CHAPTER VII

SUFFRAGE AND ELECTIONS

=Nature of the Elective Franchise.=--The right of suffrage, that is, the

right to take part in the choice of public officials, is sometimes said

to be a natural and inherent right of the citizen, but in practice no

state acts upon such a principle. The better opinion, as well as the

almost universal practice, is that suffrage is not at all a matter of

right, but a privilege bestowed by the state upon those of its citizens

who are qualified to exercise it intelligently and for the public good.

No state allows all its citizens to vote; all the states restrict the

privilege to those who are at least twenty-one years of age; all confine

the privilege to those who are _bona fide_ residents of the community;

and some require educational, property, and other qualifications of

various kinds. On the other hand, eight states allow aliens who have

formally declared their intention of becoming citizens, to vote equally

with citizens in all elections.[20] The terms "voter" and "citizen,"

therefore, are not identical or synonymous.

[20] These states are Arkansas, Indiana, Kansas, Missouri, Nebraska,

Oregon, South Dakota, and Texas.

=Existing Qualifications for Voting.=--In the early days of our history

restrictions on the voting privilege were much more numerous and

stringent than now. Most of the early constitutions limited the

privilege to property owners, and some prescribed religious tests in

addition. It is estimated that at the beginning of the nineteenth

century not more than one person in twenty had the right to vote,

whereas now probably the proportion is two in five.

_Federal Restriction._--In the United States the power to prescribe the

qualifications for voting in both national and state elections belongs

to the individual states, subject only to two provisions: in fixing the

suffrage they cannot abridge the privilege (1) on account of race,

color, or previous condition of servitude, or (2) on account of sex. The

first provision is found in the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal

Constitution, adopted in 1870, and its purpose was to prevent the states

from denying the privilege of suffrage to negroes who by the Fourteenth

Amendment, adopted in 1868, had been made citizens of the United States.

The second provision is in the Nineteenth Amendment adopted in 1920.

These provisions do not, however, prevent the states from limiting the

privilege on other grounds, such as illiteracy, criminality, vagrancy,

nonpayment of taxes, and the like.

_The Residence Requirement._--In the first place, all the states require

residence for a specified period in the state and in the election

district in which the voter exercises his privilege of voting. The

purpose of this requirement is to confine the franchise to those who

have become identified with the interests of the community, and to

exclude outsiders or newcomers who are unfamiliar with local conditions

and unacquainted with the qualifications of the candidates. The required

length of residence in the state ranges from three months in Maine to

two years in most of the Southern states, the more usual requirement

being one year. The period of residence required in the county or

election district is shorter, the most common requirement being three

months in the county and one month in the election district.

_Educational Tests._--In addition to this requirement, nearly one third

of the states insist upon some kind of educational test. Connecticut in

1855 was the first state to require ability to read and write.

Massachusetts followed her example shortly thereafter, and the precedent

set by these two states was soon followed, with modifications, by

California, Maine, Wyoming, New Hampshire, Delaware, and Washington.

The adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870, which indirectly

conferred the right to vote on the negro race, and the unfortunate

results which followed the enfranchisement of the large mass of blacks

in the South, led some of the Southern states to adopt educational and

other restrictions to diminish the evils of an ignorant suffrage.

Mississippi in 1890 took the initiative, and required ability either to

read the constitution of the state or to understand it when read by an

election officer. South Carolina followed her example in 1895, but with

the modification that an illiterate person who was the owner of at least

$300 worth of property should not be disfranchised. Louisiana, Alabama,

North Carolina, Virginia, Oklahoma, and Georgia followed with

restrictions based on similar principles. In several of these states,

however, the educational qualification does not apply to those who were

voters in 1867 (when the negro race was still unenfranchised), or to

their descendants, or to those who served in the army or navy during the

Civil War. But in 1915 the Supreme Court of the United States decided,

in the case of Oklahoma, that these so-called "grandfather" provisions

were unconstitutional.

_Other Persons Excluded._--Most of the states deny the right to vote to

convicted criminals, idiots, and insane persons; some, particularly

those of the South, insist that the voter must have paid his taxes; some

exclude vagrants, paupers, and inmates of public institutions.

