mythologie_, i. 329; L. R. Farnell, _The Cults of the Greek States_,

ii. 480 _sqq._

[149] Indeed the eloquent church father Lactantius let the cat out of

the bag when he bluntly called Hippolytus the lover of Artemis (_Divin.

Institut._ i. 17).

[150] Herodotus, v. 82–87; Pausanias, ii. 30. 4, ii. 32. 2; Schol.

on Aristides, vol. iii. pp. 598 _sq._, ed. Dindorf. As H. Stein (on

Herodotus, v. 82) rightly observes, Damia and Auxesia were “goddesses

of tilth and of the fruitful field, agrarian deities who were

accordingly compared and identified with Demeter and Kora [Proserpine],

but who were in truth only separate personifications of the two sides

of Demeter’s character.” See further my note on Pausanias, ii. 30. 4.

We shall return hereafter to the custom of stone-throwing as a charm to

fertilise the fields.

[151] See, for example, Catullus’s fine poem on her (No. xxxiv.).

[152] This was pointed out long ago by P. Buttmann (_Mythologus_, ii.

151).

[153] Seneca speaks of Diana as “_regina nemorum_” or “Queen of the

Woods” (_Hippolytus_, 406), perhaps with a reminiscence of the _Rex

Nemorensis_, as Mr. A. B. Cook has suggested (_Classical Review_, xvi.

(1902) p. 373, note 4).

[154] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xvi. 242, pointed out to me by Mr. A. B.

Cook, who compares Herodotus, vii. 31.

[155] See below, vol. ii. pp. 26 _sq._, 56 _sq._, 100 _sq._, 316 _sqq._

[156] As to the double-headed bust see W. Helbig, in _Notizie degli

Scavi_, 1885, p. 227; O. Rossbach, _op. cit._ p. 159; G. H. Wallis,

_Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities from the Site of

the Temple of Diana, Nemi_, pp. 32 _sq._; A. B. Cook, in _Classical

Review_, xvi. (1902) p. 373; _id._ “The European Sky-God,” _Folk-lore_,

xvi. (1905) pp. 289 _sqq._; F. Granger, “A Portrait of the Rex

Nemorensis,” _Classical Review_, xxi. (1907) pp. 194–197; _id._ in

_Classical Review_, xxii. (1908) p. 217; J. G. Frazer, “The Leafy

Bust at Nemi,” _Classical Review_, xxii. (1908) pp. 147–149. The

interpretation adopted in the text is that of Professor F. Granger.

The way had been prepared for it by Mr. A. B. Cook’s suggestion

that the busts represent “the double form of Diana’s favourite,

Hippolytus-Virbius.” Previous writers took the view that the heads were

those of water-gods. As to the identification of the leaves on the

busts, about which botanists are not agreed, see Mr. Francis Darwin’s

letter to me, quoted in my article, “The Leafy Bust at Nemi” (_l.c._).

CHAPTER II—Priestly Kings

[157] J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.² 321 _sqq._ Kings

of the Sacred Rites are known from inscriptions to have existed at

Lanuvium, Bovillae, and Tusculum. See _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_,

xiv., Nos. 2089, 2413, 2634. At Rome the Sacrificial King held office

for life (Dionysius Halicarn. _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 74. 4).

[158] Plato, _Politicus_, p. 290 E; Aristotle, _Constitution

of Athens_, 57; Lysias, _Or._ vi. 4; G. Gilbert, _Handbuch der

griechischen Staatsalterthümer_,² i. 281 _sqq._

[159] Aristotle, _Politics_, viii. (vi.) 8. 20, p. 1322 b 26 _sqq._;

G. Gilbert, _op. cit._ ii. 323 _sq._; G. F. Schömann, _Griechische

Alterthümer_,⁴ i. 145 _sq._, ii. 423 sq.

[160] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,² No. 616; Ch.

Michel, _Recueil d’Inscriptions grecques_, No. 716.

[161] P. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,² No. 431, lines 46

_sqq._ Another inscription in the same collection (No. 428) also refers

to the kings of Mytilene. Both inscriptions are printed in Ch. Michel’s

_Recueil_, Nos. 356, 357.

[162] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,² No. 570; Ch.

Michel, _Recueil_, No. 707.

[163] P. Cauer, _Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum_,² No. 496; Ch.

Michel, _Recueil_, No. 1383.

[164] G. F. Schömann, _Handbuch der griech. Alterthümer_,⁴ ii. 270

_sqq._; E. Ziebarth, “Der Fluch im griechischen Recht,” _Hermes_,

xxx. (1895) pp. 57–70; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study

of Greek Religion_² (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 138–145; and my note on

Pausanias, iii. 2. 7. For example, the people of Teos cursed poisoners

and all persons who hindered the importation of corn (Cauer, _op. cit._

No. 480; Ch. Michel, _op. cit._ No. 1318). On the other hand, at Athens

in the time of Solon public curses were levelled at all who exported

anything but olive oil (Plutarch, _Solon_, 24). These particular curses

may interest students of the history of free trade.

[165] Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 12. Aug. Mommsen (_Delphika_, pp.

250 _sq._) is probably right in comparing this ceremony with the

swinging-festival (_Aiora_) at Athens, as to which see _The Golden

Bough_, Second Edition, ii. 453 _sqq._

[166] _Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum Graeciae Septentrionalis_, i.

Nos. 1, 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 188, 223; G. F. Schömann, _op. cit._

i. 146; G. Gilbert, _op. cit._ ii. 323 _sq._

[167] Strabo, viii. 7. 2, p. 384. In this passage the word βασιλέα is

omitted in some editions, but has the authority of several MSS. (Strabo

ed. C. Müller, p. 998), and is probably right.

[168] This was the case at Elis (H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones Graecae

antiquissimae_, No. 112; P. Cauer, _op. cit._ No. 253; E. S. Roberts,

_Introduction to Greek Epigraphy_, i. No. 292), in Cos (Dittenberger,

_op. cit._ No. 616), in Chios (_ib._ No. 570), at Mytilene (Cauer,

_op. cit._ Nos. 428, 431), at Cyme (Plutarch, _Quaest. Graec._ 2), and

perhaps in Siphnos (Isocrates, _Or._ xix. 36). The Kings of Elis may

have been the officials called _Basilai_ who sacrificed on the top of

Mount Cronius at Olympia at the spring equinox (Pausanias, vi. 20. 1).

[169] Livy, ii. 2. 1; Dionysius Halicarn., _Antiquit. Rom._ iv. 74. 4.

[170] Aristotle, _Politics_, iii. 14. 13, p. 1285 b 14 _sqq._;

Demosthenes, _Contra Neaer._ § 74 _sqq._ p. 1370; Plutarch, _Quaest.

Rom._ 63.

[171] Xenophon, _Repub. Lacedaem._ 15, compare _id._ 13; Aristotle,

_Politics_, iii. 14. 3, p. 1285 a 3 _sqq._ Argos was governed, at least

nominally, by a king as late as the time of the great Persian war

(Herodotus, vii. 149); and at Orchomenus, in the secluded highlands of

Northern Arcadia, the kingly form of government persisted till towards

the end of the fifth century B.C. (Plutarch, _Parallela_, 32). As to

the kings of Thessaly in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., see F.

Hiller von Gaertringen in _Aus der Anomia_ (Berlin, 1890), pp. 1–16.

[172] Herodotus, vi. 56.

[173] Strabo, xiv. 1. 3, pp. 632 _sq._ These Ephesian kings, who

probably held office for life, are not to be confounded with the purely

priestly functionaries called Essenes or King Bees, whose tenure of

office was annual. See below, vol. ii. p. 135.

[174] Herodotus, iv. 162.

[175] Strabo, xii. 3. 37, 5. 3; compare xi. 4. 7, xii. 2. 3, 2. 6, 3.

31 _sq._, 3. 34, 8. 9, 8. 14. But see _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 9th

ed. art. “Priest,” xix. 729.

[176] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_, p. 243.

[177] See the _Lî-Kî_ (Legge’s translation), _passim_ (_Sacred Books of

the East_, vols. xxvii., xxviii.).

[178] W. Ellis, _History of Madagascar_ (London, N.D.), i. 359 _sq._

[179] Ph. Paulitschke, _Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige

Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 129.

[180] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des nations civilisées du

Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, i. 94. As to the ruins of Palenque,

see H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races of the Pacific States_, iv. 288

_sqq._; T. Maler, “Mémoire sur l’état de Chiapa (Mexique),” _Revue

d’Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) pp. 327 _sqq._

[181] Father Croonenberghs, “La Mission du Zambèze,” _Missions

Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 453.

[182] Herodotus, v. 75.

[183] Pausanias, iii. 1. 5.

