After reconnoitring, I went on shore to see them, and inquired who their

chief was. They told me there were two, one named Yroquet, and the other

Ochasteguin, whom they pointed out to me. I went to their cabin, where they

gave me a cordial reception, as is their custom.

I proceeded to inform them of the object of my voyage, with which they were

greatly pleased. After some talk, I withdrew. Some time after, they came to

my shallop, and presented me with some peltry, exhibiting many tokens of

pleasure. Then they returned to the shore.

The next day, the two chiefs came to see me, when they remained some time

without saying a word, meditating and smoking all the while. After due

reflection, they began to harangue in a loud voice all their companions who

were on the bank of the river, with their arms in their hands, and

listening very attentively to what their chiefs said to them, which was as

follows: that nearly ten moons ago, according to their mode of reckoning,

the son of Yroquet had seen me, and that I had given him a good reception,

and declared that Pont Gravé and I desired to assist them against their

enemies, with whom they had for a long time been at warfare, on account of

many cruel acts committed by them against their tribe, under color of

friendship; that, having ever since longed for vengeance, they had

solicited all the savages, whom I saw on the bank of the river, to come and

make an alliance with us, and that their never having seen Christians also

impelled them to come and visit us; that I should do with them and their

companions as I wished; that they had no children with them, but men versed

in war and full of courage, acquainted with the country and rivers in the

land of the Iroquois; that now they entreated me to return to our

settlement, that they might see our houses, and that, after three days, we

should all together come back to engage in the war; that, as a token of

firm friendship and joy, I should have muskets and arquebuses fired, at

which they would be greatly pleased. This I did, when they uttered great

cries of astonishment, especially those who had never heard nor seen the

like.

After hearing them, I replied that, if they desired, I should be very glad

to return to our settlement, to gratify them still more; and that they

might conclude that I had no other purpose than to engage in the war, since

we carried with us nothing but arms, and not merchandise for barter, as

they had been given to understand; and that my only desire was to fulfill

what I had promised them; and that, if I had known of any who had made evil

reports to them, I should regard them as enemies more than they did

themselves. They told me that they believed nothing of them, and that they

never had heard any one speak thus. But the contrary was the case; for

there were some savages who told it to ours. I contented myself with

waiting for an opportunity to show them in fact something more than they

could have expected from me.

ENDNOTES:

325. This river is now called the Sainte Anne.

326. A small island near Batiscan, not on the charts.

327. Hurons and Algonquins.

CHAPTER VIII.

RETURN TO QUEBEC.--CONTINUATION AFTERWARDS WITH THE SAVAGES TO THE FALL OF

THE RIVER OF THE IROQUOIS.

The next day, we set out all together for our settlement, where they

enjoyed themselves some five or six days, which were spent in dances and

festivities, on account of their eagerness for us to engage in the war.

Pont Gravé came forthwith from Tadoussac with two little barques full of

men, in compliance with a letter, in which I begged him to come as

speedily as possible.

The savages seeing him arrive rejoiced more than ever, inasmuch as I told

them that he had given some of his men to assist them, and that perhaps we

should go together.

On the 28th of the month, [328] we equipped some barques for assisting

these savages. Pont Gravé embarked on one and I on the other, when we all

set out together. The first of June, [329] we arrived at St. Croix, distant

fifteen leagues from Quebec, where Pont Gravé and I concluded that, for

certain reasons, I should go with the savages, and he to our settlement and

to Tadoussac. This resolution being taken, I embarked in my shallop all

that was necessary, together with Des Marais and La Routte, our pilot, and

nine men.

I set out from St. Croix on the 3d of June [330] with all the savages. We

passed the Trois Rivières, a very beautiful country, covered with a growth

of fine trees. From this place to St. Croix is a distance of fifteen

leagues. At the mouth of the above-named river [331] there are six islands,

three of which are very small, the others some fifteen to sixteen hundred

paces long, very pleasant in appearance. Near Lake St. Peter, [332] some

two leagues up the river, there is a little fall not very difficult to

pass. This place is in latitude 46°, lacking some minutes. The savages of

the country gave us to understand that some days' journey up this river

there is a lake, through which the river flows. The length of the lake is

ten days' journey, when some falls are passed, and afterwards three or four

other lakes of five or six days' journey in length. Having reached the end

of these, they go four or five leagues by land, and enter still another

lake, where the Sacqué has its principal source. From this lake, the

savages go to Tadoussac. [333] The Trois Rivières extends forty days'

journey of the savages. They say that at the end of this river there is a

people, who are great hunters, without a fixed abode, and who are less than

six days' journey from the North Sea. What little of the country I have

seen is sandy, very high, with hills, covered with large quantities of pine

and fir on the river border; but some quarter of a league inland the woods

are very fine and open, and the country level. Thence we continued our

course to the entrance of Lake St. Peter, where the country is exceedingly

pleasant and level, and crossed the lake, in two, three, and four fathoms

of water, which is some eight leagues long and four wide. On the north

side, we saw a very pleasant river, extending some twenty leagues into the

interior, which I named St. Suzanne; on the south side, there are two, one

called Rivière du Pont, the other, Rivière de Gennes, [334] which are very

pretty, and in a fine and fertile country. The water is almost still in the

lake, which is full of fish. On the north bank, there are seen some slight

elevations at a distance of some twelve or fifteen leagues from the lake.

After crossing the lake, we passed a large number of islands of various

sizes, containing many nut-trees and vines, and fine meadows, with

quantities of game and wild animals, which go over from the main land to

these islands. Fish are here more abundant than in any other part of the

river that we had seen. From these islands, we went to the mouth of the

River of the Iroquois, where we stayed two days, refreshing ourselves with

good venison, birds, and fish, which the savages gave us. Here there sprang

up among them some difference of opinion on the subject of the war, so that

a portion only determined to go with me, while the others returned to their

country with their wives and the merchandise which they had obtained by

barter.

Setting out from the mouth of this river, which is some four hundred to

five hundred paces broad, and very beautiful, running southward, [335] we

arrived at a place in latitude 45°, and twenty-two or twenty-three leagues

from the Trois Rivières. All this river from its mouth to the first fall,

a distance of fifteen leagues, is very smooth, and bordered with woods,

like all the other places before named, and of the same sorts. There are

nine or ten fine islands before reaching the fall of the Iroquois, which

are a league or a league and a half long, and covered with numerous oaks

and nut-trees. The river is nearly half a league wide in places, and very

abundant in fish. We found in no place less than four feet of water. The

approach to the fall is a kind of lake, [336] where the water descends, and

which is some three leagues in circuit. There are here some meadows, but

not inhabited by savages on account of the wars. There is very little water

at the fall, which runs with great rapidity. There are also many rocks and

stones, so that the savages cannot go up by water, although they go down

very easily. All this region is very level, covered with forests, vines,

and nut-trees. No Christians had been in this place before us; and we had

considerable difficulty in ascending the river with oars.

As soon as we had reached the fall, Des Marais, La Routte, and I, with five

men, went on shore to see whether we could pass this place; but we went

some league and a half without seeing any prospect of being able to do so,

finding only water running with great swiftness, and in all directions many

stones, very dangerous, and with but little water about them. The fall is

perhaps six hundred paces broad. Finding that it was impossible to cut a

way through the woods with the small number of men that I had, I

determined, after consultation with the rest, to change my original

resolution, formed on the assurance of the savages that the roads were

easy, but which we did not find to be the case, as I have stated. We

accordingly returned to our shallop, where I had left some men as guards,

and to indicate to the savages upon their arrival that we had gone to make

explorations along the fall.

After making what observations I wished in this place, we met, on

returning, some savages, who had come to reconnoitre, as we had done. They

told us that all their companions had arrived at our shallop, where we

found them greatly pleased, and delighted that we had gone in this manner

without a guide, aided only by the reports they had several times made to

us.

Having returned, and seeing the slight prospect there was of passing the

fall with our shallop, I was much troubled. And it gave me especial

dissatisfaction to go back without seeing a very large lake, filled with

handsome islands, and with large tracts of fine land bordering on the lake,

where their enemies live according to their representations. After duly

thinking over the matter, I determined to go and fulfil my promise, and

carry out my desire. Accordingly, I embarked with the savages in their

canoes, taking with me two men, who went cheerfully. After making known my

plan to Des Marais and others in the shallop, I requested the former to

return to our settlement with the rest of our company, giving them the

assurance that, in a short time, by God's grace, I would return to them.

I proceeded forthwith to have a conference with the captains of the

savages, and gave them to understand that they had told me the opposite of

what my observations found to be the case at the fall; namely, that it was

impossible to pass it with the shallop, but that this would not prevent me

from assisting them as I had promised. This communication troubled them

greatly; and they desired to change their determination, but I urged them

not to do so, telling them that they ought to carry out their first plan,

and that I, with two others, would go to the war with them in their canoes,

in order to show them that, as for me, I would not break my word given to

them, although alone; but that I was unwilling then to oblige any one of my

companions to embark, and would only take with me those who had the

inclination to go, of whom I had found two.

They were greatly pleased at what I said to them, and at the determination

which I had taken, promising, as before, to show me fine things.

ENDNOTES:

328. The reader will observe that this must have been the 28th of June,

1609.

329. Read 1st of July.

330. Read 3d of July.

331. The river is now called St. Maurice; and the town at its mouth, Three

Rivers. Two islands at the mouth of the river divide it into three;

hence, it was originally called Trois Rivières, or Three Rivers.

332. Laverdière suggests that Champlain entered this lake, now for the

first time called St. Peter, in 1603, on St. Peter's day, the 29th

June, and probably so named it from that circumstance.

333. From the carrying-place they enter the Lake St. John, and from it

descend by the Saguenay to Tadoussac. In the preceding passage, Sacqué

was plainly intended for Saguenay.