=Woman Suffrage.=--For a long time women everywhere were denied the

right to vote, even long after their civil disabilities had been

removed. The principal arguments advanced by the opponents of woman

suffrage were: that active participation of women in political affairs

would tend to destroy their feminine qualities by forcing them into

political campaigns, and thus causing them to neglect their children;

that it would tend to introduce discord into family life by setting

husband against wife on political issues; that since women are incapable

of discharging all the obligations of citizenship, such as serving in

the army, militia, or police, they ought not to have all the privileges

of citizenship; that a majority of the women did not desire the

privilege of voting; and that men could be trusted to care for the

interests of the whole family.

[Illustration: VOTER CASTING A BALLOT]

[Illustration: WOMAN SUFFRAGE PARADE, WASHINGTON, D.C., MARCH 3, 1913]

_Arguments in Favor of Woman Suffrage._--In favor of giving the ballot

to women, it was argued that differences of sex do not constitute a

logical or rational ground for granting or withholding the suffrage if

the citizen is otherwise qualified; that women should be given the

ballot for their own self-protection against unjust class legislation;

that since millions of them had become wage earners and were competing

with men in nearly every trade and occupation and in many of the learned

professions, the argument that the wage earner should have the ballot as

a means of defense applied equally to women as to men; that since the

old civil disabilities to which they were formerly subject, such as the

inability to own real estate, enter into contracts, and engage in

learned professions had been removed, it followed logically that their

political disabilities should be removed also; and that since many of

them had become property owners and taxpayers it was unjust to permit

the shiftless nontaxpaying male citizen to take part in choosing public

officials and at the same time deny the right to women taxpayers.

Moreover, it was argued that the admission of women to a share in the

management of public affairs would elevate the tone of politics and

conduce to better government. Women are vitally interested in such

matters as taxation, education, sanitation, labor legislation, pure food

laws, and better housing conditions in the cities, and it was maintained

that in those states where they had been given the right to vote they

had been instrumental in securing wise legislation on many of these

subjects. Finally, it was argued, the fact that some women do not care

for the privilege is no reason why it should be denied to those who do

desire it.

_The Enfranchisement of Women._.--These arguments in favor of suffrage

for women gradually made a strong appeal to the men and one state after

another conferred a limited suffrage on women citizens. At first they

were allowed to vote in school elections, or in municipal elections, or

on proposed bond issues (if they were taxpayers). From this it was a

short step to equal suffrage with men in all elections and by 1920 there

were some sixteen states in which this right had been conferred upon

women. In the meantime various foreign countries, including England and

even Germany, had granted the full right of suffrage to women. After

long agitation on the part of American women, Congress in 1919 submitted

to the state legislatures an amendment to the Federal Constitution

providing for full woman suffrage in all the states, and this nineteenth

amendment was ratified in 1920.

=The Duty to Vote.=--The better opinion is that the exercise of the

suffrage is not only a high privilege conferred by the state on a select

class of its citizens, but is a duty as well. Among the great dangers of

popular government are indifference and apathy of the voters. If popular

government is to be a success, we must have not only an intelligent and

honest electorate but also one which is wide-awake and vigilant. Under a

democratic system of government like ours, the character of the

government is largely what the voters make of it. If we are to have

capable and honest officials to enact laws and enforce them, the voters

must see to it that such men are nominated and elected and compelled by

the pressure of a vigorous and alert public opinion to the faithful

performance of their duties. Every voter should inform himself as to the

qualifications of candidates for office and as to the merits of policies

upon which he is called to express an opinion, and having done this, he

ought to go to the polls and contribute his share to the election of

good men and the adoption of wise public measures.

_Compulsory Voting._--The question has sometimes been discussed as to

whether one who possesses the privilege of voting ought not to be

legally required to exercise it just as the citizen is compelled to

serve on the jury or in the militia. Several European countries, notably

Belgium and Spain, have adopted a system of compulsory suffrage under

which failure to vote is punishable by disfranchisement, an increase of

taxes, publication of the name of the negligent voter as a mark of

censure, etc. But however reprehensible the conduct of the citizen who

neglects his civic obligations and duties as a member of society, it is

hardly the province of the state to punish the nonperformance of such a

duty. Moreover, if required by law the duty might be exercised as a mere

form and without regard to the public good. Better results are likely to

be obtained by treating it as a moral duty and a privilege rather than a

legal obligation. But public opinion ought to condemn the citizen who

without good cause neglects his obligations to society, one of which is

the duty to take part in the election of those who are responsible for

the government of the country.