[184] J. Rendel Harris, _The Dioscuri in the Christian Legends_

(London, 1903); _id._, _The Cult of the Heavenly Twins_ (Cambridge,

1906). See also below, pp. 262 _sqq._ With the Spartan custom we may

compare the use which the Zulus made of twins in war. See Dudley Kidd,

_Savage Childhood, a Study of Kafir Children_ (London, 1906), p. 47

_sq._: “In war time a twin used to be hunted out and made to go right

in front of the attacking army, some few paces in front of the others.

He was supposed to be fearless and wild. His twin, if a sister, and if

surviving, was compelled to tie a cord very tightly round her loins

during the fight, and had to starve herself; she was also expected to

place the twin brother’s sleeping-mat in that part of the hut which the

_itongo_ [ancestral spirits] loved to haunt. This brought success in

war. But the great chief Tshaka stopped this practice, for he said that

the wild twin did foolhardy things and brought the army into needless

danger.”

[185] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 101; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 43; Seneca,

_Natur. Quaest._ i. 1. 13; Lucian, _Dial. deorum_, xxvi. 2; Ovid,

_Fasti_, v. 720; Plutarch, _De defect. oraculorum_, 30; Lactantius

Placidus, _Comment. in Statii Theb._ viii. 792; Th. Henri Martin, in

_Revue Archéologique_, N.S. xiii. (1866) pp. 168–174; P. Sébillot,

_Légendes, Croyances et Superstitions de la Mer_ (Paris, 1886), ii.

87–109. Seafaring men in different parts of the world still see and

draw omens from these weird lights on the masts. See Edward FitzGerald,

quoted in _County Folk-lore, Suffolk_ (London, 1893), pp. 121 _sq._; W.

W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), p. 279.

[186] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ ii. 101. Compare Seneca, _Natur. Quaest._ i.

1. 14.

[187] Potocki, _Voyages dans les Steps d’Astrakhan et du Caucase_, i.

143.

[188] Dionysius Halicarn. _Antiquit. Roman._ vi. 13; Cicero, _De natura

deorum_, ii. 2. 6.

CHAPTER III—Sympathetic Magic

[189] The expression Homoeopathic Magic was first used, so far as I

am aware, by Mr. Y. Hirn (_Origins of Art_ (London, 1900), p. 282).

The expression Mimetic Magic was suggested by a writer in _Folk-lore_

(viii. 1897, p. 65), whom I believe to be Mr. E. S. Hartland. The

expression Imitative Magic was used incidentally by me in the first

edition of _The Golden Bough_ (vol. ii. p. 268).

[190] That magic is based on a mistaken association of ideas was

pointed out long ago by Professor E. B. Tylor (_Primitive Culture_,² i.

116), but he did not analyse the different kinds of association.

[191] It has been ingeniously suggested by Mr. Y. Hirn that magic by

similarity may be reduced to a case of magic by contact. The connecting

link, on his hypothesis, is the old doctrine of emanations, according

to which everything is continually sending out in all directions copies

of itself in the shape of thin membranes, which appear to the senses

not only as shadows, reflections, and so forth, but also as sounds and

names. See Y. Hirn, _Origins of Art_ (London, 1900), pp. 293 _sqq._

This hypothesis certainly furnishes a point of union for the two

apparently distinct sides of sympathetic magic, but whether it is one

that would occur to the savage mind may be doubted.

[192] For the Greek and Roman practice, see Theocritus, _Id._ ii.;

Virgil, _Ecl._ viii. 75–82; Ovid, _Heroides_, vi. 91 _sq._; _id._

_Amores_, iii. 7. 29 _sq._; R. Wünsch, “Eine antike Rachepuppe,”

_Philologus_, lxi. (1902) pp. 26–31.

[193] Henry’s _Travels among the Northern and Western Indians_, quoted

by the Rev. Jedediah Morse, _Report to the Secretary of War of the

United States on Indian Affairs_ (Newhaven, 1822), Appendix, p. 102. I

have not seen Henry’s book.

[194] Peter Jones, _History of the Ojebway Indians_, p. 146; W. H.

Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s

River_ (London, 1825), ii. 159; J. G. Kohl, _Kitschi-Gami_, ii. 80.

Similar practices are reported among the Illinois, the Mandans, and

the Hidatsas of North America (Charlevoix, _Histoire de la Nouvelle

France_, vi. 88; Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das Innere

Nord-America_, ii. 188; Washington Matthews, _Ethnography and Philology

of the Hidatsa Indians_, p. 50), and the Aymaras of Bolivia and Peru

(D. Forbes, “On the Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,” _Journal of

the Ethnological Society of London_, ii. (1870) p. 236).

[195] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 485 _sq._

[196] Above, p. 7.

[197] W. H. R. Rivers, _The Todas_ (London, 1906), p. 458. Among the

Kusavans or potters of Southern India “if a male or female recovers

from cholera, small-pox, or other severe illness, a figure of the

corresponding sex is offered. A childless woman makes a vow to offer

up the figure of a baby, if she brings forth offspring. Figures of

animals—cattle, sheep, horses, etc.—are offered at the temple when they

recover from sickness, or are recovered after they have been stolen”

(E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 192; _id._,

_Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, p. 349). The analogy of these

offerings to the various votive figures found in the sanctuary of Diana

at Nemi is obvious.

[198] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,

1621), pp. 25 _sq._ The meaning and origin of the name Viracocha,

as applied by the Peruvians to the Spaniards, is explained with

great frankness by the Italian historian G. Benzoni, who had himself

travelled in America at the time of the conquest. He says (_History of

the New World_, pp. 252 _sq._, Hakluyt Society): “When the Indians saw

the very great cruelties which the Spaniards committed everywhere on

entering Peru, not only would they never believe us to be Christians

and children of God, as boasted, but not even that we were born on this

earth, or generated by a man and born of a woman; so fierce an animal

they concluded must be the offspring of the sea, and therefore called

us _Viracocchie_, for in their language they call the sea _cocchie_ and

the froth _vira_; thus they think that we are a congelation of the sea,

and have been nourished by the froth; and that we are come to destroy

the world, with other things in which the Omnipotence of God would

not suffice to undeceive them. They say that the winds ruin houses

and break down trees, and the fire burns them; but the _Viracocchie_

devour everything, they consume the very earth, they force the rivers,

they are never quiet, they never rest, they are always rushing about,

sometimes in one direction and sometimes in the other, seeking for gold

and silver; yet never contented, they game it away, they make war,

they kill each other, they rob, they swear, they are renegades, they

never speak the truth, and they deprive us of our support. Finally, the

Indians curse the sea for having cast such very wicked and harsh beings

on the land. Going about through various parts of this kingdom I often

met some natives, and for the amusement of hearing what they would say,

I used to ask them where such and such a _Christian_ was, when not only

would they refuse to answer me, but would not even look me in the face:

though if I asked them where such and such a _Viracocchie_ was, they

would reply directly.” An explanation of the name much more flattering

to Spanish vanity is given by Garcilasso de la Vega, himself half a

Spaniard (_Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, vol. ii. pp. 65 _sqq._,

Hakluyt Society, Markham’s translation).

[199] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_ (London, 1900), pp. 570–572.

[200] J. Kreemer, “Regenmaken, Oedjoeng, Tooverij onder de Javanen,”

_Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxx.

(1886) pp. 117 _sq._

[201] J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der

Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land-en Volkenkunde

van Nederlandsch Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 56.

[202] A. C. Haddon, “The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres

Straits,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) pp.

399 _sq._

[203] _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres

Straits_, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 324 _sq._

[204] W. H. Furness, _The Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_

(Philadelphia, 1902), pp. 93.

[205] C. Hose and W. McDougall, in _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xxxi. (1901) p. 178.

[206] J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folklore_ (London, 1901), pp.

329–331.

[207] W. G. Aston, _Shinto (the Way of the Gods)_ (London, 1905), pp.

331 _sq._

[208] J. J. M. de Groot, _The Religious System of China_, v. (Leyden,

1907) pp. 920 _sq._

[209] _Le Livre des Récompenses et des Peines, traduit du Chinois_, par

Stanislas Julien (Paris, 1835), p. 345.

[210] E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, iii. 547.

[211] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography: Bulletin_ No. 5

(Brisbane, 1903), p. 31.

[212] Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, _The Native Tribes of Central

Australia_ (London, 1899), pp. 549 _sq._

[213] C. J. F. S. Forbes, _British Burma_ (London, 1878), p. 232.

[214] L. Decle, _Three Years in Savage Africa_ (London, 1898), p. 153.

[215] H. Schinz, _Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika_, p. 314.

[216] A. Hillebrandt, _Vedische Opfer und Zauber_ (Strasburg, 1897), p.

177; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), pp. 121,

166, 173, 184. Compare H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_ (Berlin,

1894), p. 508.

[217] W. Caland, _op. cit._ p. 164.