334. Of the three rivers flowing into Lake St. Peter, none retains the name

given to them by Champlain. His _St. Suzanne_ is the river du Loup;

his _Rivière du Pont_ is the river St. François; and his _De Gennes_

is now represented by the Yamaska. Compare Champlain's map of 1612

with Laurie's Chart of the river St. Lawrence.

335. This is an error: the River of the Iroquois, now commonly known as the

Richelieu, runs towards the north.

336. The Chambly Basin. On Charlevoix's Carte de la Rivière Richelieu, it

is called Bassin de St. Louis.

CHAPTER IX.

DEPARTURE FROM THE FALL OF THE IROQUOIS RIVER.--DESCRIPTION OF A LARGE

LAKE.--ENCOUNTER WITH THE ENEMY AT THIS LAKE; THEIR MANNER OF ATTACKING THE

IROQUOIS, AND THEIR BEHAVIOR IN BATTLE.

I set out accordingly from the fall of the Iroquois River [337] on the 2d

of July. [338] All the savages set to carrying their canoes, arms, and

baggage overland, some half a league, in order to pass by the violence and

strength of the fall, which was speedily accomplished. Then they put them

all in the water again, two men in each with the baggage; and they caused

one of the men of each canoe to go by land some three leagues, [339] the

extent of the fall, which is not, however, so violent here as at the mouth,

except in some places, where rocks obstruct the river, which is not broader

than three hundred or four hundred paces. After we had passed the fall,

which was attended with difficulty, all the savages, who had gone by land

over a good path and level country, although there are a great many trees,

re-embarked in their canoes. My men went also by land; but I went in a

canoe. The savages made a review of all their followers, finding that there

were twenty-four canoes, with sixty men. After the review was completed, we

continued our course to an island, [340] three leagues long, filled with

the finest pines I had ever seen. Here they went hunting, and captured

some wild animals. Proceeding about three leagues farther on, we made a

halt, in order to rest the coming night.

They all at once set to work, some to cut wood, and others to obtain the

bark of trees for covering their cabins, for the sake of sheltering

themselves, others to fell large trees for; constructing a barricade on the

river-bank around their cabins, which they do so quickly that in less than

two hours so much is accomplished that five hundred of their enemies would

find it very difficult to dislodge them without killing large numbers. They

make no barricade on the river-bank, where their canoes are drawn up, in

order that they may be able to embark, if occasion requires. After they

were established in their cabins, they despatched three canoes, with nine

good men, according to their custom in all their encampments, to

reconnoitre for a distance of two or three leagues, to see if they can

perceive any thing, after which they return. They rest the entire night,

depending upon the observation of these scouts, which is a very bad custom

among them; for they are sometimes while sleeping surprised by their

enemies, who slaughter them before they have time to get up and prepare for

defence. Noticing this, I remonstrated with them on the mistake they made,

and told them that they ought to keep watch, as they had seen us do every

night, and have men on the lookout, in order to listen and see whether they

perceived any thing, and that they should not live in such a manner like

beasts. They replied that they could not keep watch, and that they worked

enough in the day-time in the chase, since, when engaged in war, they

divide their troops into three parts: namely, a part for hunting scattered

in several places; another to constitute the main body of their army, which

is always under arms; and the third to act as _avant-coureurs_, to look out

along the rivers, and observe whether they can see any mark or signal

showing where their enemies or friends have passed. This they ascertain by

certain marks which the chiefs of different tribes make known to each

other; but, these not continuing always the same, they inform themselves

from time to time of changes, by which means they ascertain whether they

are enemies or friends who have passed. The hunters never hunt in advance

of the main body, or _avant-coureurs_, so as not to excite alarm or produce

disorder, but in the rear and in the direction from which they do not

anticipate their enemy. Thus they advance until they are within two or

three days' march of their enemies, when they proceed by night stealthily

and all in a body, except the _van-couriers_. By day, they withdraw into

the interior of the woods, where they rest, without straying off, neither

making any noise nor any fire, even for the sake of cooking, so as not to

be noticed in case their enemies should by accident pass by. They make no

fire, except in smoking, which amounts to almost nothing. They eat baked

Indian meal, which they soak in water, when it becomes a kind of porridge.

They provide themselves with such meal to meet their wants, when they are

near their enemies, or when retreating after a charge, in which case they

are not inclined to hunt, retreating immediately.

In all their encampments, they have their Pilotois, or Ostemoy, [341] a

class of persons who play the part of soothsayers, in whom these people

have faith. One of these builds a cabin, surrounds it with small pieces of

wood, and covers it with his robe: after it is built, he places himself

inside, so as not to be seen at all, when he seizes and shakes one of the

posts of his cabin, muttering some words between his teeth, by which he

says he invokes the devil, who appears to him in the form of a stone, and

tells him whether they will meet their enemies and kill many of them. This

Pilotois lies prostrate on the ground, motionless, only speaking with the

devil: on a sudden, he rises to his feet, talking, and tormenting himself

in such a manner that, although naked, he is all of a perspiration. All the

people surround the cabin, seated on their buttocks, like apes. They

frequently told me that the shaking of the cabin, which I saw, proceeded

from the devil, who made it move, and not the man inside, although I could

see the contrary; for, as I have stated above, it was the Pilotois who took

one of the supports of the cabin, and made it move in this manner. They

told me also that I should see fire come out from the top, which I did not

see at all. These rogues counterfeit also their voice, so that it is heavy

and clear, and speak in a language unknown to the other savages. And, when

they represent it as broken, the savages think that the devil is speaking,

and telling them what is to happen in their war, and what they must do.

But all these scapegraces, who play the soothsayer, out of a hundred words,

do not speak two that are true, and impose upon these poor people. There

are enough like them in the world, who take food from the mouths of the

people by their impostures, as these worthies do. I often remonstrated with

the people, telling them that all they did was sheer nonsense, and that

they ought not to put confidence in them.

Now, after ascertaining from their soothsayers what is to be their fortune,

the chiefs take sticks a foot long, and as many as there are soldiers. They

take others, somewhat larger, to indicate the chiefs. Then they go into the

wood, and seek out a level place, five or fix feet square, where the chief,

as sergeant-major, puts all the sticks in such order as seems to him best.

Then he calls all his companions, who come all armed; and he indicates to

them the rank and order they are to observe in battle with their enemies.

All the savages watch carefully this proceeding, observing attentively the

outline which their chief has made with the sticks. Then they go away, and

set to placing themselves in such order as the sticks were in, when they

mingle with each other, and return again to their proper order, which

manoeuvre they repeat two or three times, and at all their encampments,

without needing a sergeant to keep them in the proper order, which they are

able to keep accurately without any confusion. This is their rule in war.

We set out on the next day, continuing our course in the river as far as

the entrance of the lake. There are many pretty islands here, low, and

containing very fine woods and meadows, with abundance of fowl and such

animals of the chase as stags, fallow-deer, fawns, roe-bucks, bears, and

others, which go from the main land to these islands. We captured a large

number of these animals. There are also many beavers, not only in this

river, but also in numerous other little ones that flow into it. These

regions, although they are pleasant, are not inhabited by any savages, on

account of their wars; but they withdraw as far as possible from the rivers

into the interior, in order not to be suddenly surprised.

The next day we entered the lake, [342] which is of great extent, say

eighty or a hundred leagues long, where I saw four fine islands, ten,

twelve, and fifteen leagues long, which were formerly inhabited by the

savages, like the River of the Iroquois; but they have been abandoned since

the wars of the savages with one another prevail. There are also many

rivers falling into the lake, bordered by many fine trees of the same kinds

as those we have in France, with many vines finer than any I have seen in

any other place; also many chestnut-trees on the border of this lake, which

I had not seen before. There is also a great abundance of fish, of many

varieties: among others, one called by the savages of the country

_Chaousarou_ [343] which varies in length, the largest being, as the people

told me, eight or ten feet long. I saw some five feet long, which were as

large as my thigh; the head being as big as my two fists, with a snout two

feet and a half long, and a double row of very sharp and dangerous teeth.

Its body is, in shape, much like that of a pike; but it is armed with

scales so strong that a poniard could not pierce them. Its color is

silver-gray. The extremity of its snout is like that of a swine. This fish

makes war upon all others in the lakes and rivers. It also possesses

remarkable dexterity, as these people informed me, which is exhibited in

the following manner. When it wants to capture birds, it swims in among the

rushes, or reeds, which are found on the banks of the lake in several

places, where it puts its snout out of water and keeps perfectly still: so

that, when the birds come and light on its snout, supposing it to be only

the stump of a tree, it adroitly closes it, which it had kept ajar, and

pulls the birds by the feet down under water. The savages gave me the head

of one of them, of which they make great account, saying that, when they

have the headache, they bleed themselves with the teeth of this fish on the

spot where they suffer pain, when it suddenly passes away.

Continuing our course over this lake on the western side, I noticed, while

observing the country, some very high mountains on the eastern side, on the

top of which there was snow. [344] I made inquiry of the savages whether

these localities were inhabited, when they told me that the Iroquois dwelt

there, and that there were beautiful valleys in these places, with plains

productive in grain, such as I had eaten in this country, together with

many kinds of fruit without limit. [345] They said also that the lake

extended near mountains, some twenty-five leagues distant from us, as I

judge. I saw, on the south, other mountains, no less high than the first,

but without any snow. [346] The savages told me that these mountains were

thickly settled, and that it was there we were to find their enemies; but

that it was necessary to pass a fall in order to go there (which I

afterwards saw), when we should enter another lake, nine or ten leagues

long. After reaching the end of the lake, we should have to go, they said,

two leagues by land, and pass through a river flowing into the sea on the

Norumbegue coast, near that of Florida, [347] whither it took them only two

days to go by canoe, as I have since ascertained from some prisoners we

captured, who gave me minute information in regard to all they had personal

knowledge of, through some Algonquin interpreters, who understood the

Iroquois language.