=The Registration Requirement.=--Nearly all of the states now require as

a preliminary condition to the exercise of the suffrage that the voter

shall be "registered," that is, that he shall have his name entered on a

list containing the names of all qualified voters in the election

district who are entitled to take part in the election. The purpose of

this requirement is to prevent double voting and other abuses of the

electoral privilege. In densely populated districts it is impossible for

the election judges to know personally all the voters, and hence without

some means of identifying them it would be difficult to prevent persons

outside the district from taking part in the election or to prevent

those properly qualified from voting more than once. In a few

communities, however, the old prejudice against such a requirement still

prevails; for example, the constitution of Arkansas declares that

registration shall not be required as a condition to the exercise of the

elective franchise.

_Methods of Registration._--Two general types of registration

requirements are now in existence. One is the requirement that the voter

shall present himself in person before the board of registration prior

to each election and get his name on the list. The chief objection to

this requirement is that it constitutes something of a burden to the

voter and often disfranchises him on account of his negligence or

inability to register on the day prescribed.

The other type of registration requirement is in force in Massachusetts,

Pennsylvania, and many other states. Where this system prevails, when

the voter's name is placed on the registration list, it is kept there so

long as he remains in the district, and it is unnecessary for him to

register each year. The principal criticism of this plan is that the

registration list is less likely to be correct, because the names of

persons who have died or moved away are likely to be kept on the list;

whereas under the other method they would be stricken off.

=Time of Holding Elections.=--National elections for the choice of

President and Vice President are held on the Tuesday after the first

Monday in November every four years. Elections for representatives in

Congress are held on the same date, in most states, every second year.

Elections for state officers are generally held on the same day as

national elections, though where state officers are chosen annually,

state elections of course come oftener. A few states, however, prefer to

hold their elections at a different date from that on which national

elections are held. Four states, Kentucky, Maryland, Massachusetts, and

Virginia, hold theirs in the odd years, while national elections always

occur in the even-numbered years. A few others which have their

elections in the even-numbered years hold them at a different time of

the year from that at which national elections are held. Thus Arkansas

and Maine hold their state elections in September, Georgia holds her

election in October, and Louisiana holds hers in April.

In many of the states an attempt is made to separate national and state

elections from municipal elections in order to encourage the voters to

select municipal officers without reference to state or national issues.

Thus in New York, where national and state elections occur biennially in

the even-numbered years, city elections are held in the odd-numbered

years. Likewise, in Illinois, city elections are held in April, while

state and national elections are held in November. So, too, in some

states judicial elections are held at a different date from other

elections, in order to minimize the influence of party politics in the

selection of judges.

Other local elections--township, county, and village--are held in some

cases at the same time as the state election, and in other cases such

elections, or some of them, are held on different days.

=Manner of Holding Elections.=--Before an election can be held, due

notice must be given of the time and place at which it is to be held and

the offices to be filled or the questions of public policy to be

submitted to the voters. For the convenience of the voters the county or

city is divided into districts or precincts each containing a

comparatively small number of voters, and for each district there is

provided a polling place with the necessary number of booths, ballot

boxes, and other election paraphernalia. The responsibility for

preparing the ballots, giving notice of the election, and providing the

necessary supplies is intrusted to certain designated officials.

Sometimes the county clerk, sometimes the city clerk, and sometimes, as

in the large cities, a board of election commissioners, performs these

duties.

_Election Officers._--At each polling place, on election day, there is a

corps of election judges or inspectors, poll clerks, ballot clerks, and

the like. Each party is allowed to have one or more watchers, and

frequently there is a police official to maintain order at the polls.

While the polls are open, electioneering within a certain number of feet

of the election place is forbidden, and usually no person except the

election officers, the watchers, and the person who is casting his

ballot are allowed in the polling room. Every polling place is equipped

with one or more voting booths which must be so constructed as to insure

secrecy on the part of the voter while he is marking his ballot. The

polls are opened at a designated hour, and before the balloting begins

the ballot boxes must be opened and exhibited to show that they are

empty, after which they are locked and the casting of the ballots

begins.