[218] H. W. Magoun, “The Asuri-Kalpa; a Witchcraft Practice of the

Atharva-Veda,” _American Journal of Philology_, x. (1889) pp. 165–197.

[219] _Asiatick Researches_, v. (Fourth Edition, London, 1807) p. 389.

[220] J. A. Dubois, _Mœurs, institutions, et cérémonies des peuples de

l’Inde_ (Paris, 1825), ii. 63.

[221] Fr. Fawcett, in _Madras Government Museum, Bulletin_, iii. No. 1

(Madras, 1900), p. 85.

[222] W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_

(Westminster, 1896), ii. 278 _sq._

[223] _Id._, _The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and

Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), i. 137.

[224] A. A. Perera, “Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life,” _Indian

Antiquary_, xxxiii. (1904) p. 57. For more evidence of such practices

in India, see E. Thurston, _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_,

pp. 328 _sqq._; _id._, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iv. 489

_sq._, vi. 124; W. Crooke, _Natives of Northern India_, pp. 248 _sq._

[225] E. Doutté, _Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,

1908), pp. 61 _sq._

[226] E. Doutté, _op. cit._ p. 299.

[227] G. Maspero, _Histoire ancienne des peuples de l’Orient classique:

les origines_ (Paris, 1895), pp. 213 _sq._

[228] F. Chabas, _Le Papyrus magique Harris_ (Chalon-sur-Saône, 1860),

pp. 169 _sqq._; E. A. Wallis Budge, in _Archaeologia_, Second Series,

vol. ii. (1890) pp. 428 _sq._; _id._, _Egyptian Magic_ (London,

1899), pp. 73 _sqq._ The case happened in the reign of Rameses III.,

about 1200 B.C. Compare A. Erman, _Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im

Altertum_, p. 475. As to Egyptian magic in general see A. Erman, _Die

ägyptische Religion_ (Berlin, 1905), pp. 148 _sqq._

[229] M. Jastrow, _The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston,

U.S.A., 1898), pp. 268, 286, compare pp. 270, 272, 276, 278; R. F.

Harper, _Assyrian and Babylonian Literature_ (New York, 1901), pp. 375,

376, 377 _sqq._; C. Fossey, _La Magie assyrienne_ (Paris, 1902), pp.

77–81.

[230] M. Jastrow, _op. cit._ pp. 286 _sq._; C. Fossey, _op. cit._ p. 78.

[231] E. A. Wallis Budge, “On the Hieratic Papyrus of Nesi-Amsu,

a scribe in the temple of Amen-Rā at Thebes, about B.C. 305,”

_Archaeologia_, Second Series, ii. (1890) pp. 393–601; _id._, _Egyptian

Magic_, pp. 77 _sqq._; _id._, _The Gods of the Egyptians_ (London,

1904), i. 270–272.

[232] See an article by R. M. O. K. entitled “A Horrible Rite in the

Highlands,” in the _Weekly Scotsman_, Saturday, August 24, 1889;

Professor J. Rhys in _Folklore_, iii. (1892) p. 385; R. C. Maclagan,

“Notes on Folklore Objects collected in Argyleshire,” _Folklore_,

vi. (1895) pp. 144–148; J. Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London,

1893), pp. 3 _sq._; J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in

the Highlands and Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 46–48.

Many older examples of the practice of this form of enchantment in

Scotland are collected by J. G. Dalyell in his _Darker Superstitions of

Scotland_ (Edinburgh, 1834), pp. 328 _sqq._

[233] J. G. Campbell, _op. cit._ pp. 47, 48.

[234] Bryan J. Jones, in _Folklore_, vi. (1895) p. 302. For evidence

of the custom in the Isle of Man see J. Train, _Historical and

Statistical Account of the Isle of Man_, ii. 168; in England, see

Brand, _Popular Antiquities_, iii. 10 _sqq._; in Germany, see J.

Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,⁴ ii. 913 _sq._; F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur

deutschen Mythologie_, ii. 272 _sq._ As to the custom in general, see

E. B. Tylor, _Researches into the Early History of Mankind_,³ pp. 106

_sqq._; R. Andree, “Sympathie-Zauber,” _Ethnographische Parallelen und

Vergleiche_, Neue Folge, pp. 8 _sqq._

[235] Ch. Rogers, _Social Life in Scotland_, iii. 220.

[236] E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” _Eighteenth

Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, Part I.

(Washington, 1899) p. 435.

[237] J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir

of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific

Expedition_, vol. i. No. 4 (April 1900), p. 314.

[238] J. R. Swanton, “Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida”

(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 47 _sq._ (_The Jesup North Pacific

Expedition_, vol. v.).

[239] S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), p. 318.

[240] C. Lumholtz, “Symbolism of the Huichol Indians,” _Memoirs of the

American Museum of Natural History_, vol. iii. (May 1900) p. 52.

[241] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,

1621), p. 37.

[242] A. Delegorgue, _Voyage dans l’Afrique Australe_ (Paris, 1847),

ii. 325 _sq._

[243] E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, p. 251.

[244] Binger, _Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée_ (Paris, 1892), ii. 230.

[245] W. G. Aston, _Shinto_ (_the Way of the Gods_) (London, 1905), p.

331.

[246] R. Taylor, _Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants_²

(London, 1870), p. 213.

[247] J. B. Neumann, “Het Pane- en Bila-Stroomgebied op het eiland

Sumatra,” _Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig

Genootschap_, Tweede Serie, deel iii. (1886) Afdeeling, meer

uitgebreide artikelen, No. 3, p. 515.

[248] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen

Selebes en Papua_ (The Hague, 1886), p. 343.

[249] Dr. MacFarlane, quoted by A. C. Haddon, in _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) pp. 389 _sq._

[250] C. Poensen, “Iets over de kleeding der Javanen,” _Mededeelingen

van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xx. (1876) pp. 274

_sq._; C. M. Pleyte, “Plechtigheden en gebruiken uit den cyclus van het

familienleven der volken van den Indischen Archipel,” _Bijdragen tot de

Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indië_, xli. (1892) p. 578.

A slightly different account of the ceremony is given by J. Kreemer

(“Hoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,” _Mededeelingen van wege het

Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xxxvi. (1892) p. 116).

[251] S. A. Buddingh, “Gebruiken bij Javaansche Grooten,” _Tijdschrift

voor Neêrlands Indië_, 1840, deel ii. pp. 239–243.

[252] J. Knebel, “Varia Javanica,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-

Land- en Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) pp. 34–37.

[253] F. W. Leggat, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and

British North Borneo_ (London, 1896), i. 98 _sq._

[254] Diodorus Siculus, iv. 39.

[255] Stanislaus Ciszewski, _Künstliche Verwandtschaft bei den

Südslaven_ (Leipsic, 1897), pp. 103 _sqq._ In the Middle Ages a

similar form of adoption appears to have prevailed, with the curious

variation that the adopting parent who simulated the act of birth was

the father, not the mother. See J. Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_,

pp. 160, 464 _sq._; J. J. Bachofen, _Das Mutterrecht_, pp. 254 _sq._ F.

Liebrecht, however, quotes a mediaeval case in which the ceremony was

performed by the adopting mother (_Zur Volkskunde_, p. 432).

[256] For this information I have to thank Dr. C. Hose, formerly

Resident Magistrate of the Baram district, Sarawak.

[257] Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima,” _Journal of the R. Anthropological

Institute_, xxxvii. (1907) p. 104.

[258] Plutarch, _Quaestiones Romanae_, 5; Hesychius, _s.v._

Δευτερόποτμος.

[259] W. Caland, _Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebräuche_

(Amsterdam, 1896), p. 89. Among the Hindoos of Kumaon the same custom

is reported to be still observed. See Major Reade in _Panjab Notes and

Queries_, ii. p. 74, § 452.

[260] W. S. Routledge and K. Routledge, _With a Prehistoric People,

the Akikuyu of British East Africa_ (London, 1910), pp. 151 _sq._ The

ceremony was briefly described by me on Dr. Crawford’s authority in

_Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 228.

[261] As to these rites among the Akikuyu see W. S. Routledge and K.

Routledge, _op. cit._ pp. 154 _sqq._

[262] _The Golden Bough_, Second Edition, iii. 422 _sqq._; _Totemism

and Exogamy_, i. 44, iii. 463 _sqq._, 485, 487 _sq._, 489 _sq._, 505,

532, 542, 545, 546, 549.

[263] W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam, 1900), p. 119;

M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_ (Oxford, 1897), pp. 358

_sq._ (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol. xlii.).

[264] W. H. Keating, _Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St.

Peter’s River_ (London, 1825), ii. 159.

[265] Theocritus, _Id._ ii. 28 _sq._; Virgil, _Ecl._ viii. 81 sq. In

neither of these passages is the wax said to have been fashioned in the

likeness of the beloved one, but it may have been so.