Now, as we began to approach within two or three days' journey of the abode

of their enemies, we advanced only at night, resting during the day. But

they did not fail to practise constantly their accustomed superstitions, in

order to ascertain what was to be the result of their undertaking; and they

often asked me if I had had a dream, and seen their enemies, to which I

replied in the negative. Yet I did not cease to encourage them, and inspire

in them hope. When night came, we set out on the journey until the next

day, when we withdrew into the interior of the forest, and spent the rest

of the day there. About ten or eleven o'clock, after taking a little walk

about our encampment, I retired. While sleeping, I dreamed that I saw our

enemies, the Iroquois, drowning in the lake near a mountain, within sight.

When I expressed a wish to help them, our allies, the savages, told me we

must let them all die, and that they were of no importance. When I awoke,

they did not fail to ask me, as usual, if I had had a dream. I told them

that I had, in fact, had a dream. This, upon being related, gave them so

much confidence that they did not doubt any longer that good was to happen

to them.

When it was evening, we embarked in our canoes to continue our course; and,

as we advanced very quietly and without making any noise, we met on the

29th of the month the Iroquois, about ten o'clock at evening, at the

extremity of a cape which extends into the lake on the western bank. They

had come to fight. We both began to utter loud cries, all getting their

arms in readiness. We withdrew out on the water, and the Iroquois went on

shore, where they drew up all their canoes close to each other and began to

fell trees with poor axes, which they acquire in war sometimes, using also

others of stone. Thus they barricaded themselves very well.

Our forces also passed the entire night, their canoes being drawn up close

to each other, and fastened to poles, so that they might not get separated,

and that they might be all in readiness to fight, if occasion required. We

were out upon the water, within arrow range of their barricades. When they

were armed and in array, they despatched two canoes by themselves to the

enemy to inquire if they wished to fight, to which the latter replied that

they wanted nothing else; but they said that, at present, there was not

much light, and that it would be necessary to wait for daylight, so as to

be able to recognize each other; and that, as soon as the sun rose, they

would offer us battle. This was agreed to by our side. Meanwhile, the

entire night was spent in dancing and singing, on both sides, with endless

insults and other talk; as, how little courage we had, how feeble a

resistance we would make against their arms, and that, when day came, we

should realize it to our ruin. Ours also were not slow in retorting,

telling them they would see such execution of arms as never before,

together with an abundance of such talk as is not unusual in the siege of a

town. After this singing, dancing, and bandying words on both sides to the

fill, when day came, my companions and myself continued under cover, for

fear that the enemy would see us. We arranged our arms in the best manner

possible, being, however, separated, each in one of the canoes of the

savage Montagnais. After arming ourselves with light armor, we each took an

arquebuse, and went on shore. I saw the enemy go out of their barricade,

nearly two hundred in number, stout and rugged in appearance. They came at

a slow pace towards us, with a dignity and assurance which greatly amused

me, having three chiefs at their head. Our men also advanced in the same

order, telling me that those who had three large plumes were the chiefs,

and that they had only these three, and that they could be distinguished by

these plumes, which were much larger than those of their companions, and

that I should do what I could to kill them. I promised to do all in my

power, and said that I was very sorry they could not understand me, so that

I might give order and shape to their mode of attacking their enemies, and

then we should, without doubt, defeat them all; but that this could not now

be obviated, and that I should be very glad to show them my courage and

good-will when we should engage in the fight.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OP THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS AT LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

_A_. The fort of the Iroquois.

_B_. The enemy.

_C_. Canoes of the enemy, made of oak bark, each holding ten, fifteen, or

eighteen men.

_D_. Two chiefs who were killed.

_E_. One of the enemy wounded by a musket-shot of Sieur de Champlain.

_F_. Sieur de Champlain.

_G_. Two musketeers of Sieur de Champlain.

_H_. Montagnais, Ochastaiguins, and Algonquins.

_I_. Canoes of our allied savages made of birch bark.

_K_. The woods.

NOTES. The letters _A_, _F_, _G_, and _K_, are wanting but the objects to

which they point are easily recognized. The letter _H_ has been placed on

the canoes of the allies instead of the collected body of the allies

immediately above them.

* * * * *

As soon as we had landed, they began to run for some two hundred paces

towards their enemies, who stood firmly, not having as yet noticed my

companions, who went into the woods with some savages. Our men began to

call me with loud cries; and, in order to give me a passage-way, they

opened in two parts, and put me at their head, where I marched some twenty

paces in advance of the rest, until I was within about thirty paces of the

enemy, who at once noticed me, and, halting, gazed at me, as I did also at

them. When I saw them making a move to fire at us, I rested my musket

against my cheek, and aimed directly at one of the three chiefs. With the

same shot, two fell to the ground; and one of their men was so wounded that

he died some time after. I had loaded my musket with four balls. When our

side saw this shot so favorable for them, they began to raise such loud

cries that one could not have heard it thunder. Meanwhile, the arrows flew

on both sides. The Iroquois were greatly astonished that two men had been

so quickly killed, although they were equipped with armor woven from cotton

thread, and with wood which was proof against their arrows. This caused

great alarm among them. As I was loading again, one of my companions fired

a shot from the woods, which astonished them anew to such a degree that,

seeing their chiefs dead, they lost courage, and took to flight, abandoning

their camp and fort, and fleeing into the woods, whither I pursued them,

killing still more of them. Our savages also killed several of them, and

took ten or twelve prisoners. The remainder escaped with the wounded.

Fifteen or sixteen were wounded on our side with arrow-shots; but they were

soon healed.

After gaining the victory, our men amused themselves by taking a great

quantity of Indian corn and some meal from their enemies, also their armor,

which they had left behind that they might run better. After feasting

sumptuously, dancing and singing, we returned three hours after, with the

prisoners. The spot where this attack took place is in latitude 43° and

some minutes, [348] and the lake was called Lake Champlain. [349]

ENDNOTES:

337. The River of the Iroquois, so called by Champlain, was long known by

that name, says Charlevoix, because these Indians generally descended

it, in order to make their inroads into the colony. Fort Richelieu, at

the mouth of the river, erected in 1641, was named after the

celebrated Cardinal, the river having already taken his name. This

fort having been demolished, another was built by M. de Sorel, a

French officer in command, which took his name, as likewise did the

river. A fort was built on the same river at the present village of

Chambly in 1664, and called Fort St. Louis. This wooden structure was

replaced by another of stone, erected prior to 1721, to which the name

of Chambly was given, as likewise by some writers to the river. The

river has likewise sometimes been called the St. Johns, but the

prevailing name is the Richelieu.

338. Read the 12th of July.

339. This fall is now avoided, and the navigation of the Richelieu secured

by a canal connecting Chambly Basin and St. Johns, a distance of about

ten miles.

340. It is not entirely certain what island is here referred to. It has

been supposed to be the Island of St. Thérèse. But, taking all of

Champlain's statements into consideration, the logical inference would

be that it is the Isle aux Noix.

341. "These two words were used in Acadie to indicate the _jongleur_, or

sorcerer. The word _pilotois_, according to P. Biard, Rel. 1611,

p. 17, came from the Basques, the Souriquois using the word _autmoin_,

which Lescarbot writes _aoutmoin_, and Champlain _ostemoy_.

P. Lejeune, in the Relation of 1636, p. 13, informs us that the

Montagnais called their Sorcerers _manitousiouekbi_: and according to

P. Brébeuf. Rel. 1635. p.35. the Hurons designated theirs by the name

_arendiouane_."--_Laverdière, in loco_.

342. The distances are here overstated by more than threefold, both in

reference to the lake and the islands. This arose, perhaps, from the

slow progress made in the birch canoes with a party of sixty

undisciplined savages, a method of travelling to which Champlain was

unaccustomed; and he may likewise have been misled by the

exaggerations of the Indians, or he may have failed to comprehend

their representation of distances.

343. Of the meaning of _chaousarou_, the name given by the Indians to this

fish, we have no knowledge. It is now known as the bony-scaled pike,

or gar pike, _Lepidosteus osseus_. It is referred to by several early

writers after Champlain.

"I saw," says Sagard, "in the cabin of a Montagnais Indian a certain

fish, which some call Chaousarou, as big as a large pike. It was only

an ordinary sized one, for many larger ones are seen, eight, nine, and

ten feet long, as is said. It had a snout about a foot and a half

long, of about the same shape as that of the snipe, except that the

extremity is blunt and not so pointed, and of a large size in

proportion to the body. It has a double row of teeth, which are very

sharp and dangerous;... and the form of the body is like that of a

pike, but it is armed with very stout and hard scales, of silver gray

color, and difficult to be pierced."--_Sagard's History of Canada_,

Bk. _iii_. p. 765; _Laverdière_. Sagard's work was published in 1636.

He had undoubtedly seen this singular fish; but his description is so

nearly in the words of Champlain as to suggest that he had taken it

from our author.

Creuxius, in his History of Canada, published at Paris in 1664,

describes this fish nearly in the words of Champlain, with an

engraving sufficiently accurate for identification, but greatly

wanting in scientific exactness. He adds, "It is not described by

ancient authors, probably because it is only found in the Lake of the

Iroquois;" that is, in Lake Champlain. From which it may be inferred

that at that time it had not been discovered in other waters. By the

French, he says, it is called _piscis armatus_. This is in evident

allusion to its bony scales, in which it is protected as in a coat of

mail.

