PART I.

GREEK ASTRONOMY TO ARISTARCHUS.

The title-page of this book necessarily bears the name of one man;

but the reader will find in its pages the story, or part of the

story, of many other Pioneers of Progress. The crowning achievement

of anticipating the hypothesis of Copernicus belongs to Aristarchus

of Samos alone; but to see it in its proper setting it is necessary

to have followed in the footsteps of the earlier pioneers who, by one

bold speculation after another, brought the solution of the problem

nearer, though no one before Aristarchus actually hit upon the truth.

This is why the writer has thought it useful to prefix to his account

of Aristarchus a short sketch of the history of the development of

astronomy in Greece down to Aristarchus’s time, which is indeed the

most fascinating portion of the story of Greek astronomy.

The extraordinary advance in astronomy made by the Greeks in a period

of little more than three centuries is a worthy parallel to the rapid

development, in their hands, of pure geometry, which, created by

them as a theoretical science about the same time, had by the time

of Aristarchus covered the ground of the Elements (including solid

geometry and the geometry of the sphere), had established the main

properties of the three conic sections, had solved problems which were

beyond the geometry of the straight line and circle, and finally,

before the end of the third century B.C., had been carried to its

highest perfection by the genius of Archimedes, who measured the

areas of curves and the surfaces and volumes of curved surfaces by

geometrical methods practically anticipating the integral calculus.

To understand how all this was possible we have to remember that the

Greeks, pre-eminently among all the nations of the world, possessed

just those gifts which are essential to the initiation and development

of philosophy and science. They had in the first place a remarkable

power of accurate observation; and to this were added clearness of

intellect to see things as they are, a passionate love of knowledge

for its own sake, and a genius for speculation which stands unrivalled

to this day. Nothing that is perceptible to the senses seems to

have escaped them; and when the apparent facts had been accurately

ascertained, they wanted to know the _why_ and the _wherefore_, never

resting satisfied until they had given a rational explanation, or what

seemed to them to be such, of the phenomena observed. Observation or

experiment and theory went hand in hand. So it was that they developed

such subjects as medicine and astronomy. In astronomy their guiding

principle was, in their own expressive words, to “save the phenomena”.

This meant that, as more and more facts became known, their theories

were continually revised to fit them.

It would be easy to multiply instances; it must suffice in this place

to mention one, which illustrates not only the certainty with which the

Greeks detected the occurrence of even the rarest phenomena, but also

the persistence with which they sought for the true explanation.

Cleomedes (second century A.D.) mentions that there were stories of

extraordinary eclipses which “the more ancient of the mathematicians”

had vainly tried to explain; the supposed “paradoxical” case was that

in which, while the sun seems to be still above the western horizon,

the _eclipsed_ moon is seen to rise in the east. The phenomenon

appeared to be inconsistent with the explanation of lunar eclipses by

the entry of the moon into the earth’s shadow; how could this be if

both bodies were above the horizon at the same time? The “more ancient”

mathematicians essayed a geometrical explanation; they tried to argue

that it was possible that a spectator standing on an _eminence_ of

the spherical earth might see along the generators of a _cone_ i.e. a

little downwards on all sides instead of merely in the plane of the

horizon, and so might see both the sun and the moon even when the

latter was in the earth’s shadow. Cleomedes denies this and prefers to

regard the whole story of such cases as a fiction designed merely for

the purpose of plaguing astronomers and philosophers; no Chaldæan, he

says, no Egyptian, and no mathematician or philosopher has recorded

such a case. But the phenomenon is possible, and it is certain that

it had been observed in Greece and that the Greek astronomers did not

rest until they had found out the solution of the puzzle; for Cleomedes

himself gives the explanation, namely that the phenomenon is due to

atmospheric refraction. Observing that such cases of atmospheric

refraction were especially noticeable in the neighbourhood of the Black

Sea, Cleomedes goes on to say that it is possible that the visual rays

going out from our eyes are refracted through falling on wet and damp

air, and so reach the sun although it is already below the horizon;

and he compares the well-known experiment of the ring at the bottom

of a jug, where the ring, just out of sight when the jug is empty, is

brought into view when water is poured in.