[266] As to the waxen models of the human body, or parts of it, which

are still dedicated to the Virgin Mary at Kevelaer, see R. Andree,

_Votive und Weihegaben des Katholischen Volks in Süddeutschland_

(Brunswick, 1904) p. 85; and as to votive images of hearts in general,

see _id._ pp. 127 _sq._

[267] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xii. (1880) p. 41;

_id._, _Mœurs et Superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), pp.

97 _sq._

[268] Plutarch, _De sera numinis vindicta_, 14.

[269] Th. Shaw, “The Inhabitants of the Hills near Rajamahall,”

_Asiatic Researches_, iv. 69 (8vo edition, London, 1807).

[270] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_ (Oxford, 1897), pp. 7

_sq._, 263 _sq._; W. Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_ (Amsterdam,

1900), pp. 75 _sq._

[271] Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ v. 7. 2, 8 _sq._; Aelian, _Nat.

animalium_, xvii. 13.

[272] Schol. on Aristophanes, _Birds_, 266; Schol. on Plato, _Gorgias_,

p. 494 B.

[273] Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_ (London, 1893–1896), p. 129.

[274] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxx. 94. The Greek name for jaundice, and

for this singular bird, was _ikteros_. The Romans called jaundice “the

king’s malady” (_morbus regius_). See below, p. 371, note⁴.

[275] _Nat. Hist._ xxxvii. 170.

[276] This precious remedy was communicated to me by my colleague and

friend Professor R. C. Bosanquet of Liverpool. The popular Greek name

for jaundice is χρυσῆ.

[277] W. von Schulenburg, _Wendische Volkssagen und Gebräuche_

(Leipsic, 1880), p. 223.

[278] J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,⁴ ii. 981; G. Lammert,

_Volksmedizin und medizinischer Aberglaube in Bayern_ (Würzburg, 1869),

p. 248.

[279] Dr. S. Weissenberg, “Krankheit und Tod bei den südrussischen

Juden,” _Globus_, xci. (1907) p. 358.

[280] K. Freiherr von Leoprechting, _Aus dem Lechrain_ (Munich, 1855),

p. 92; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,² p. 302, § 477.

[281] Alfred Newton, _Dictionary of Birds_, p. 115.

[282] Dr. J. Gengler, “Der Kreuzschnabel als Hausarzt,” _Globus_, xci.

(1907) pp. 193 _sq._; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,² p.

117, § 164; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen

Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), p. 218; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und

Volksglaube in Schlesien_, ii. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 231.

[283] A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,² p. 302, § 477.

[284] Gilbert White, _The Natural History and Antiquities of Selborne_,

part ii. letter 28.

[285] M. Bloomfield, _Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, pp. 31, 536 _sq._; W.

Caland, _Altindisches Zauberritual_, p. 103. In ancient Indian magic it

is often prescribed that charms to heal sickness should be performed

at the hour when the stars are vanishing in the sky. See W. Caland,

_op. cit._ pp. 85, 86, 88, 96. Was this in order that the ailment might

vanish with the stars?

[286] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_

(London, 1904), p. 352; _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

251.

[287] F. Chapiseau, _Le Folk-lore de la Beuce et du Perche_ (Paris,

1902), i. 172 _sq._

[288] J. Perham, “Manangism in Borneo,” _Journal of the Straits Branch

of the Royal Asiatic Society_, No. 19 (1887), p. 100; H. Ling Roth,

_The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, i. 280.

[289] Marcellus, _De medicamentis_, xv. 82.

[290] Marcellus, _op. cit._ xxxiv. 100.

[291] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 176.

[292] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 179 _sqq._

[293] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 184 _sq._

[294] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ pp. 193 _sqq._, 199 _sqq._,

206 _sq._ In the south of France and in the Pyrenees a number of

caves have been found adorned with paintings or carvings of animals

which have long been extinct in that region, such as the mammoth,

the reindeer, and the bison. All the beasts thus represented appear

to be edible, and none of them to be fierce carnivorous creatures.

Hence it has been ingeniously suggested by M. S. Reinach that the

intention of these works of art may have been to multiply by magic

the animals so represented, just as the Central Australians seek to

increase kangaroos and emus in the manner described above. He infers

that the comparatively high development of prehistoric art in Europe

among men of the reindeer age may have been due in large measure

to the practice of sympathetic magic. See S. Reinach, “L’Art et la

magie,” _L’Anthropologie_, xiv. (1903) pp. 257–266; id., _Cultes,

Myths et Religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 125–136. Paintings and

carvings executed in caves and on rocks by the aborigines have been

described in various parts of Australia. See G. Grey, _Journals of

two Expeditions of Discovery_ (London, 1841), i. 201–206; R. Brough

Smyth, _The Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 289–294, ii. 309; E. M. Curr,

_The Australian Race_, ii. 476; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes

of Central Australia_, pp. 614–618; J. F. Mann, in _Proceedings of

the Geographical Society of Australia_, i. (1885) pp. 50 _sq._,

with illustrations; W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies among the

North-west-central Queensland Aborigines_, p. 116. We may conjecture

that the Hebrew prohibition to make “the likeness of any beast that

is on the earth, the likeness of any winged fowl that flieth in the

heaven, the likeness of anything that creepeth on the ground, the

likeness of any fish that is in the water under the earth” (Deuteronomy

iv. 17 _sq._), was primarily directed rather against magic than

idolatry in the strict sense. Ezekiel speaks (viii. 10–12) of the

elders of Israel offering incense to “every form of creeping things,

and abominable beasts,” portrayed on the walls of their chambers.

If hieroglyphs originated, as seems possible, in representations of

edible animals and plants which had long been in use for the purpose

of magically multiplying the species, we could readily understand why,

for example, dangerous beasts of prey should be conspicuously absent

from the so-called Hittite system of hieroglyphs, without being forced

to have recourse to the rationalistic explanation of their absence

which has been adopted by Professors G. Hirschfeld and W. M. Ramsay.

See W. M. Ramsay, _The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. p. xv. On

the relations of art and magic, see Y. Hirn, _Origins of Art_ (London,

1900), pp. 278–297.

[295] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

291–294.

[296] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 185

_sq._

[297] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

310.

[298] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

309 _sq._

[299] See below, pp. 162–164.

[300] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_ (London,

1904), p. 798.

[301] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

287 _sq._

[302] With what follows compare my article “The Origin of

Circumcision,” _The Independent Review_, November 1904, pp. 204 _sqq._;

_Totemism and Exogamy_, iv. 181–184.

[303] F. Bonney, “On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River

Darling, New South Wales,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_,

xiii. (1884) pp. 134 _sq._ Compare J. Fraser, “The Aborigines of New

South Wales,” _Journal and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New

South Wales_, xvi. (1882) pp. 229, 231; A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of

South-East Australia_, pp. 451, 465.

[304] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

507, 509 _sq._

[305] Mr. Bussel in Sir G. Grey’s _Journals of Two Expeditions of

Discovery in North-West and Western Australia_ (London, 1841), ii. 330.

[306] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

382, 461; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 598.

[307] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

464; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 599 _sqq._;

W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p. 162, § 283. In North-Western

Queensland the blood may be drawn for this purpose from any healthy

man, not necessarily from a kinsman.

[308] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 380.

[309] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 461

_sq._; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 560, 562, 598.

[310] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

251, 463; _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 352, 355.

[311] W. E. Roth, _Ethnological Studies_, p. 174, § 305.

[312] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 250

_sq._ Among the northern Arunta the foreskin is buried, along with the

blood, in a hole (_ib._ p. 268).

[313] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 667.

[314] E. Clement, “Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian

Aborigines,” _Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie_, xvi. (1904) p.

11. Among the western coastal tribes of the Northern Territory of South

Australia the foreskin is held against the bellies of those who have

been present at the operation, then it is placed in a bag which the

operator wears round his neck till the wound has healed, when he throws

it into the fire. See H. Basedow, _Anthropological Notes on the Western

Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia_, p. 12

(printed by Hussey and Gillingham, Adelaide).

[315] B. H. Purcell, “Rites and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,”

_Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie_, p. (287)

(_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xxv. 1893). Cloniny is perhaps a

misprint for Cloncurry.

[316] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

360 _sq._, 599. Compare _id._, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

257.

[317] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 256

_sq._

[318] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

391.

[319] Lieut.-Colonel D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony in New

South Wales_, Second Edition (London, 1804), p. 366.

[320] D. Collins, _op. cit._ p. 363.

[321] G. Turner, _Samoa_, p. 94; compare W. T. Pritchard, “Notes on

certain Anthropological Matters respecting the South Sea Islanders

(the Samoans),” _Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_, i.

(1863–4), pp. 324–326.

[322] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

367, 368, 599.