It is described by Dr. Kay in the Natural History of New York,

Zoölogy, Part I. p 271. On Plate XLIII. Fig. 139, of the same work,

the reader will observe that the head of the fish there represented

strikingly resembles that of the chaousarou of Champlain as depicted

on his map of 1612. The drawing by Champlain is very accurate, and

clearly identifies the Gar Pike. This singular fish has been found in

Lake Champlain, the river St. Lawrence, and in the northern lakes,

likewise in the Mississippi River, where is to be found also a closely

related species commonly called the alligator gar. In the Museum of

the Boston Society of Natural History are several specimens, one of

them from St. John's River, Florida, four feet and nine inches in

length, of which the head is seventeen and a half inches. If the body

of those seen by Champlain was five feet, the head two and a half feet

would be in about the usual proportion.

344. The Green Mountain range in Vermont, generally not more than twenty or

twenty-five miles distant. Champlain was probably deceived as to the

snow on their summits in July. What he saw was doubtless white

limestone, which might naturally enough be taken for snow in the

absence of any positive knowledge. The names of the summits visible

from the lake are the following, with their respective heights. The

Chin, 4,348 feet; The Nose, 4,044; Camel's Hump, 4,083; Jay's Peak,

4,018; Killington Peak, 3,924. This region was at an early period

called _Irocosia_.

345. This is not an inaccurate description of the beautiful as well as rich

and fertile valleys to be found among the hills of Vermont.

346. On entering the lake, they saw the Adirondack Mountains, which would

appear very nearly in the south. The points visible from the lake were

Mt. Marcy, 5,467 feet high above tide-water; Dix's Peak, 5,200; Nipple

Top, 4,900; Whiteface, 4,900; Raven Hill, 2,100; Bald Peak, 2,065.--

_Vide Palmer's Lake Champlain_, p. 12.

347. The river here referred to is the Hudson. By passing from Lake

Champlain through the small stream that connects it with Lake George,

over this latter lake and a short carrying place, the upper waters of

the Hudson are reached. The coast of Norumbegue and that of Florida

were both indefinite regions, not well defined by geographers of that

day. These terms were supplied by Champlain, and not by his

informants. He could not of course tell precisely where this unknown

river reached the sea, but naturally inferred that it was on the

southern limit of Norumbegue, which extended from the Penobscot

towards Florida, which latter at that time was supposed to extend from

the Gulf of Mexico indefinitely to the north.

348. This battle, or Skirmish, clearly took place at Ticonderoga, or

_Cheonderoga_, as the Indians called it, where a cape juts out into

the lake, as described by Champlain. This is the logical inference to

be drawn from the whole narrative. It is to be observed that the

purpose of the Indians, whom Champlain was accompanying, was to find

their enemies, the Iroquois, and give them battle. The journey, or

warpath, had been clearly marked out and described by the Indians to

Champlain, as may be seen in the text. It led them along the western

shore of the lake to the outlet of Lake George, over the fall in the

little stream connecting the two lakes, through Lake George, and

thence to the mountains beyond, where the Iroquois resided. They found

the Iroquois, however, on the lake; gave them battle on the little

cape alluded to; and after the victory and pursuit for some distance

into the forest, and the gathering up of the spoils, Champlain and his

allies commenced their journey homeward. But Champlain says he saw the

fall in the stream that connects the two lakes. Now this little stream

flows into Lake Champlain at Ticonderoga, and he would naturally have

seen the fall, if the battle took place there, while in pursuit of the

Iroquois into the forest, as described in the text. The fall was in

the line of the retreat of the Iroquois towards their home, and is

only a mile and three-quarters from the cape jutting out into the lake

at Ticonderoga. If the battle had occurred at any point north of

Ticonderoga, he could not have seen the fall, as they retreated

immediately after the battle: if it had taken place south of that

point, it would have been off the war-path which they had determined

to pursue. We must conclude, therefore, that the battle took place at

Ticonderoga, a little north of the ruins of the old Fort Carillon,

directly on the shore of the lake. If the reader will examine the plan

of the battle as given by Champlain's engraving, he will see that it

conforms with great exactness to the known topography of the place.

The Iroquois, who had their choice of positions are on the north, in

the direction of Willow Point, where they can most easily retreat, and

where Champlain and his allies can be more easily hemmed in near the

point of the cape. The Iroquois are on lower ground, and we know that

the surface there shelves to the north. The well-known sandy bottom of

the lake at this place would furnish the means of fastening the

canoes, by forcing poles into it, a little out from the shore during

the night, as they actually did. On Champlain's map of 1632, this

point is referred to as the location of the battle; and in his note on

the map, No. 65, he says this is the place where the Iroquois were

defeated by Champlain. All the facts of the narrative thus point to

Ticonderoga, and render it indisputable that this was the scene of the

first of the many recorded conflicts on this memorable lake. We should

not have entered into this discussion so fully, had not several

writers, not well informed, expressed views wholly inconsistent with

known facts.

349. The Indian name of Lake Champlain is _Caniaderiguaronte_, the lake

that is the gate of the country.--_Vide Administration of the

Colonies_, by Thomas Pownall. 1768, p. 267. This name was very

significant, since the lake and valley of Champlain was the "gate," or

war-path, by which the hostile tribes of Iroquois approached their

enemies on the north of the St. Lawrence, and _vice-versa_.

CHAPTER X.

RETURN FROM THE BATTLE, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE ON THE WAY.

After going some eight leagues, towards evening they took one of the

prisoners, to whom they made a harangue, enumerating the cruelties which he

and his men had already practised towards them without any mercy, and that,

in like manner, he ought to make up his mind to receive as much. They

commanded him to sing, if he had courage, which he did; but it was a very

sad song.

Meanwhile, our men kindled a fire; and, when it was well burning, they each

took a brand, and burned this poor creature gradually, so as to make him

suffer greater torment. Sometimes they stopped, and threw water on his

back. Then they tore out his nails, and applied fire to the extremities of

his fingers and private member. Afterwards, they flayed the top of his

head, and had a kind of gum poured all hot upon it; then they pierced his

arms near the wrists, and, drawing up the sinews with sticks, they tore

them out by force; but, seeing that they could not get them, they cut

them. This poor wretch uttered terrible cries, and it excited my pity to

see him treated in this manner, and yet showing such firmness that one

would have said, at times, that he suffered hardly any pain at all. They

urged me strongly to take some fire, and do as they did. I remonstrated

with them, saying that we practised no such cruelties, but killed them at

once; and that, if they wished me to fire a musket-shot at him, I should be

willing to do so. They refused, saying that he would not in that case

suffer any pain. I went away from them, pained to see such cruelties as

they practised upon his body. When they saw that I was displeased, they

called me, and told me to fire a musket-shot at him. This I did without his

feeling it, and thus put an end, by a single shot, to all the torments he

would have suffered, rather than see him tyrannized over. After his death,

they were not yet satisfied, but opened him, and threw his entrails into

the lake. Then they cut off his head, arms, and legs, which they scattered

in different directions; keeping the scalp which they had flayed off, as

they had done in the case of all the rest whom they had killed in the

contest. They were guilty also of another monstrosity in taking his heart,

cutting it into several pieces, and giving it to a brother of his to eat,

as also to others of his companions, who were prisoners: they took it into

their mouths, but would not swallow it. Some Algonquin savages, who were

guarding them, made some of them spit it out, when they threw it into the

water. This is the manner in which these people behave towards those whom

they capture in war, for whom it would be better to die fighting, or to

kill themselves on the spur of the moment, as many do, rather than fall

into the hands of their enemies. After this execution, we set out on our

return with the rest of the prisoners, who kept singing as they went along,

with no better hopes for the future than he had had who was so wretchedly

treated.

Having arrived at the falls of the Iroquois, the Algonquins returned to

their own country; so also the Ochateguins, [350] with a part of the

prisoners: well satisfied with the results of the war, and that I had

accompanied them so readily. We separated accordingly with loud

protestations of mutual friendship; and they asked me whether I would not

like to go into their country, to assist them with continued fraternal

relations; and I promised that I would do so.

I returned with the Montagnais. After informing myself from the prisoners

in regard to their country, and of its probable extent, we packed up the

baggage for the return, which was accomplished with such despatch that we

went every day in their canoes twenty-five or thirty leagues, which was

their usual rate of travelling. When we arrived at the mouth of the river

Iroquois, some of the savages dreamed that their enemies were pursuing

them. This dream led them to move their camp forthwith, although the night

was very inclement on account of the wind and rain; and they went and

passed the remainder of the night, from fear of their enemies, amid high

reeds on Lake St. Peter. Two days after, we arrived at our settlement,

where I gave them some bread and peas; also some beads, which they asked me

for, in order to ornament the heads of their enemies, for the purpose of

merry-making upon their return. The next day, I went with them in their

canoes as far as Tadoussac, in order to witness their ceremonies. On

approaching the shore, they each took a stick, to the end of which they

hung the heads of their enemies, who had been killed, together with some

beads, all of them singing. When they were through with this, the women

undressed themselves, so as to be in a state of entire nudity, when they

jumped into the water, and swam to the prows, of the canoes to take the

heads of their enemies, which were on the ends of long poles before their

boats: then they hung them about their necks, as if it had been some costly

chain, singing and dancing meanwhile. Some days after, they presented me

with one of these heads, as if it were something very precious; and also

with a pair of arms taken from their enemies, to keep and show to the

king. This, for the sake of gratifying them, I promised to do.

After some days, I went to Quebec, whither some Algonquin savages came,

expressing their regret at not being present at the defeat of their

enemies, and presenting me with some furs, in consideration of my having

gone there and assisted their friends.

Some days after they had set out for their country, distant about a hundred

and twenty leagues from our settlement, I went to Tadoussac to see whether

Pont Gravé had returned from Gaspé, whither he had gone. He did not arrive

until the next day, when he told me that he had decided to return to

France. We concluded to leave an upright man, Captain Pierre Chavin of

Dieppe, to command at Quebec, until Sieur de Monts should arrange matters

there.