The genius of the race being what it was, the Greeks must from the

earliest times have been in the habit of scanning the heavens, and, as

might be expected, we find the beginnings of astronomical knowledge in

the earliest Greek literature.

In the Homeric poems and in Hesiod the earth is a flat circular disc;

round this disc runs the river Oceanus, encircling the earth and

flowing back into itself. The flat earth has above it the vault of

heaven, like a sort of hemispherical dome exactly covering it; this

vault remains for ever in one position; the sun, moon and stars move

round under it, rising from Oceanus in the east and plunging into it

again in the west.

Homer mentions, in addition to the sun and moon, the Morning Star, the

Evening Star, the Pleiades, the Hyades, Orion, the Great Bear (“which

is also called by the name of the Wain”), Sirius, the late-setting

Boötes (the ploughman driving the Wain), i.e. Arcturus, as it was first

called by Hesiod. Of the Great Bear Homer says that it turns round on

the same spot and watches Orion; it alone is without lot in Oceanus’s

bath (i.e. it never sets). With regard to the last statement it is to

be noted that some of the principal stars of the Great Bear do now set

in the Mediterranean, e.g. in places further south than Rhodes (lat.

36°), γ, the hind foot, and η, the tip of the tail, and at Alexandria

all the seven stars except α, the head. It might be supposed that here

was a case of Homer “nodding”. But no; the old poet was perfectly

right; the difference between the facts as observed by him and as seen

by us respectively is due to the Precession of the Equinoxes, the

gradual movement of the fixed stars themselves about the pole of the

ecliptic, which was discovered by Hipparchus (second century B.C.).

We know from the original writings of the Greek astronomers that in

Eudoxus’s time (say 380 B.C.) the whole of the Great Bear remained

always well above the horizon, while in the time of Proclus (say A.D.

460) the Great Bear “grazed” the horizon.

In Homer astronomical phenomena are only vaguely used for such purposes

as fixing localities or marking times of day or night. Sometimes

constellations are used in giving sailing directions, as when Calypso

directs Odysseus to sail in such a way as always to keep the Great Bear

on his left.

Hesiod mentions practically the same stars as Homer, but makes more use

of celestial phenomena for determining times and seasons. For example,

he marked the time for sowing at the beginning of winter by the setting

of the Pleiades in the early twilight, or again by the early setting

of the Hyades or Orion, which means the 3rd, 7th, or 15th November in

the Julian calendar according to the particular stars taken; the time

for harvest he fixed by the early rising of the Pleiades (19th May),

threshing time by the early rising of Orion (9th July), vintage time by

the early rising of Arcturus (18th September), and so on. Hesiod makes

spring begin sixty days after the winter solstice, and the early summer

fifty days after the summer solstice. Thus he knew about the solstices,

though he says nothing of the equinoxes. He had an approximate notion

of the moon’s period, which he put at thirty days.

But this use of astronomical facts for the purpose of determining times

and seasons or deducing weather indications is a very different thing

from the science of astronomy, which seeks to explain the heavenly

phenomena and their causes. The history of this science, as of Greek

philosophy in general, begins with Thales.

The Ionian Greeks were in the most favourable position for initiating

philosophy. Foremost among the Greeks in the love of adventure and the

instinct of new discovery (as is shown by their leaving their homes to

found settlements in distant lands), and fired, like all Greeks, with

a passion for knowledge, they needed little impulse to set them on the

road of independent thought and speculation. This impulse was furnished

by their contact with two ancient civilisations, the Egyptian and the

Babylonian. Acquiring from them certain elementary facts and rules

in mathematics and astronomy which had been handed down through the

priesthood from remote antiquity, they built upon them the foundation

of the science, as distinct from the mere routine, of the subjects in

question.

THALES.

Thales of Miletus (about 624–547 B.C.) was a man of extraordinary

versatility; philosopher, mathematician, astronomer, statesman,

engineer, and man of business, he was declared one of the Seven Wise

Men in 582–581 B.C. His propensity to star-gazing is attested by the

story of his having fallen into a well while watching the stars,

insomuch that (as Plato has it) he was rallied by a clever and pretty

maidservant from Thrace for being so “eager to know what goes on in the

heavens when he could not see what was in front of him, nay at his very

feet”.