[323] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

9, 368, 552, 553, 554 _sq._ See further E. Palmer, “On Plants used

by the Natives of North Queensland,” _Journal and Proceedings of the

Royal Society of New South Wales for 1883_, xvii. 101. The seeds of

the splendid pink water-lily (the sacred lotus) are also eaten by the

natives of North Queensland. The plant grows in lagoons on the coast.

See E. Palmer, _loc. cit._

[324] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

372.

[325] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_,

pp. 353 _sq._ Some of the dwarf tribes of the Gaboon, who practise

circumcision, place the severed foreskins in the trunks of a species of

nut-tree (_Kula edulis_), which seems to be their totem; for the tree

is said to have a certain sanctity for them, and some groups take their

name from it, being called _A-Kula_, “the people of the nut-tree.”

They eat the nuts, and have a special ceremony at the gathering of the

first nuts of the season. See Mgr. Le Roy, “Les Pygmées,” _Missions

Catholiques_, xxix. (1897) pp. 222 _sq._, 237.

[326] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

341.

[327] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 123

_sqq._

[328] See above, pp. 75–77.

[329] A. W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, pp. 538

_sqq._, 563, 564, 565, 566, 569, 571, 576, 586 _sq._, 588, 589, 592,

613, 616, 641, 655 _sq._, 675 _sq._; Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes

of Central Australia_, pp. 213 _sq._, 450 _sqq._; _id._, _Northern

Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 18, 329, 588 _sqq._

[330] See below, pp. 176 _sq._

[331] W. Blandowski, “Personal Observations made in an Excursion

towards the Central Parts of Victoria,” _Transactions of the

Philosophical Society of Victoria_, i. (Melbourne, 1855) p. 72. Compare

R. Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, i. 61; Spencer and Gillen,

_Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 453 _sq._

[332] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 452

_sq._

[333] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

594, 596.

[334] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 451.

[335] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

592–594.

[336] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_, p. 193; _Reports of the Cambridge

Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits_, v. 193, 221.

[337] W. E. Roth, _North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin_ No. 5

(Brisbane, 1903), pp. 18, 23, §§ 68, 83. We are reminded of the old

Greek saying to be born “of an oak or a rock” (Homer, _Odyssey_, xix.

163). See A. B. Cook, “Oak and Rock,” _Classical Review_, xv. (1901)

pp. 322–326. In Samoa, a child sometimes received as his god for life

the deity who chanced to be invoked at the moment of his birth, whether

that was his father’s or his mother’s god. See G. Turner, _Samoa_, p.

79.

[338] See below, pp. 183 _sq._

[339] Lieut.-Colonel D. Collins, _Account of the English Colony of New

South Wales_, Second Edition (London, 1804), pp. 353, 372 _sqq._ The

Cammeray of whom Collins speaks are no doubt the tribe now better known

as the Kamilaroi. _Carrahdy_, which he gives as the native name for a

high priest, is clearly the Kamilaroi _kuradyi_, “medicine-man” (W.

Ridley, _Kamilaroi and other Australian Languages_, Sydney, 1875, p.

158).

[340] If the possession of the foreskin conferred on the possessor a

like power over the person to whom it had belonged, we can readily

understand why the Israelites coveted the foreskins of their enemies

the Philistines (1 Samuel xviii. 25–27, 2 Samuel iii. 14). Professor H.

Gunkel interprets a passage of Ezekiel (xxxii. 18–32) as contrasting

the happy lot of the circumcised warrior in the under world with the

misery of his uncircumcised foe in the same place, and confesses

himself unable to see why circumcision should be thought to benefit

the dead. See H. Gunkel, “Über die Beschneidung im alten Testament,”

_Archiv für Papyrusforschung_, ii. (1903) p. 21. (Prof. Gunkel’s

paper was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse.) The benefit,

on the theory here suggested, was very substantial, since it allowed

the dead to come to life again, the grave being a bourne from which

only uncircumcised travellers fail, sooner or later, to return. But

I confess that Prof. Gunkel’s explanation of the passage seems to me

rather far-fetched.

[341] G. Grey, _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery_, ii. 335.

[342] See above, pp. 28 _sqq._

[343] J. Dawson, _Australian Aborigines_, p. 62; J. F. Mann, in

_Proceedings of the Geographical Society of Australia_, i. (1885) p. 48.

[344] E. J. Eyre, _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central

Australia_ (London, 1845), ii. 345 _sq._; W. E. Roth, _Ethnological

Studies_, pp. 165 _sq._; J. Mathew, _Eaglehawk and Crow_, p. 122;

Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 498;

_id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 505 _sqq._

[345] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

506.

[346] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 497.

Compare _id._, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 506.

[347] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

552 _sqq._

[348] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition (1907), pp. 77 _sqq._

[349] J. B. Purvis, _Through Uganda to Mount Elgon_ (London, 1909), pp.

302 _sq._

[350] J. H. Weeks, “Notes on some Customs of the Lower Congo People,”

_Folk-lore_, xix. (1908) p. 422.

[351] Plato, _Phaedo_, 18, p. 72 E καὶ μήν, ἔφη ὁ Κέβης ὑπολαβών, καὶ

κατ’ ἐκεῖνόν γε τὸν λόγον, ὦ Σώκρατες, εἰ ἀληθής ἐστιν, ὃν σὺ εἴωθας

θαμὰ λέγειν, ὅτι ἡμῖν ἡ μάθησις οὐκ ἄλλο τι ἢ ἀνάμνησις τυγχάνει οὖσα,

καὶ κατὰ τοῦτον ἀνάγκη που ἡμᾶς ἐν προτέρῳ τινὶ χρόνῳ μεμαθηκέναι ἂ νῦν

ἀναμιμνησκόμεθα. τοῦτο δὲ ἀδύνατον, εἰ μὴ ἦν που ἡμῶν ἡ ψυχὴ πρὶν ἐν

τῷδε τῷ ἀνθρωπίνῳ εἴδει γενέσθαι· ὥστε καὶ ταύτη ἀθάνατόν τι ἔοικεν ἡ

ψυχὴ εἶναι. Compare Wordsworth, _Ode on Intimations of Immortality_:

_Our birth is but a sleep and a forgetting._

[352] E. M. Gordon, _Indian Folk-tales_ (London, 1908), p. 49.

[353] E. Thurston, _Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, iii. 398.

[354] R. V. Russel, in _Census of India, 1901_, vol. xiii. _Central

Provinces_, p. 93.

[355] _Relations des Jésuites_, 1636, p. 130 (Canadian Reprint).

[356] “Greek Law and Folklore,” _Classical Review_, ix. (1895) pp.

247–250. For the rules themselves see H. Roehl, _Inscriptiones

Graecae Antiquissimae_, No. 395; Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum

Graecarum_,² No. 877; Ch. Michel, _Recueil d’inscriptions grecques_,

No. 398.

[357] This has been suggested by Mr. J. E. King for infant burial

(_Classical Review_, xvii. (1903) p. 83 _sq._); but we need not confine

the suggestion to the case of infants.

[358] Herodotus, iv. 26; Hesychius, _s.v._ Γενέσια; Im. Bekker,

_Anecdota Graeca_, i. pp. 86, 231; Isaeus, ii. 46; _The Oxyrhynchus

Papyri_, ed. Grenfell and Hunt, part iii. (London, 1903), p. 203

εὐωχίαν ἣν ποιήσονται πλησίον τοῦ τάφου μου κατ’ ἔτος τῆ γενεθλίᾳ μου

ἐφ’ ᾧ διέπειν ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς ἑκατόν. My attention was called to this

subject by my friend Mr. W. Wyse, who supplied me with many of the

Greek passages referred to, including the one in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri.

[359] _Vitarum Scriptores Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann, p. 450; Plutarch,

_Aratus_, 53; Diogenes Laertius, _Vit. Philosoph._ x. 18.

[360] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

547 _sqq._

[361] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

473–475.

[362] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, p.

548.

[363] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

207–211.

[364] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 434

_sq._, 475.

[365] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 418

_sqq._

[366] “In the Alcheringa lived ancestors who, in the native mind,

are so intimately associated with the animals or plants the names of

which they bear that an Alcheringa man of, say, the kangaroo totem may

sometimes be spoken of either as a man-kangaroo or as a kangaroo-man.

The identity of the human individual is often sunk in that of the

animal or plant from which he is supposed to have originated” (Spencer

and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 119).

[367] Franz Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of

Canada_, p. 45 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British

Association for 1890_).

[368] A. C. Haddon in _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xix.

(1890) p. 427; _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to

Torres Straits_, v. 333, 338.