ENDNOTES:

350. The Indian allies on this expedition were the Algonquins

(_Algoumequins_), the Hurons (_Ochatequins_), and the Montagnais

(_Montagnets_). The two former, on their way to Quebec, had met

Champlain near the river St. Anne, and joined him and the Montagnais,

who belonged in the neighborhood of Tadoussac, or farther east.--_Vide

antea_, p. 202. They now, at the falls near the Basin of Chambly,

departed to their homes, perhaps on the Ottawa River and the shores of

Lake Huron.

CHAPTER XI.

RETURN TO FRANCE, AND WHAT OCCURRED UP TO THE TIME OP RE-EMBARKATION.

After forming this resolution, we went to Quebec to establish him in

authority, and leave him every thing requisite and necessary for the

settlement, together with fifteen men. Every thing being arranged, we set

out on the first day of September [351] for Tadoussac, in order to fit out

our vessel for returning to France.

We set out accordingly from the latter place on the 5th of the month, and

on the 8th anchored at Isle Percée. On Thursday the 10th, we set out from

there, and on the 18th, the Tuesday following, we arrived at the Grand

Bank. On the 2d of October, we got soundings. On the 8th, we anchored at

Conquet [352] in Lower Brittany. On Saturday the 10th, we set out from

there, arriving at Honfleur on the 13th.

After disembarking, I did not wait long before taking post to go to Sieur

de Monts, who was then at Fontainebleau, where His Majesty was. Here I

reported to him in detail all that had transpired in regard to the winter

quarters and our new explorations, and my hopes for the future in view of

the promises of the savages called Ochateguins, who are good Iroquois.

[353] The other Iroquois, their enemies, dwell more to the south. The

language of the former does not differ much from that of the people

recently discovered and hitherto unknown to us, which they understand when

spoken.

I at once waited upon His Majesty, and gave him an account of my voyage,

which afforded him pleasure and satisfaction. I had a girdle made of

porcupine quills, very well worked, after the manner of the country where

it was made, and which His Majesty thought very pretty. I had also two

little birds, of the size of blackbirds and of a carnation color; [354]

also, the head of a fish caught in the great lake of the Iroquois, having a

very long snout and two or three rows of very sharp teeth. A representation

of this fish may be found on the great lake, on my geographical map. [355]

After I had concluded my interview with His Majesty, Sieur de Monts

determined to go to Rouen to meet his associates, the Sieurs Collier and Le

Gendre, merchants of Rouen, to consider what should be done the coming

year. They resolved to continue the settlement, and finish the explorations

up the great river St. Lawrence, in accordance with the promises of the

Ochateguins, made on condition that we should assist them in their wars, as

I had given them to understand.

Pont Gravé was appointed to go to Tadoussac, not only for traffic, but to

engage in any thing else that might realize means for defraying the

expenses.

Sieur Lucas Le Gendre, of Rouen, one of the partners, was ordered to see to

the purchase of merchandise and supplies, the repair of the vessels,

obtaining crews, and other things necessary for the voyage.

After these matters were arranged, Sieur de Monts returned to Paris, I

accompanying him, where I stayed until the end of February. During this

time, Sieur de Monts endeavored to obtain a new commission for trading in

the newly discovered regions, and where no one had traded before. This he

was unable to accomplish, although his requests and proposals were just and

reasonable.

But, finding that there was no hope of obtaining this commission, he did

not cease to prosecute his plan, from his desire that every thing might

turn out to the profit and honor of France.

During this time, Sieur de Monts did not express to me his pleasure in

regard to me personally, until I told him it had been reported to me that

he did not wish to have me winter in Canada, which, however, was not true,

for he referred the whole matter to my pleasure.

I provided myself with whatever was desirable and necessary for spending

the winter at our settlement in Quebec. For this purpose I set out from

Paris the last day of February following, [356] and proceeded to Honfleur,

where the embarkation was to be made. I went by way of Rouen, where I

stayed two days. Thence I went to Honfleur, where I found Pont Gravé and Le

Gendre, who told me they had embarked what was necessary for the

settlement. I was very glad to find that we were ready to set sail, but

uncertain whether the supplies were good and adequate for our sojourn and

for spending the winter.

ENDNOTES:

351. September, 1609.

352. A small seaport town in the department of Finisterre, twelve miles

west of Brest.

353. The Ochateguins, called by the French Hurons, were a branch of the

Iroquois. Their real name was Yendots. They were at this time allied

with the Algonquins, in a deadly war with their Iroquois cousins, the

Five Nations.--_Vide Gallatins Synopsis_, Transactions of Am. Antiq.

Society, Cambridge, 1836, Vol. II. p. 69, _et passim_.

354. The Scarlet tanager, _Pyranga rubra_, of a scarlet color, with black

wings and tail. It ranges from Texas to Lake Huron.

355. _Vide antea_, p. 216; and map. 1612.

356. Anno Domini 1610.

SECOND VOYAGE

OF

SIEUR. DE CHAMPLAIN

TO NEW FRANCE, IN THE YEAR 1610.

CHAPTER I.

DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE TO RETURN TO NEW FRANCE, AND OCCURRENCES UNTIL OUR

ARRIVAL AT THE SETTLEMENT.

The weather having become favorable, I embarked at Honfleur with a number

of artisans on the 7th of the month of March. [357] But, encountering bad

weather in the Channel, we were obliged to put in on the English coast at a

place called Porlan, [358] in the roadstead of which we stayed some days,

when we weighed anchor for the Isle d'Huy, [359] near the English coast,

since we found the roadstead of Porlan very bad. When near this island, so

dense a fog arose, that we were obliged to put in at the Hougue. [360]

Ever since the departure from Honfleur, I had been afflicted with a very

severe illness, which took away my hopes of being able to make the voyage;

so that I embarked in a boat to return to Havre in France, to be treated

there, being very ill on board the vessel. My expectation was, on

recovering my health, to embark again in another vessel, which had not yet

left Honfleur, in which Des Marais, son-in-law of Pont Gravé, was to

embark; but I had myself carried, still very ill, to Honfleur, where the

vessel on which I had set out put in on the 15th of March, for some

ballast, which it needed in order to be properly trimmed. Here it remained

until the 8th of April. During this time, I recovered in a great degree;

and, though still feeble and weak, I nevertheless embarked again.

We set out anew on the 18th of April, arriving at the Grand Bank on the

19th, and fighting the Islands of St. Pierre on the 22nd. [361] When off

Menthane, we met a vessel from St. Malo, on which was a young man, who,

while drinking to the health of Pont Gravé, lost control of himself and was

thrown into the Sea by the motion of the vessel and drowned, it being

impossible to render him assistance on account of the violence of the wind.

On the 26th of the month, we arrived at Tadoussac, where there were vessels

which had arrived on the 18th, a thing which had not been seen for more

than sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this

country. [362] This was owing to the mild winter and the small amount of

ice, which did not prevent the entrance of these vessels. We learned from a

young nobleman, named Sieur du Parc, who had spent the winter at our

settlement, that all his companions were in good health, only a few having

been ill, and they but slightly. He also informed us that there had been

scarcely any winter, and that they had usually had fresh meat the entire

season, and that their hardest task had been to keep up good cheer.

This winter shows how those undertaking in future such enterprises ought to

proceed, it being very difficult to make a new settlement without labor;

and without encountering adverse fortune the first year, as has been the

case in all our first settlements. But, in fact, by avoiding salt food and

using fresh meat, the health is as good here as in France.

The savages had been waiting from day to day for us to go to the war with

them. When they learned that Pont Gravé and I had arrived together, they

rejoiced greatly, and came to speak with us.

I went on shore to assure them that we would go with them, in conformity

with the promises they had made me, namely, that upon our return from the

war they would show me the Trois Rivières, and take me to a sea so large

that the end of it cannot be seen, whence we should return by way of the

Saguenay to Tadoussac. I asked them if they still had this intention, to

which they replied that they had, but that it could not be carried out

before the next year, which pleased me. But I had promised the Algonquins

and Ochateguins that I would assist them also in their wars, they having

promised to show me their country, the great lake, some copper mines, and

other things, which they had indicated to me. I accordingly had two strings

to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might hold.

On the 28th of the month, I set out from Tadoussac for Quebec, where I

found Captain Pierre, [363] who commanded there, and all his companions in

good health. There was also a savage captain with them, named Batiscan,

with some of his companions, who were awaiting us, and who were greatly

pleased at my arrival, singing and dancing the entire evening. I provided a

banquet for them, which gratified them very much. They had a good meal, for

which they were very thankful, and invited me with seven others to an

entertainment of theirs, not a small mark of respect with them. We each

one carried a porringer, according to custom, and brought it home full of

meat, which we gave to whomsoever we pleased.

Some days after I had set out from Tadoussac, the Montagnais arrived at

Quebec, to the number of sixty able-bodied men, en route for the war. They

tarried here some days, enjoying themselves, and not omitting to ply me

frequently with questions, to assure themselves that I would not fail in my

promises to them. I assured them, and again made promises to them, asking

them if they had found me breaking my word in the past. They were greatly

pleased when I renewed my promises to them.

They said to me: "Here are numerous Basques and Mistigoches" (this is the

name they give to the Normans and people of St. Malo), "who say they will

go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the truth?"

I answered no, and that I knew very well what they really meant; that they

said this only to get possession of their commodities. They replied to me:

"You have spoken the truth. They are women, and want to make war only upon

our beavers." They went on talking still farther in a facetious mood, and

in regard to the manner and order of going to the war.

They determined to set out, and await me at the Trois Rivières, thirty

leagues above Quebec, where I had promised to join them, together with four

barques loaded with merchandise, in order to traffic in peltries, among

others with the Ochateguins, who were to await me at the mouth of the river

of the Iroquois, as they had promised the year before, and to bring there

as many as four hundred men to go to the war.