=Evolution of the Ballot.=--In the early days of our history, voting was

by _viva voce_, that is, by living voice. Each voter as he appeared at

the polling place was asked to state the names of the candidates for

whom he desired to vote, and this he did in a distinct voice that could

be heard by the bystanders as well as the election officials. The

obvious objection to such a method was that it did not secure secrecy,

and moreover it stimulated bribery because it was easy for a person who

purchased a vote to see that the vote was delivered as paid for. The

states soon began to experiment with the method of voting by ballot, and

the advantages were so evident that in time this method was adopted in

all of them, the last state to abandon the old method being Kentucky in

1891.

At first written ballots were generally used; then it became the

practice for each candidate to print his own ballots; and later each

party would put on the same ballot the names of all the party candidates

and have them printed at the expense of the party. Each of these methods

had its disadvantages. When the last method prevailed, for example, the

ballots of the different parties were printed on different colored

paper, so that it was easy to ascertain a voter's intentions by the

color of the ballot in his possession. These ballots were distributed

days before the election and were frequently marked by the voter before

going to the polls. Such a system not only made secret voting difficult,

but it afforded abundant opportunities for using undue influence over

certain classes of persons to compel them to vote for particular

candidates. To remove these and other evils which increased as time

passed, the Australian ballot system, with modifications, was introduced

into this country, first by the state of Massachusetts in 1888, and in

one form or another it is now found in practically all the states.

=The Australian Ballot.=--The distinguishing features of the Australian

system are the following: The names of all the candidates of every

political party are placed on a single ballot; this ballot is printed at

public expense and not by the candidates or parties; no ballots are

distributed before the election, and none are obtainable anywhere except

at the polls on election day, and then only when the voter presents

himself to vote; and the ballot can be marked only in voting booths

provided for the purpose, and in absolute secrecy.

The Australian system has been more or less modified in all the states

where it has been introduced, so that it really does not exist in its

pure form anywhere in this country, the nearest approach to it being the

Massachusetts system. The prevailing forms may be reduced to two general

types: the "office column" type, of which the Massachusetts ballot is a

good example; and the "party column" type found in Indiana and many

other states.

_The "Office Column" Ballot_ has the names of the candidates for each

office arranged in alphabetical order under the title of the office, and

to vote such a ballot it is necessary for the voter to look through each

column, pick out the candidate he favors, and mark a cross in a blank

space opposite each name for which he votes. To do this requires not

only considerable time, but a certain amount of intelligence and

discrimination.

[Illustration: OFFICE COLUMN BALLOT Part of Massachusetts Ballot of

November, 1908]

[Illustration: PARTY COLUMN BALLOT Part of Indiana Ballot of November,

1908]

_The "Party Column" Ballot_ arranges the candidates, not under the

offices which they are seeking, but in parallel columns according to

political parties, there being a column for each party. Opposite each

candidate's name on the "party column" ballot is a blank space, and at

the head of each column is a circle and usually a device or emblem to

indicate the party. By making a mark in this circle the voter may cast a

ballot for all the candidates of the party. This is called "straight"

voting. He may if he wishes, however, vote a "split" ticket by putting a

cross in the blank spaces opposite the names of candidates of his choice

in the different columns. The chief objection that has been urged

against this type of ballot is that by making it so easy to vote a

"straight" ticket, it encourages strict party voting, whereas

independent voting, especially in city elections, should be encouraged

by every possible means.

The "office column" ballot, on the other hand, encourages independent

voting by making it just as difficult to vote a "straight" ticket as a

"split" one. In Massachusetts there has been a remarkable amount of

independent voting, due partly to the form of ballot used. The "office

column" type of ballot is now used for all elections in about one fourth

of the states, and in a number of others for municipal elections.

=Ballot Reform.=--In recent years there has been considerable discussion

of the subject of ballot reform, and not a little experimenting with

different schemes. Political reformers generally demand the abolition of

the "party column" form, or at least the abolition of the party circle,

as a means of discouraging straight party voting, but the professional

politicians insist upon its retention. Whatever may be the form

ultimately adopted, one reform is desirable, namely, greater

simplification, to the end that the electoral franchise may be exercised

more intelligently and easily. In some of our states the number of

elective offices has increased to such proportions, and the ballot to

such size, that it has become a real burden to vote it.