[369] A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s,” _Verslagen en

Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling

Letterkunde, IV. Reeks, III. Deel (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 203 _sq._ I

follow the experienced Messrs. N. Adriani and A. C. Kruijt (Kruyt)

in calling the natives of Central Celebes by the name of Toradjas,

though that name is not used by the people themselves, but is only

applied to them in a derogatory sense by the Buginese. It means no

more than “inlanders.” The people are divided into a number of tribes,

each with its own name, who speak for the most part one language but

have no common name for themselves collectively. See Dr. N. Adriani,

“Mededeelingen omtrent de Toradjas van Midden-Celebes,” _Tijdschrift

voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xliv. (1901) p. 221.

[370] J. W. Thomas, “De jacht op het eiland Nias,” _Tijdschrift voor

Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxvi. 277.

[371] Van Schmid, “Aanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en

gebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgeloovigheden der bevolking

van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut,” _Tijdschrift voor

Neêrlands Indië_, 1843, dl. ii. pp. 601 _sq._

[372] B. A. Hely, “Notes on Totemism, etc., among the Western Tribes,”

_British New Guinea, Annual Report for 1894–95_, p. 56.

[373] E. Aymonier, “Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses

des Cambodgiens,” _Cochinchine française: excursions et reconnaissances_,

No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), p. 157.

[374] James Macdonald, _Religion and Myth_ (London, 1893), p. 5.

[375] A. G. Morice, “Notes, archaeological, industrial, and

sociological, on the Western Dénés,” _Transactions of the Canadian

Institute_, iv. (1892–93) p. 108; _id._, _Au pays de l’Ours Noir: chez

les sauvages de la Colombie Britannique_ (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 71.

[376] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, verhalen en overleveringen der

Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 502. As to the district of Galela

in Halmahera see G. Lafond in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_

(Paris), ii. série, ix. (1838) pp. 77 _sqq._ (where Galeta is

apparently a misprint for Galela); F. S. A. de Clercq, _Bijdragen tot

de Kennis der Residentie Ternate_ (Leyden, 1890), pp. 112 _sq._; W.

Kükenthal, _Forschungsreise in den Molukken und in Borneo_ (Frankfort,

1896), pp. 147 _sqq._

[377] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 300.

[378] The theory that taboo is a negative magic was first, I believe,

clearly formulated by Messrs. Hubert and Mauss in their essay,

“Esquisse d’une théorie générale de la magie,” _L’Année Sociologique_,

vii. (Paris, 1904) p. 56. Compare A. van Gennep, _Tabou et Totémisme à

Madagascar_ (Paris, 1904), pp. 19 _sqq._ I reached the same conclusion

independently and stated it in my _Lectures on the Early History

of the Kingship_ (London, 1905), pp. 52–54, a passage which I have

substantially reproduced in the text. When I wrote it I was unaware

that the view had been anticipated by my friends Messrs. Hubert and

Mauss. See my note in _Man_, vi. (1906) pp. 55 _sq._ The view has been

criticised adversely by my friend Mr. R. R. Marett (_The Threshold of

Religion_, pp. 85 _sqq._). But the difference between us seems to be

mainly one of words; for I regard the supposed mysterious force, to

which he gives the Melanesian name of _mana_, as supplying, so to say,

the physical basis both of magic and of taboo, while the logical basis

of both is furnished by a misapplication of the laws of the association

of ideas. And with this view Mr. Marett, if I apprehend him aright,

is to a certain extent in agreement (see particularly pp. 102 _sq._,

113 _sq._ of his essay). However, in deference to his criticisms I

have here stated the theory in question less absolutely than I did in

my _Lectures_. As to the supposed mysterious force which I take to

underlie magic and taboo I may refer particularly to what I have said

in _The Golden Bough_,² i. 319–322, 343. In speaking of taboo I here

refer only to those taboos which are protected by magical or religious

sanctions, not to those of which the sanctions are purely civil or

legal; for I take civil or legal taboos to be merely a later extension

of magical or religious taboos, which form the original stock of the

institution. See my article “Taboo” in _Encyclopaedia Britannica_,

Ninth Edition, vol. xxiii. pp. 16, 17.

[379] M. J. van Baarda, in _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde

van Nederlandsch Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 507.

[380] F. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of

the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. Part I. (1901) p. 161.

[381] R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxxvi.

(1899) p. 273.

[382] Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xxviii. 28.

[383] B. Pilsudski, “Schwangerhaft, Entbindung und Fehlgeburt bei den

Bewohnern der Insel Sachalin,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 763.

[384] Rev. E. M. Gordon, in _Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal_, New Series, i. (1905) p. 185; _id._, _Indian Folk

Tales_ (London, 1908), pp. 82 _sq._

[385] Van Schmid, “Aanteekeningen nopens de zeden, gewoonten en

gebruiken, benevens de vooroordeelen en bijgeloovigheden der bevolking

van de eilanden Saparoea, Haroekoe, Noessa Laut,” _Tijdschrift voor

Neêrlands Indië_, 1843, dl. ii. p. 604.

[386] A. C. Kruijt, “Een en ander aangaande het geestelijk en

maatschappelijk leven van den Poso-Alfoer,” _Mededeelingen van wege het

Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xl. (1896) pp. 262 _sq._; _id.

ib._ xliv. (1900) p. 235.

[387] C. Snouck Hurgronje, _De Atjehers_ (Batavia and Leyden, 1893–94),

i. 409; E. A. Klerks, “Geographisch en ethnographisch opstal over

de landschappen Korintje, Sĕrampas en Soengai Tĕnang,” _Tijdschrift

voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxxix. (1897) p. 73; J.

C. van Eerde, “Een huwelijk bij de Minangkabausche Maliers,” _ib._

xliv. (1901) pp. 490 _sq._; M. Joustra, “Het leven, de zeden en

gewoonten der Bataks,” _Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche

Zendelinggenootschap_, xlvi. (1902) p. 406.

[388] H. Lake and H. J. Kelsall, “The Camphor-tree and Camphor Language

of Johore,” _Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society_, No. 26 (January 1894), p. 40; W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p.

213.

[389] W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_ (Philadelphia,

1902), p. 169.

[390] E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 269.

[391] E. Aymonier, _Voyage dans le Laos_ (Paris, 1895–97), i. 322.

As to lac and the mode of cultivating it, see _id._ ii. 18 _sq._ The

superstition is less explicitly stated in the same writer’s _Notes sur

le Laos_ (Saigon, 1885), p. 110.

[392] A. Thevet, _Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement

nommée Amerique_ (Antwerp, 1558), p. 93; _id._, _Cosmographie

Universelle_ (Paris, 1575), ii. 970 [wrongly numbered 936] _sq._

[393] Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, _Reise in das innere Nord-America_,

ii. 247.

[394] G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ (London, 1893), pp. 237,

238.

[395] E. Poeppig, _Reise in Chile, Peru und auf dem Amazonenstrome_

(Leipsic, 1835–36), ii. 323.

[396] Meanwhile I may refer the reader to _The Golden Bough_,² ii. 353

_sqq._

[397] H. F. Standing, “Malagasy _fady_,” _Antananarivo Annual and

Madagascar Magazine_, vol. ii. (reprint of the second four numbers,

1881–1884) (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 261.

[398] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 48.

[399] H. Callaway, _Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the

Zulus_, i. (Natal and London, 1868), pp. 280–282.

[400] Above, p. 116.

[401] Above, p. 117.

[402] E. Aymonier, _Notes sur le Laos_, pp. 25 _sq._; _id._, _Voyage

dans le Laos_ (Paris, 1895–97), i. 62, 63.

[403] Chalmers, quoted by H. Ling Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and

British North Borneo_, i. 430.

[404] E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” _Revue de

l’Histoire des Religions_, xxiv. (1891) p. 278.

[405] Th. Hahn, _Tsuni-ǁGoam_ (London, 1881), p. 77.

[406] A. C. Haddon, _Head-hunters_ (London, 1901), p. 259.

[407] C. Leemius, _De Lapponibus Finmarchiae_ (Copenhagen, 1767), p.

500.

[408] H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des russischen Amerika,” _Acta

Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae_, iv. (1856) p. 392.

[409] _Arctic Papers for the Expedition of 1875_ (published by

the Royal Geographical Society), pp. 261 _sq._; _Report of the

International Polar Expedition to Point Barrow, Alaska_ (Washington,

1885), p. 39.

[410] F. Boas, “The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay,” _Bulletin of

the American Museum of Natural History_, xv. part i. (1901) pp. 149,

160.

[411] Roland B. Dixon, “The Northern Maidu,” _Bulletin of the American

Museum of Natural History_, xvii. part iii. (New York, 1905) p. 193.

[412] P. Labbé, _Un Bagne Russe, l’Île de Sakhaline_ (Paris, 1903), p.

268.

[413] W. Jochelson, “Die Jukagiren im äussersten Nordosten Asiens,”

_Jahresbericht der geograph. Gesellschaft von Bern_, xvii. (1900) p. 14.

[414] _Missions Catholiques_, xiv. (1882) p. 460.