ENDNOTES:

357. In the title above, Champlain calls this his SECOND VOYAGE, by which

he means doubtless to say that this is the second voyage which he had

undertaken as lieutenant. The first and second voyages, of 1603 and of

1604, were not made under his direction.

358. Portland in Dorsetshire, England.

359. _Isle d'Huy_. This plainly refers to the Isle of Wight. On Ortelius's

carte of 1603. it is spelled Vigt: and the orthography, obtained

probably through the ear and not the eye, might easily have been

mistaken by Champlain.

360. _La Hougue_. There are two small islands laid down on the carte of

Ortelius. 1603, under the name _Les Hougueaux_, and a hamlet nearby

called Hougo, which is that, doubtless, to which Chaimplain here

refers.

361. Comparing this statement with the context, it will be clear that the

passage should read the 8th, and not the 18th of April. The "Islands

of St. Pierre," _Isles S. Pierre_, includes the Island of St. Peter

and the cluster surrounding it.

362. M. Ferland infers from this statement that the Basques, Normans, and

Bretons had been accustomed for the last sixty years, from the last

voyage of Roberval in 1549, to extend their fishing and fur-trading

voyages as far as Tadoussac.--_Vide Cours d'Hist. du Canada_, as cited

by Laverdière.

363. Captain Pierre Chavin, of Dieppe. _Vide antea_, p. 227.

CHAPTER II.

DEPARTURE FROM QUEBEC TO ASSIST OUR ALLIED SAVAGES IN THEIR WAR AGAINST THE

IROQUOIS, THEIR ENEMIES; AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED UNTIL OUR RETURN TO THE

SETTLEMENT.

I set out from Quebec on the 14th of June, to meet the Montagnais,

Algonquins, and Ochateguins, who were to be at the mouth of the river of

the Iroquois. When I was eight leagues from Quebec, I met a canoe,

containing two savages, one an Algonquin, and the other a Montagnais, who

entreated me to advance as rapidly as possible, saying that the Algonquins

and Ochateguins would in two days be at the rendezvous, to the number of

two hundred, with two hundred others to come a little later, together with

Yroquet, one of their chiefs. They asked me if I was satisfied with the

coming of these savages. I told them I could not be displeased at it, since

they had kept their word. They came on board my barque, where I gave them a

good entertainment. Shortly after conferring with them about many matters

concerning their wars, the Algonquin savage, one of their chiefs, drew from

a sack a piece of copper a foot long, which he gave me. This was very

handsome and quite pure. He gave me to understand that there were large

quantities where he had taken this, which was on the bank of a river, near

a great lake. He said that they gathered it in lumps, and, having melted

it, spread it in sheets, smoothing it with stones. I was very glad of this

present, although of small value. [364]

Arriving at Trois Rivières, I found all the Montagnais awaiting me, and the

four barques as I stated above, which had gone to trade with them.

The savages were delighted to see me, and I went on shore to speak with

them. They entreated me, together with my companions, to embark on their

canoes and no others, when we went to the war, saying that they were our

old friends. This I promised them, telling them that I desired to set out

at once, since the wind was favorable; and that my barque was not so swift

as their canoes, for which reason I desired to go on in advance. They

earnestly entreated me to wait until the morning of the next day, when we

would all go together, adding that they would not go faster than I should.

Finally, to satisfy them, I promised to do this, at which they were greatly

pleased.

On the following day, we all set out together, and continued our route

until the morning of the next day, the 19th of the month, when we arrived

at an island [365] off the river of the Iroquois, and waited for the

Algonquins, who were to be there the same day. While the Montagnais were

felling trees to clear a place for dancing, and for arranging themselves

for the arrival of the Algonquins, an Algonquin canoe was suddenly seen

coming in haste, to bring word that the Algonquins had fallen in with a

hundred Iroquois, who were strongly barricaded, and that it would be

difficult to conquer them, unless they should come speedily, together with

the Matigoches, as they call us.

The alarm at once sounded among them, and each one got into his canoe with

his arms. They were quickly in readiness, but with confusion; for they were

so precipitous that, instead of making haste, they hindered one another.

They came to our barque and the others, begging me, together with my

companions, to go with them in their canoes, and they were so urgent that I

embarked with four others. I requested our pilot, La Routte, to stay in the

barque, and send me some four or five more of my companions, if the other

barques would send some shallops with men to aid us; for none of the

barques were inclined to go with the savages, except Captain Thibaut, who,

having a barque there, went with me. The savages cried out to those who

remained, saying that they were woman-hearted, and that all they could do

was to make war upon their peltry.

Meanwhile, after going some half a league, all the savages crossing the

river landed, and, leaving their canoes, took their bucklers, bows, arrows,

clubs, and swords, which they attach to the end of large sticks, and

proceeded to make their way in the woods, so fast that we soon lost sight

of them, they leaving us, five in number, without guides. This displeased

us; but, keeping their tracks constantly in sight, we followed them,

although we were often deceived. We went through dense woods, and over

swamps and marshes, with the water always up to our knees, greatly

encumbered by a pike-man's corselet, with which each one was armed. We were

also tormented in a grievous and unheard-of manner by quantities of

mosquitoes, which were so thick that they scarcely permitted us to draw

breath. After going about half a league under these circumstances, and no

longer knowing where we were, we perceived two savages passing through the

woods, to whom we called and told them to stay with us, and guide us to the

whereabouts of the Iroquois, otherwise we could not go there, and should

get lost in the woods. They stayed to guide us. After proceeding a short

distance, we saw a savage coming in haste to us, to induce us to advance as

rapidly as possible, giving me to understand that the Algonquins and

Montagnais had tried to force the barricade of the Iroquois but had been

repulsed, that some of the best men of the Montagnais had been killed in

the attempt, and several wounded, and that they had retired to wait for us,

in whom was their only hope. We had not gone an eighth of a league with

this savage, who was an Algonquin captain, before we heard the yells and

cries on both sides, as they jeered at each other, and were skirmishing

slightly while awaiting us. As soon as the savages perceived us, they began

to shout, so that one could not have heard it thunder. I gave orders to my

companions to follow me steadily, and not to leave me on any account. I

approached the barricade of the enemy, in order to reconnoitre it. It was

constructed of large trees placed one upon an other, and of a circular

shape, the usual form of their fortifications. All the Montagnais and

Algonquins approached likewise the barricade. Then we commenced firing

numerous musket-shots through the brush-wood, since we could not see them,

as they could us. I was wounded while firing my first shot at the side of

their barricade by an arrow, which pierced the end of my ear and entered my

neck. I seized the arrow, and tore it from my neck. The end of it was armed

with a very sharp stone. One of my companions also was wounded at the same

time in the arm by an arrow, which I tore out for him. Yet my wound did

not prevent me from doing my duty: our savages also, on their part, as well

as the enemy, did their duty, so that you could see the arrows fly on all

sides as thick as hail. The Iroquois were astonished at the noise of our

muskets, and especially that the balls penetrated better than their

arrows. They were so frightened at the effect produced that, seeing

several, of their companions fall wounded and dead, they threw themselves

on the ground whenever they heard a discharge, supposing that the shots

were sure. We scarcely ever missed firing two or three balls at one shot,

resting our muskets most of the time on the side of their barricade. But,

seeing that our ammunition began to fail, I said to all the savages that it

was necessary to break down their barricades and capture them by storm; and

that, in order to accomplish this, they must take their shields, cover

themselves with them, and thus approach so near as to be able to fasten

stout ropes to the posts that supported the barricades, and pull them down

by main strength, in that way making an opening large enough to permit them

to enter the fort. I told them that we would meanwhile, by our

musketry-fire, keep off the enemy, as they endeavored to prevent them from

accomplishing this; also that a number of them should get behind some large

trees, which were near the barricade, in order to throw them down upon the

enemy, and that others should protect these with their shields, in order to

keep the enemy from injuring them. All this they did very promptly. And, as

they were about finishing the work, the barques, distant a league and a

half, hearing the reports of our muskets, knew that we were engaged in

conflict; and a young man from St. Malo, full of courage, Des Prairies by

name, who like the rest had come with his barque to engage in peltry

traffic, said to his companions that it was a great shame to let me fight

in this way with the savages without coming to my assistance; that for his

part he had too high a sense of honor to permit him to do so, and that he

did not wish to expose himself to this reproach. Accordingly, he determined

to come to me in a shallop with some of his companions, together with some

of mine whom he took with him. Immediately upon his arrival, he went

towards the fort of the Iroquois, situated on the bank of the river. Here

he landed, and came to find me. Upon seeing him, I ordered our savages who

were breaking down the fortress to stop, so that the new-comers might have

their share of the sport. I requested Sieur des Prairies and his companions

to fire some salvos of musketry, before our savages should carry by storm

the enemy, as they had decided to do. This they did, each one firing

several shots, in which all did their duty well. After they had fired

enough, I addressed myself to our savages, urging them to finish the

work. Straightway, they approached the barricade, as they had previously

done, while we on the flank were to fire at those who should endeavor to

keep them from breaking it down. They behaved so well and bravely that,

with the help of our muskets, they made an opening, which, however, was

difficult to go through, as there was still left a portion as high as a

man, there being also branches of trees there which had been beaten down,

forming a serious obstacle. But, when I saw that the entrance was quite

practicable, I gave orders not to fire any more, which they obeyed. At the

same instant, some twenty or thirty, both of savages and of our own men,

entered, sword in hand, without finding much resistance. Immediately, all

who were unharmed took to flight. But they did not proceed far; for they

were brought down by those around the barricade, and those who escaped were

drowned in the river. We captured some fifteen prisoners, the rest being

killed by musket-shots, arrows, and the sword. When the fight was over,

there came another shallop, containing some of my companions. This although

behind time, was yet in season for the booty, which, however, was not of

much account. There were only robes of beaver-skin, and dead bodies,

covered with blood, which the savages would not take the trouble to

plunder, laughing at those in the last shallop, who did so; for the others

did not engage in such low business. This, then, is the victory obtained by

God's grace, for gaining which they gave us much praise.