A ballot used in Chicago in 1906 contained the names of over 330

candidates and was over two feet in length and nearly two feet in

width. From this bewildering array of names the voter was compelled

to pick out his choice for the following offices: state treasurer,

state superintendent of public education, trustees of the

University of Illinois, representative in Congress, state senator,

representative in the state assembly, sheriff, county treasurer,

county clerk, clerk of the circuit court, county superintendent of

schools, judge of the county court, judge of the probate court,

members of the board of assessors, judges of the municipal court

for the two-year term (nine to be elected), members of the board of

review, president of the board of county commissioners, county

commissioners (ten to be elected on general ticket), trustees of

the sanitary district of Chicago (three to be elected), clerk of

the municipal court, chief justice of the municipal court, judges

of the municipal court (nine to be elected), judges of the

municipal court for the four-year term (nine to be elected). In

Oregon in the election of 1912 the ballot contained the names of

177 candidates and 37 laws and amendments.

To vote ballots containing many names requires a good deal of care, if

not experience, to avoid error which will result in having it thrown

out, for the regulations governing the marking of the ballot are very

strict and must be observed if the vote is to be counted. Accordingly,

elaborate instructions covering large sheets are posted throughout the

election district and at the polls for the guidance of the voters, and

these have to be carefully studied by inexperienced voters who desire to

avoid mistakes. Sample ballots also may be provided for practice. One

result of the increasing complexity of the ballot is to give an

undesirable advantage to the professional politicians who understand how

to vote such ballots, and to discourage those who are not politicians.

_Voting Machines._--A few states have adopted voting machines,

especially for their large cities. These are so arranged that the voter

may, by going into a booth and pulling a number of knobs, register his

vote quickly and without the danger of spoiling his ballot. When the

polls are closed the results are already recorded on a dial, and the

long delay in counting the returns is eliminated. The chief objection to

the voting machine, however, is the expense, and this has prevented its

more general adoption.

=Formalities of Voting.=--When the voter presents himself at the

polls[21] he must announce his name and address to the election

officials. If his name is found on the registration list, he is given a

ballot and his name entered on the poll book. He then enters a booth,

where he marks his ballot, for which purpose he is allowed to remain

therein not exceeding a certain length of time. He must not mark his

ballot in such a way that it can be identified after it has been placed

in the ballot box, and no erasures are allowed. If he spoils his ballot

he will be given another, and if he is physically unable to mark it, or

if, in some states, he is illiterate, he will be allowed the assistance

of two persons representing different political parties. His right to

vote may be challenged, in which case he will be required to identify

himself or "swear in" his ballot, a record of which must be duly kept.

When he has marked his ballot he must fold it in such a manner as to

conceal its face, and hand it to one of the election judges, who

announces the name of the voter; the fact of his voting is recorded, and

the ballot placed in the box.

[21] Most states have laws allowing voters to leave work for a certain

length of time on election day without deduction of wages. A few states

provide means for taking the votes of those who are necessarily absent

on business on election day. Many states provide for taking the votes

of men serving as soldiers in time of war.

At a certain hour prescribed by law the polls are closed, after which

the votes are counted; and when this task is complete the returns are

announced. Generally the ballots must be preserved for several months in

order that an opportunity may be offered for a recount in case the

election is contested. Usually the ballots cannot be reopened and

recounted except by order of a court or of the committee on elections of

the legislature.

=Legislation Against Fraudulent Voting; Corrupt Practices Acts.=--For a

long time in this country there was little legislation designed to

regulate the conduct of elections and to protect the exercise of the

electoral privilege against fraud. The principal evils of the old system

were: lack of secrecy in voting; the use of separate ballots printed by

the candidates or their party organizations; the distribution of these

ballots before election day; lack of means for identifying the voters;

bribery, intimidation, treating, and the use of other objectionable

means for influencing voters; "repeating"; ballot box "stuffing"; and

the like. To eliminate or diminish these and other evils, practically

all the states have passed laws of one kind or another. They are

generally known as corrupt practices acts and are, for the most part,

based on the English law of 1883. Much of this legislation is detailed

and complex, and some of it is still in the experimental stage.