[415] W. H. I. Bleek, _A Brief Account of Bushman Folklore_, p. 19.

[416] P. Reichard, _Deutsch-Ostafrika_ (Leipsic, 1892), p. 427.

[417] H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” _Journal of

the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp. 318 _sq._

[418] A. D’Orbigny, _Voyage dans l’Amérique Méridionale_, iii. part i.

p. 226.

[419] I. Petroff, _Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources

of Alaska_, p. 155.

[420] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, ii. 126 _sqq._; as to the sacred

cactus, which the Indians call _hikuli_, see _id._ i. 357 _sqq._

[421] For this information I am indebted to Dr. C. Hose, formerly

Resident Magistrate of the Baram district, Sarawak.

[422] W. H. Furness, _Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters_, p. 169.

[423] J. Chalmers, “Toaripi,” _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xxvii. (1898) p. 327.

[424] J. L. van Hasselt, “Eenige Aanteekeningen aangaande de Bewoners

der N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea, meer bepaaldelijk den Stam der

Noefoereezen,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_,

xxxii. (1889) p. 263; _id._, “Die Papuastämme an der Geelvinkbai,”

_Mitteilungen der geograph. Gesellschaft zu Jena_, ix. (1891) pp. 101

_sq._

[425] H. von Rosenberg, _Der malayische Archipel_ (Leipsic, 1878), pp.

453, 462.

[426] C. M. Pleyte, “Ethnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,”

_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede

Serie, x. (1893) p. 831.

[427] H. Geurtjens, “Le Cérémonial des Voyages aux Îles Keij,”

_Anthropos_, v. (1910) pp. 337, 353. The girls bear the title of _wat

moel_.

[428] J. C. E. Tromp, “De Rambai en Sebroeang Dajaks,” _Tijdschrift

voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xxv. 118.

[429] H. Ling Roth, “Low’s Natives of Borneo,” _Journal of the

Anthropological Institute_, xxii. (1893) p. 56.

[430] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 524.

[431] Mrs. Hewitt, “Some Sea-Dayak Tabus,” _Man_, viii. (1908) pp. 186

_sq._

[432] _Indian Antiquary_, xxi. (1892) p. 120.

[433] H. O. Forbes, “On some Tribes of the Island of Timor,” _Journal

of the Anthropological Institute_, xiii. (1884) p. 414.

[434] A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellan der Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes,

en zijne beteekenis,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der konink. Akademie

van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, IV. Reeks, III. Deel

(Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 158 _sq._

[435] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, verhalen en overleveringen der

Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 507.

[436] See above, p. 120.

[437] M. J. van Baarda, _l.c._

[438] C. M. Pleyte, “Ethnographische Beschrijving der Kei-Eilanden,”

_Tijdschrift van het Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap_, Tweede

Serie, x. (1893) p. 805.

[439] De Flacourt, _Histoire de la Grande Isle Madagascar_ (Paris,

1658), pp. 97 _sq._ A statement of the same sort is made by the Abbé

Rochon, _Voyage to Madagascar and the East Indies_, translated from the

French (London, 1792), pp. 46 _sq._

[440] John Struys, _Voiages and Travels_ (London, 1684), p. 22. Struys

may have copied from De Flacourt.

[441] J. G. F. Riedel, _De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen

Selebes en Papua_, p. 341; H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East

Africa,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) pp.

312, 317.

[442] Riedel, _op. cit._ p. 377.

[443] A. B. Ellis, _The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast_, p.

226.

[444] H. P. Fitzgerald Marriott, _The Secret Tribal Societies of

West Africa_, p. 17 (reprinted from _Ars quatuor Coronatorum_, the

transactions of a Masonic lodge of London). The lamented Miss Mary H.

Kingsley was so kind as to lend me a copy of this work.

[445] J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” _Memoir

of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific

Expedition_, vol. i. No. 4 (April 1900), p. 356.

[446] S. Powers, _Tribes of California_ (Washington, 1877), pp. 129

_sq._

[447] J. R. Swanton, “Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida”

(Leyden and New York, 1905), pp. 55 _sq._ (_Memoir of the American

Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, vol. v.

part i.).

[448] Sir George Scott Robertson, _The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush_

(London, 1896), pp. 335, 621–626.

[449] Antonio Caulin, _Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica

dela Nueva Andalucia de Cumana, Guayana y Vertientes del Rio Orinoco_

(1779), p. 97.

[450] Father Guis, “Les Canaques, ce qu’ils font, ce qu’ils

disent,” _Missions Catholiques_, xxx. (1898) p. 29; A. C. Haddon,

_Head-hunters_, p. 257.

[451] J. G. Campbell, _Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and

Islands of Scotland_ (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 21 _sq._

[452] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen

und Gewohnheiten_, p. 122.

[453] Aug. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_

(Vienna, 1878), p. 218, § 36.

[454] A. L. van Hasselt, _Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra_

(Leyden, 1882), p. 323; J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den

Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal-

Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 64.

[455] E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i.

(Oxford, 1892) p. 421. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des

nations civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, i. 518 _sq._

[456] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 217.

[457] A. L. van Hasselt, “Nota betreffende de rijstcultuur in de

Residentie Tapanoeli,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en

Volkenkunde_, xxxvi. (1893) p. 529.

[458] This I learned from Mr. Hardy in conversation. See also his

letter in _Folklore_, viii. (1897) p. 11.

[459] Boecler-Kreutzwald, _Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen

und Gewohnheiten_, p. 133. Compare F. J. Wiedemann, _Aus dem inneren

und äusseren Leben der Ehsten_, p. 447.

[460] R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” _Globus_, lxxvi.

(1899) p. 276.

[461] F. Tetzner, “Die Kuren in Ostpreussen,” _Globus_, lxxv. (1899) p.

148.

[462] F. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_, ii. p. 207, § 362;

_Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, ii. 297, iii.

343.

[463] H. F. Standing, “Malagasy _fady_,” _Antananarivo Annual and

Madagascar Magazine_, vol. ii. (reprint of the second four numbers,

1881–1884) (Antananarivo, 1896), p. 257.

[464] Ch. Beauquier, _Les Mois en Franche-Comté_ (Paris, 1900), p. 30.

[465] L. F. Sauvé, _Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges_ (Paris, 1889), p.

142.

[466] L. F. Sauvé, _op. cit._ pp. 17 _sq._

[467] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_, p.

499; A. Heinrich, _Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen

Siebenbürgens_ (Hermannstadt, 1880), p. 11.

[468] E. H. Meyer, _Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert_

(Strasburg, 1900), pp. 421 _sq._

[469] A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, _Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und

Gebräuche_, p. 445, § 354; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche

aus Böhmen und Mähren_, p. 95, § 664; A. Peter, _Volksthümliches

aus österreichisch-Schlesien_, ii. 266; Von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld,

_Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_, p. 49; E. Sommer, _Sagen, Märchen und

Gebräuche aus Sachsen und Thüringen_, p. 148; O. Knoop, _Volkssagen,

Erzählungen, Aberglauben, Gebräuche und Märchen aus dem östlichen

Hinterpommern_, p. 176; A. Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus

Thüringen_, p. 191, § 13; J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in

der Grafschaft Mark_, p. 56, § 24; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde

des Königreichs Bayern_, ii. 298, iv. 2, pp. 379, 382; A. Heinrich,

_Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens_, pp.

11 _sq._; W. von Schulenberg, _Wendische Volkssagen und Gebräuche aus

dem Spreewald_, p. 252; J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben,

Sagen und andre alte Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_, pp. 368 _sq._;

_Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_ (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 103;

M. Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_,² p. 68; A. Wuttke, _Der

deutsche Volksaberglaube_,² p. 396, § 657; U. Jahn, _Die deutsche

Opfergebräuche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht_, pp. 194 _sq._; R. Wuttke,

_Sächsische Volkskunde_² (Dresden, 1901), p. 370; E. Hoffmann-Krayer,

“Fruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen Volksbrauch,” _Schweizerisches

Archiv für Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) p. 260. According to one account,

in leaping from the table you should hold in your hand a long bag

containing flax seed (Woeste, _l.c._). The dancing or leaping is

often done specially by girls or women (Kuhn und Schwartz, Grohmann,

Witzschel, Heinrich, _ll.cc._). Sometimes the women dance in the

sunlight (_Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie_, _l.c._); but in

Voigtland the leap from the table should be made by the housewife naked

and at midnight on Shrove Tuesday (Köhler, _l.c._). On Walpurgis Night

the leap is made over an alder branch stuck at the edge of the flax

field (Sommer, _l.c._).

[470] E. Lemke, _Volksthümliches in Ostpreussen_, pp. 8–12; M. Toeppen,

_l.c._

[471] O. Hartung, “Zur Volkskunde aus Anhalt,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins

für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 149 _sq._

[472] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_ (Cambridge, 1903), p. 122.