* * * * *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

FORT DES IROQUOIS.

_A_. The fort of the Iroquois.

_B_. The Iroquois throwing themselves into the river to escape the pursuit

of the Montagnais and Algonquins who followed for the purpose of

killing them.

_D_. Sieur de Champlain and five of his men.

_E_. The savages friendly to us.

_F_. Sieur des Prairies of St. Malo with his comrades.

_G_. Shallop of Sieur des Prairies.

_H_. Great trees cut down for the purpose of destroying the fort of the

Iroquois.

* * * * *

The savages scalped the dead, and took the heads as a trophy of victory,

according to their custom. They returned with fifty wounded Montagnais and

Algonquins and three dead, singing and leading their prisoners with them.

They attached to sticks in the prows of their canoes the heads and a dead

body cut into quarters, to eat in revenge, as they said. In this way, they

went to our barques off the River of the Iroquois.

My companions and I embarked in a shallop, where I had my wound dressed by

the surgeon, De Boyer, of Rouen, who likewise had come here for the purpose

of traffic. The savages spent all this day in dancing and singing.

The next day, Sieur de Pont Gravé arrived with another shallop, loaded with

merchandise. Moreover, there was also a barque containing Captain Pierre,

which he had left behind, it being able to come only with difficulty, as it

was rather heavy and a poor sailer.

The same day there was some trading in peltry, but the other barques

carried off the better part of the booty. It was doing them a great favor

to search out a strange people for them, that they might afterwards carry

off the profit without any risk or danger.

That day, I asked the savages for an Iroquois prisoner which they had, and

they gave him to me. What I did for him was not a little; for I saved him

from many tortures which he must have suffered in company with his

fellow-prisoners; whole nails they tore out, also cutting off their

fingers, and burning them in several places. They put to death on the same

day two or three, and, in order to increase their torture, treated them in

the following manner.

They took the prisoners to the border of the water, and fastened them

perfectly upright to a stake. Then each came with a torch of birch bark,

and burned them, now in this place, now in that. The poor wretches, feeling

the fire, raised so loud a cry that it was something frightful to hear; and

frightful indeed are the cruelties which these barbarians practise towards

each other. After making them suffer greatly in this manner and burning

them with the above-mentioned bark, taking some water, they threw it on

their bodies to increase their suffering. Then they applied the fire anew,

so that the skin fell from their bodies, they continuing to utter loud

cries and exclamations, and dancing until the poor wretches fell dead on

the spot.

As soon as a body fell to the ground dead, they struck it violent blows

with sticks, when they cut off the arms, legs, and other parts; and he was

not regarded by them as manly, who did not cut off a piece of the flesh,

and give it to the dogs. Such are the courtesies prisoners receive. But

still they endure all the tortures inflicted upon them with such constancy

that the spectator is astonished.

As to the other prisoners, which remained in possession of the Algonquins

and Montagnais, it was left to their wives and daughters to put them to

death with their own hands; and, in such a matter, they do not show

themselves less inhuman than the men, but even surpass them by far in

cruelty; for they devise by their cunning more cruel punishments, in which

they take pleasure, putting an end to their lives by the most extreme

pains.

The next day there arrived the Captain Yroquet, also another Ochateguin,

with some eighty men, who regretted greatly not having been present at the

defeat. Among all these tribes there were present nearly two hundred men,

who had never before seen Christians, for whom they conceived a great

admiration.

We were some three days together on an island off the river of the

Iroquois, when each tribe returned to its own country.

I had a young lad, who had already spent two winters at Quebec, and who was

desirous of going with the Algonquins to learn their language. Pont Gravé

and I concluded that, if he entertained this desire, it would be better to

send him to this place than elsewhere, that he might ascertain the nature

of their country, see the great lake, observe the rivers and tribes there,

and also explore the mines and objects of special interest in the

localities occupied by these tribes, in order that he might inform us upon

his return, of the facts of the case. We asked him if it was his desire to

go, for I did not wish to force him. But he answered the question at once

by consenting to the journey with great pleasure.

Going to Captain Yroquet, who was strongly attached to me, I asked him if

he would like to take this young boy to his country to spend the winter

with him, and bring him back in the spring. He promised to do so, and treat

him as his own son, saying that he was greatly pleased with the idea. He

communicated the plan to all the Algonquins, who were not greatly pleased

with it, from fear that some accident might happen to the boy, which would

cause us to make war upon them. This hesitation cooled the desire of

Yroquet, who came and told me that all his companions failed to find the

plan a good one. Meanwhile, all the barques had left, excepting that of

Pont Gravé, who, having some pressing business on hand, as he told me, went

away too. But I stayed with my barque to see how the matter of the journey

of this boy, which I was desirous should take place, would result. I

accordingly went on shore, and asked to speak with the captains, who came

to me, and we sat down for a conference, together with many other savages

of age and distinction in their troops. Then I asked them why Captain

Yroquet, whom I regarded as my friend, had refused to take my boy with

him. I said that it was not acting like a brother or friend to refuse me

what he had promised, and what could result in nothing but good to them;

taking the boy would be a means of increasing still more our friendship

with them and forming one with their neighbors; that their scruples at

doing so only gave me an unfavorable opinion of them; and that if they

would not take the boy, as Captain Yroquet had promised, I would never have

any friendship with them, for they were not children to break their

promises in this manner. They then told me that they were satisfied with

the arrangement, only they feared that, from change of diet to something

worse than he had been accustomed to, some harm might happen to the boy,

which would provoke my displeasure. This they said was the only cause of

their refusal.

I replied that the boy would be able to adapt himself without difficulty to

their manner of living and usual food, and that, if through sickness or the

fortunes of war any harm should befall him, this would not interrupt my

friendly feelings towards them, and that we were all exposed to accidents,

which we must submit to with patience. But I said that if they treated him

badly, and if any misfortune happened to him through their fault, I should

in truth be displeased, which, however, I did not expect from them, but

quite the contrary.

They said to me: "Since then, this is your desire, we will take him, and

treat him like ourselves. But you shall also take a young man in his place,

to go to France. We shall be greatly pleased to hear him report the fine

things he shall have seen." I accepted with pleasure the proposition, and

took the young man. He belonged to the tribe of the Ochateguins, and was

also glad to go with me. This presented an additional motive for treating

my boy still better than they might otherwise have done. I fitted him out

with what he needed, and we made a mutual promise to meet at the end of

June.

We parted with many promises of friendship. Then they went away towards the

great fall of the River of Canada, while I returned to Quebec. On my way, I

met Pont Gravé on Lake St. Peter, who was waiting for me with a large

patache, which he had fallen in with on this lake, and which had not been

expeditious enough to reach the place where the savages were, on account of

its poor sailing qualities.

We all returned together to Quebec, when Pont Gravé went to Tadoussac, to

arrange some matters pertaining to our quarters there. But I stayed at

Quebec to see to the reconstruction of some palisades about our abode,

until Pont Gravé should return, when we could confer together as to what

was to be done.

On the 4th of June, Des Marais arrived at Quebec, greatly to our joy; for

we were afraid that some accident had happened to him at sea.

Some days after, an Iroquois prisoner, whom I had kept guarded, got away in

consequence of my giving him too much liberty, and made his escape, urged

to do so by fear, notwithstanding the assurances given him by a woman of

his tribe we had at our settlement.

A few days after, Pont Gravé wrote me that he was thinking of passing the

winter at the settlement, being moved to do so by many considerations. I

replied that, if he expected to fare better than I had done in the past, he

would do well.

He accordingly hastened to provide himself with the supplies necessary for

the settlement.

After I had finished the palisade about our habitation, and put every thing

in order, Captain Pierre returned in a barque in which he had gone to

Tadoussac to see his friends. I also went there to ascertain what would

result from the second trading, and to attend to some other special

business which I had there. Upon my arrival, I found there Pont Gravé, who

stated to me in detail his plans, and the reasons inducing him to spend the

winter. I told him frankly what I thought of the matter; namely, that I

believed he would not derive much profit from it, according to the

appearances that were plainly to be seen.

He determined accordingly to change his plan, and despatched a barque with

orders for Captain Pierre to return from Quebec on account of some business

he had with him; with the intelligence also that some vessels, which had

arrived from Brouage, brought the news that Monsieur de Saint Luc had come

by post from Paris, expelled those of the religion from Brouage,

re-enforced the garrison with soldiers, and then returned to Court; [366]

that the king had been killed, and two or three days after him the Duke of

Sully, together with two other lords, whose names they did not know. [367]

All these tidings gave great sorrow to the true French in these quarters.

As for myself, it was hard for me to believe it, on account of the

different reports about the matter, and which had not much appearance of

truth. Still, I was greatly troubled at hearing such mournful news.

Now, after having stayed three or four days longer at Tadoussac, I saw the

loss which many merchants must suffer, who had taken on board a large

quantity of merchandise, and fitted out a great number of vessels, in

expectation of doing a good business in the fur-trade, which was so poor on

account of the great number of vessels, that many will for a long time

remember the loss which they suffered this year.

Sieur de Pont Gravé and I embarked, each of us in a barque, leaving Captain

Pierre on the vessel. We took Du Parc to Quebec, where we finished what

remained to be done at the settlement. After every thing was in good

condition, we resolved that Du Parc, who had wintered there with Captain

Pierre, should remain again, and that Captain Pierre should return to

France with us, on account of some business that called him there.

We accordingly left Du Parc in command there, with sixteen men, all of whom

we enjoined to live soberly, and in the fear of God, and in strict

observance of the obedience due to the authority of Du Parc, who was left

as their chief and commander, just as if one of us had remained. This they

all promised to do, and to live in peace with each other.