The corrupt use of money in elections has come to be one of the greatest

political evils of our time. The buying of votes is a very common

practice in some communities, and unfortunately is not as strongly

condemned by public opinion as it should be. Some 50 per cent of the

voters in one county of Ohio were disfranchised by the court for selling

their votes in the general election of 1910. The growth of great

corporations, many of which desire legislation in their interest, or

immunity from unfavorable laws, has introduced a more or less

corrupting element in our political life. Some states have enacted laws

forbidding corporations, under heavy penalties, from making

contributions to the campaign funds of political parties. Others have

forbidden the practice of political committees of assessing office

holders for campaign purposes. Some have gone to the length of

forbidding "treating" and other similar means of influencing voters.

Some limit the amount of money that may be spent by a candidate or his

friends in the conduct of his campaign, usually specifying the purposes

for which expenditures may be made. Thus the Connecticut and New York

laws allow expenditures only for such matters as the rent of halls,

compensation of speakers and musicians, fireworks, printing,

lithographs, advertisements, traveling expenses, postage, telegrams,

hiring of carriages to take voters to the polls, and the like. A few,

however, prohibit the hiring of carriages, and some forbid the giving

away of liquor at elections. Some states require candidates to make

sworn itemized statements of the expenditures incurred by them on

account of the election, and some fix the maximum amount that may be

expended. Thus in New York a candidate for governor may expend only

$10,000 on account of his candidacy; candidates for other state officers

are permitted to spend $6,000. The need of limitations was illustrated

by the fact that the Democratic candidate for governor of New York in

1906 spent over $256,000 in the prosecution of his candidacy, and a

candidate for state senator spent $30,000 to secure an election.[22] A

recent candidate for the United States senate in a Western state

admitted that his aggregate expenses were $107,000, and another

testified that he spent $115,000 in the effort to secure an election.

[22] Fuller, "Government by the People," p. 150.

_State Contributions to Party Campaign Funds._--In the belief that the

state ought to bear a part of the candidate's expenses, to the end that

the poor office seeker may be more nearly on an equal footing with the

candidate of means, Colorado recently passed a law providing that the

state should contribute to the campaign fund of each political party a

sum of money equal in amount to twenty-five cents for every vote cast by

the party for governor at the preceding election. The law allowed the

candidates themselves to spend their own money to aid in their election,

but prohibited other persons or corporations from making contributions.

In short, the expense was to be borne by the state and the candidate

alone. This Colorado law, however, was declared unconstitutional by the

state courts.

_Other Restrictions._--In some states also the expenditures of party

committees are limited, and such committees are required to make sworn

statements of their expenditures and the purposes for which they were

made. Several states prohibit the payment by other persons of a voter's

poll tax where the payment of such a tax is a condition to the voting

privilege.

Everywhere there are laws against bribery, intimidation, fraudulent

voting, and most of the other election offenses. More and more, public

sentiment demands that elections shall be free from the taint of

corruption, to the end that the results shall represent the real choice

of the people and thus popular government made to be what its founders

intended that it should be.

=References.=--BEARD, American Government and Politics, pp.

453-457; also ch. xxiii. FULLER, Government by the People, chs.

ii-vi, viii-xi. GARNER, Introduction to Political Science, ch. xv.

HART, Actual Government, ch. iv.

=Documentary and Illustrative Material.=--1. Legislative manual or

blue book of the state. 2. The election laws of the state. 3. Copy

of instructions to voters. 4. Specimen ballots.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. What are the qualifications for voting in your state?

2. When were women first allowed to vote in your state?

3. Are there any offices in your state held by women?

4. How many voters are there in your state?

5. Is there a registration requirement?

6. Do you think the right to vote should be restricted to persons who

are able to read and write?

7. Give the date on which state elections are held in your state; city

elections; judicial elections. Why should national, state, and city

elections be held on different dates?

8. Name some offices in your state now filled by popular election which

in your opinion should be filled by appointment.

9. Who are the election officers in your county?

10. What is the usual location of the polling place in your ward or

precinct?

11. Explain the difference between a "party column" and an "office

column" ballot. Which type of ballot is used in your state? In case the

former is used does it contain a party circle and a party symbol at the

head of each column?

12. Procure a specimen ballot used at the last election and explain how

to mark and cast it.

13. Are voting machines used in your state? If so, where?

14. Is there a law in your state against the improper use of money in

elections? Does it specify the purposes for which campaign expenditures

may be made? Are candidates required to make sworn statements of their

election expenses? Are there any limitations on the amount a candidate

is allowed to spend?

15. Do you think corporations should be prohibited from making

contributions to the campaign funds of political parties?

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