[473] W. W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, p. 248.

[474] J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der

Padangsche Bovenlanden,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde

van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xxxix. (1890) p. 67.

[475] Dudley Kidd, _Savage Childhood_ (London, 1906), p. 291.

[476] Eijūb Abēla, “Beiträge zur Kenntniss abergläubischer Gebräuche in

Syrien,” _Zeitschrift des deutschen Palaestina-Vereins_, vii. (1884)

p. 112, § 202. Compare L’Abbé B. Chémali, “Naissance et premier âge au

Liban,” _Anthropos_, v. (1910) pp. 734, 735.

[477] Quoted by D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St.

Petersburg, 1856), ii. 469.

[478] W. Mannhardt (_Baumkultus_, p. 419) promised in a later

investigation to prove that it was an ancient custom at harvest or in

spring to load or pelt trees and plants, as well as the representatives

of the spirit of vegetation, with stones, in order thereby to express

the weight of fruit which was expected. This promise, so far as I

know, he did not live to fulfil. Compare, however, his _Mythologische

Forschungen_, p. 324.

[479] E. Meier, _Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben_,

pp. 249 _sq._ The placing of the stone on the tree is described as a

punishment, but this is probably a misunderstanding.

[480] G. Pitrè, _Usi e costumi, credenze et pregiudizi del popolo

siciliano_, iii. (Palermo, 1889) pp. 113 _sq._

[481] _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, ii.

299; T. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_, p.

315. On the other hand, in some parts of north-west New Guinea a woman

with child may not plant, or the crop would be eaten up by pigs; and

she may not climb a tree in the rice-field, or the crop would fail.

See J. L. van Hasselt, “Enige aanteekeningen aangaande de Bewoners der

N. Westkust van Nieuw Guinea,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land-

en Volkenkunde_, xxxii. (1889) p. 264; _id._, “Die Papuastämme an der

Geelvinkbai,” _Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena_,

ix. (1891) p. 102. Similarly the Galelareese say that a pregnant woman

must not sweep under a shaddock tree, or knock the fruit from the

bough, else it will taste sour instead of sweet. See M. J. van Baarda,

“Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot

de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p.

457.

[482] J. V. Grohman, _Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_,

p. 143, § 1053.

[483] E. Hoffmann-Krayer, “Fruchtbarkeitsriten im schweizerischen

Volksbrauch,” _Schweizerisches Archiv für Volkskunde_, xi. (1907) p.

263.

[484] G. F. Abbott, _Macedonia Folklore_, p. 122.

[485] _Census of India, 1901_, vol. iii. p. 206.

[486] Dittenberger, _Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum_,² No. 615, line

17 ὑπὲρ καρποῦ Δήμητρι ὗν ἐγκύμονα πρωτοτόκον; compare _id._, No.

616, line 61 _sq._, No. 617, line 3; Ovid, _Fasti_, iv. 633 _sq._;

Macrobius, _Saturn._ i. 12. 20; Arnobius, _Adversus nationes_, iv. 22.

[487] J. Gumilla, _Histoire naturelle, civile et géographique de

l’Orénoque_ (Avignon, 1758), iii. 184.

[488] R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, i.² (London, 1822) p. 253.

[489] F. Blumentritt, “Sitten und Bräuche der Ilocanen,” _Globus_,

xlviii. No. 12, p. 202.

[490] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der

Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 489.

[491] Rev. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the

Baganda,” _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p.

38.

[492] B. Guttmann, “Trauer und Begräbnissitten der Wadschagga,”

_Globus_, lxxxix. (1906) p. 200.

[493] J. G. Frazer, “On certain Burial Customs as illustrative of

the Primitive Theory of the Soul,” _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xv. (1886) pp. 69 _sq._

[494] As to negative magic or taboo, see above, pp. 111 _sqq._

[495] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 488.

[496] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ pp. 496 _sq._

[497] _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern_, ii. 299.

[498] “Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan,” _Bulletin de la Société

de Géographie_ (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) pp. 181 _sq._, 183.

[499] E. Modigliani, _Un Viaggio a Nias_ (Milan, 1890), p. 590.

[500] Damien Grangeon, “Les Cham et leurs superstitions,” _Missions

Catholiques_, xxviii. (1896) p. 83.

[501] J. Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” _Nineteenth Annual Report

of the Bureau of American Ethnology_ (Washington, 1900), pt. i. pp.

425–427; compare _id._, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” _Seventh

Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 329.

[502] H. Geurtjens, “Le Cérémonial des voyages aux Îles Keij,”

_Anthropos_, v. (1910) p. 352.

[503] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der

Galelareezan,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) pp. 466, 468.

[504] M. J. van Baarda, _op. cit._ p. 467.

[505] R. Southey, _History of Brazil_, ii. (London, 1817) p. 37.

[506] H. Oldenberg, _Die Religion des Veda_, p. 505; M. Bloomfield,

_Hymns of the Atharva-Veda_, p. 240; W. Caland, _Altindisches

Zauberritual_, p. 37.

[507] Fr. Boas, in _Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of

Canada_, p. 25 (separate reprint from the _Report of the British

Association for 1890_).

[508] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes of Central Australia_, pp.

624 _sq._

[509] J. Habbema, “Bijgeloof in de Praenger-Regentschappen,” _Bijdragen

tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië_, li. (1900)

p. 113.

[510] D. Louwerier, “Bijgeloovige gebruiken, die door de Javanen worden

in acht genomen bij het bouwen hunner huizen,” _Mededeelingen van wege

het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap_, xlviii. (1904) pp. 380 _sq._

[511] J. Mooney, “Sacred Formulas of the Cherokees,” _Seventh Annual

Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1891), p. 389.

[512] Spencer and Gillen, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 552.

[513] Spencer and Gillen, _op. cit._ p. 550.

[514] M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der

Galelareezen,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van

Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlv. (1895) p. 462.

[515] F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_,

p. 146.

[516] J. Knebel, “Amulettes javanaises,” _Tijdschrift voor Indische

Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde_, xl. (1898) p. 506.

[517] _North Indian Notes and Queries_, ii. 215, No. 760; W. Crooke,

_Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896),

i. 261.

[518] P. J. de Arriaga, _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Piru_ (Lima,

1621), p. 22.

[519] R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Rutenen,” _Globus_, lxi.

(1892) p. 282.

[520] B. de Sahagun, _Histoire générale des choses de la

Nouvelle-Espagne_ (Paris, 1880), bk. iv. ch. 31, pp. 274 _sq._; E.

Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 51 _sq._

(_Veröffentlichungen aus dem königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vi.).

[521] J. Brand, _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, iii. 278 _sq._

(Bohn’s ed.).

[522] W. Henderson, _Folklore of the Northern Counties of England_, pp.

239 _sqq._; J. W. Wolf, _Niederländische Sagen_ (Leipsic, 1843), pp.

363–365.

[523] L. Strackerjan, _Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogthum

Oldenburg_, i. 100 _sq._ § 141; J. V. Grohmann, _Aberglauben und

Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren_, p. 106 § 758, p. 205 § 1421; A.

Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_,² pp. 126 _sq._ § 184; A.

Gittée, _De hand en de vingeren in het volksgeloof_, pp. 31 _sqq._

Compare Tettau und Temme, _Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und

Westpreussens_, p. 266.

[524] Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ i. 38.

[525] F. S. Krauss, _Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven_,

p. 140. The custom of placing coins on the eyes of a corpse to prevent

them from opening is not uncommon. Its observance in England is

attested by the experienced Mrs. Gamp:—“When Gamp was summonsed to his

long home, and I see him a-lying in Guy’s Hospital with a penny piece

on each eye, and his wooden leg under his left arm, I thought I should

have fainted away. But I bore up” (C. Dickens, _Martin Chuzzlewit_, ch.

xix.).

[526] G. B. Grinnell, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_, p. 238.

[527] C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_, i. 284.

[528] Father Lambert, in _Missions Catholiques_, xi. (1879) p. 43;

_id._, _Mœurs et superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), pp.

30 _sq._

[529] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 750 _sqq._ But the lines are not free

from ambiguity. See F. A. Paley’s note on the passage.

[530] E. Doutté, _Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord_ (Algiers,

1908), pp. 302 _sq._

[531] J. Campbell, _Travels in South Africa, Second Journey_ (London,

1822), ii. 206; Barnabas Shaw, _Memorials of South Africa_ (London,

1840), p. 66.

[532] E. Casalis, _The Basutos_, pp. 271 _sq._

[533] E. Casalis, _op. cit._ p. 272.

[534] Rev. James Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Religions, and

Superstitions of South African Tribes,” _Journal of the Anthropological

Institute_, xx. (1891) p. 132.

[535] A. Leared, _Morocco and the Moors_ (London, 1876), p. 272.