As to the gardens, we left them all well supplied with kitchen vegetables

of all sorts, together with fine Indian corn, wheat, rye, and barley, which

had been already planted. There were also vines which I had set out when I

spent the winter there, but these they made no attempt to preserve; for,

upon my return, I found them all in ruins, and I was greatly displeased

that they had given so little attention to the preservation of so fine and

good a plot, from which I had anticipated a favorable result.

After seeing that every thing was in good order, we set out from Quebec on

the 8th of August for Tadoussac, in order to prepare our vessel, which was

speedily done.

ENDNOTES:

364. This testimony of the Algonquin chief is interesting, and historically

important. We know of no earlier reference to the art of melting and

malleating copper in any of the reports of the navigators to our

northern coast. That the natives possessed this art is placed beyond

question by this passage, as well as by the recent discovery of copper

implements in Wisconsin, bearing the marks of mechanical fusion and

malleation. The specimens of copper in the possession of the natives

on the coast of New England, as referred to by Brereton and Archer,

can well be accounted for without supposing them to be of native

manufacture, though they may have been so. The Basques, Bretons,

English, and Portuguese had been annually on our northern coasts for

fishing and fur-trading for more than a century, and had distributed a

vast quantity of articles for savage ornament and use; and it would,

therefore, be difficult to prove that the copper chains and collars

and other trinkets mentioned by Brereton and Archer were not derived

from this source. But the testimony of the early navigators in the

less frequented region of the St. Lawrence is not open to this

interpretation. When Cartier advanced up the Gulf of Lawrence in 1535,

the savages pointed out the region of the Saguenay, which they

informed him was inhabited, and that from thence came the red copper

which they called _caignetdaze_.

"Et par les sauuaiges que auions, nous a essé dict que cestoit le

commencement du Saguenay & terre habitable. Et que de la ve noit le

cuyure rouge qu'ilz appellent caignetdaze."--_Brief Récit_, par

Jacques Cartier, 1545. D'Avezac ed., p. 9. _Vide idem_, p. 34.

When Cartier was at Isle Coudres, say fifty miles below Quebec, on his

return, the Indians from the Saguenay came on board his ship, and made

certain presents to their chief, Donnacona, whom Cartier had captured,

and was taking home with him to France. Among these gifts, they gave

him a great knife of red copper, which came from the Saguenay. The

words of Cartier are as follows:--

"Donnerent audict Donnaconan trois pacquetz de peaulx de byeures &

loups marins avec vng grand cousteau de cuyure rouge, qui vient du

Saguenay & autres choses."--_Idem_, p. 44.

This voyage of Cartier, made in 1535, was the earliest visit by any

navigator on record to this region. It was eighty years before the

Recollects or any other missionaries had approached the Gulf of

St. Lawrence. There was, therefore, no intercourse previous to this

that would be likely to furnish the natives with European utensils of

any kind, particularly knives of _red copper_. It is impossible to

suppose that this knife, seen by Cartier, and declared by the natives

to have come from the Saguenay, a term then covering an indefinite

region stretching we know not how far to the north and west, could be

otherwise than of Indian manufacture. In the text, Champlain

distinctly states on the testimony of an Algonquin chief that it was

the custom of the Indians to melt copper for the purpose of forming it

into sheets, and it is obvious that it would require scarcely greater

ingenuity to fabricate moulds in which to cast the various implements

which they needed in their simple arts. Some of these implements, with

indubitable marks of having been cast in moulds, have been recently

discovered, with a multitude of others, which may or may not have

passed through the same process. The testimony of Champlain in the

text, and the examples of moulded copper found in the lake region,

render the evidence, in our judgment, entirely conclusive that the art

of working copper both by fusion and malleation existed among the

Indians of America at the time of its first occupation by the French.

During the period of five years, beginning in 1871, an enthusiastic

antiquary, Mr. F. S. Perkins, of Wisconsin, collected, within the

borders of his own State, a hundred and forty-two copper implements,

of a great variety of forms, and designed for numerous uses, as axes,

hatchets, spear-heads, arrowheads, knives, gouges, chisels, adzes,

augers, gads, drills, and other articles of anomalous forms. These are

now deposited in the archives of the Historical Society of

Wisconsin. Other collections are gradually forming. The process is of

necessity slow, as they are not often found in groups, but singly,

here and there, as they are turned up by the plough or spade or other

implements of husbandry. The statement of Champlain in the text, and

the testimony of Carrier three-quarters of a century earlier, to which

we have referred, give a new historical significance to these recent

discoveries, and both together throw a fresh light upon the

prehistoric period.

365. This was the Island St. Ignace, which lies opposite the mouth of the

river Iroquois or Richelieu. Champlain's description is not

sufficiently definite to enable us to identify the exact location of

this conflict with the savages. It is, however, evident, from several

intimations found in the text, that it was about a league from the

mouth of the Richelieu, and was probably on the bank of that river.

366. For some account of Saint Luc, see Memoir, Vol. I. By those of the

religion, _ceux de la Religion_, are meant the Huguenots, or

Protestants.

367. The assassination of Henry IV. occurred on the 14th of May, 1610; but

the rumor of the death of the Duke of Sully was erroneous. Maximelien

de Béthune, the Duke of Sully, died on the 22d of December, 1641, at

the age of eighty-two years.

CHAPTER III.

RETURN TO FRANCE.--MEETING A WHALE;--THE MODE OF CAPTURING THEM.

On the 13th of the month, we set out from Tadoussac, arriving at Île Percée

the next day, where we found a large number of vessels engaged in the

fishery, dry and green.

On the 18th of the month, we departed from Île Percée, passing in latitude

42°, without sighting the Grand Bank, where the green fishery is carried

on, as it is too narrow at this altitude.

When we were about half way across, we encountered a whale, which was

asleep. The vessel, passing over him, awakening him betimes, made a great

hole in him near the tail, without damaging our vessel; but he threw out an

abundance of blood.

It has seemed to me not out of place to give here a brief description of

the mode of catching whales, which many have not witnessed, and suppose

that they are shot, owing to the false assertions about the matter made to

them in their ignorance by impostors, and on account of which such ideas

have often been obstinately maintained in my presence.

Those, then, most skilful in this fishery are the Basques, who, for the

purpose of engaging in it, take their vessels to a place of security, and

near where they think whales are plenty. Then they equip several shallops

manned by competent men and provided with hawsers, small ropes made of the

best hemp to be found, at least a hundred and fifty fathoms long. They are

also provided with many halberds of the length of a short pike, whose iron

is six inches broad; others are from a foot and a half to two feet long,

and very sharp. Each shallop has a harpooner, the most agile and adroit man

they have, whose pay is next highest to that of the masters, his position

being the most dangerous one. This shallop being outside of the port, the

men look in all quarters for a whale, tacking about in all directions. But,

if they see nothing, they return to the shore, and ascend the highest point

they can find, and from which they can get the most extensive view. Here

they station a man on the look-out. They are aided in catching sight of a

whale both by his size and the water he spouts through his blow-holes,

which is more than a puncheon at a time, and two lances high. From the

amount of this water, they estimate how much oil he will yield. From some

they get as many as one hundred and twenty puncheons, from others less.

Having caught sight of this monstrous fish, they hasten to embark in their

shallops, and by rowing or sailing they advance until they are upon him.

Seeing him under water, the harpooner goes at once to the prow of the

shallop with his harpoon, an iron two feet long and half a foot wide at the

lower part, and attached to a stick as long as a small pike, in the middle

of which is a hole to which the hawser is made fast. The harpooner,

watching his time, throws his harpoon at the whale, which enters him well

forward. As soon as he finds himself wounded, the whale goes down. And if

by chance turning about, as he does sometimes, his tail strikes the

shallop, it breaks it like glass. This is the only risk they run of being

killed in harpooning. As soon as they have thrown the harpoon into him,

they let the hawser run until the whale reaches the bottom. But sometimes

he does not go straight to the bottom, when he drags the shallop eight or

nine leagues or more, going as swiftly as a horse. Very often they are

obliged to cut their hawser, for fear that the whale will take them

underwater. But, when he goes straight to the bottom, he rests there

awhile, and then returns quietly to the surface, the men taking aboard

again the hawser as he rises. When he comes to the top, two or three

shallops are stationed around with halberds, with which they give him

several blows. Finding himself struck, the whale goes down again, leaving a

trail of blood, and grows weak to such an extent that he has no longer any

strength nor energy, and returning to the surface is finally killed. When

dead, he does not go down again; fastening stout ropes to him, they drag

him ashore to their head-quarters, the place where they pry out the fat of

the whale, to obtain his oil. This is the way whales are taken, and not by

cannon-shots, which many suppose, as I have stated above.

To resume the thread of my narrative: after wounding the whale, as

mentioned, we captured a great many porpoises, which our mate harpooned to

our pleasure and amusement. We also caught a great many fish having a

large ear, with a hook and line, attaching to the hook a little fish

resembling a herring, and letting it trail behind the vessel. The large

ear, thinking it in fact a living fish, comes up to swallow it, thus

finding himself at once caught by the hook, which is concealed in the body

of the little fish. This fish is very good, and has certain tufts which are

very handsome, and resemble those worn on plumes.

On the 22d of September, we arrived on soundings. Here we saw twenty

vessels some four leagues to the west of us, which, as they appeared from

our vessel, we judged to be Flemish.

On the 25th of the month, we sighted the Isle de Grenezé, [368] after

experiencing a strong blow, which lasted until noon.

On the 27th of the month, we arrived at Honfleur.

ENDNOTES:

368. Guernsey, which lay directly before them as they advanced up the

English Channel, and was the first large island that met the eye on

their way to Honfleur.