Thales’s claim to a place in the history of scientific astronomy rests

on one achievement attributed to him, that of predicting an eclipse

of the sun. The evidence for this is fairly conclusive, though the

accounts of it differ slightly. Eudemus, the pupil of Aristotle, who

wrote histories of Greek geometry and astronomy, is quoted by three

different Greek writers as the authority for the story. But there is

testimony much earlier than this. Herodotus, speaking of a war between

the Lydians and the Medes, says that, “when in the sixth year they

encountered one another, it fell out that, after they had joined

battle, the day suddenly turned into night. Now that this change of

day into night would occur was foretold to the Ionians by Thales of

Miletus, who fixed as the limit of time this very year in which the

change took place.” Moreover Xenophanes, who was born some twenty-three

years before Thales’s death, is said to have lauded Thales’s

achievement; this would amount to almost contemporary evidence.

Could Thales have known the cause of solar eclipses? Aëtius (A.D.

100), the author of an epitome of an older collection of the opinions

of philosophers, says that Thales was the first to declare that the

sun is eclipsed when the moon comes in a direct line below it, the

image of the moon then appearing on the sun’s disc as on a mirror;

he also associates Thales with Anaxagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and the

Stoics as holding that the moon is eclipsed by reason of its falling

into the shadow made by the earth when the earth is between the sun

and the moon. But, as regards the eclipse of the moon, Thales could

not have given this explanation, because he held that the earth (which

he presumably regarded as a flat disc) floated on the water like a

log. And if he had given the true explanation of a solar eclipse, it

is impossible that all the succeeding Ionian philosophers should have

exhausted their imaginations in other fanciful explanations such as we

find recorded.

The key to the puzzle may be afforded by the passage of Herodotus

according to which the prediction was a rough one, only specifying

that the eclipse would occur within a certain year. The prediction was

probably one of the same kind as had long been made by the Chaldæans.

The Chaldæans, no doubt as the result of observations continued

through many centuries, had discovered the period of 223 lunations

after which lunar eclipses recur. (This method would very often fail

for solar eclipses because no account was taken of parallax; and

Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions record failures as well as successful

predictions.) Thales, then, probably learnt about the period of 223

lunations either in Egypt or more directly through Lydia, which was an

outpost of Assyrio-Babylonian culture. If there happened to be a number

of _possible_ solar eclipses in the year which (according to Herodotus)

Thales fixed for the eclipse, he was, in using the Chaldæan rule, not

taking an undue risk; but it was great luck that the eclipse should

have been total. It seems practically certain that the eclipse in

question was that of the (Julian) 28th May, 585.

Thales, as we have seen, made the earth a circular or cylindrical

disc floating on the water like a log or a cork and, so far as we can

judge of his general conception of the universe, he would appear to

have regarded it as a mass of water (that on which the earth floats)

with the heavens encircling it in the form of a hemisphere and also

bounded by the primeval water. This view of the world has been compared

with that found in ancient Egyptian papyri. In the beginning existed

the _Nū_, a primordial liquid mass in the limitless depths of which

floated the germs of things. When the sun began to shine, the earth was

flattened out and the water separated into two masses. The one gave

rise to the rivers and the ocean, the other, suspended above, formed

the vault of heaven, the waters above, on which the stars and the gods,

borne by an eternal current, began to float. The sun, standing upright

in his sacred barque which had endured for millions of years, glides

slowly, conducted by an army of secondary gods, the planets and the

fixed stars. The assumption of an upper and lower ocean is also old

Babylonian (cf. the division in Genesis 1. 7 of the waters which were

under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament).

It would follow from Thales’s general view of the universe that the

sun, moon and stars did not, between their setting and rising again,

continue their circular path below the earth but (as with Anaximenes

later) moved laterally round the earth.

Thales’s further contributions to observational astronomy may be

shortly stated. He wrote two works _On the solstice_ and _On the

equinox_, and he is said by Eudemus to have discovered that “the

period of the sun with respect to the solstices is not always the

same,” which probably means that he discovered the inequality of the

four astronomical seasons. His division of the year into 365 days he

probably learnt from the Egyptians. He said of the Hyades that there

are two, one north and the other south. He observed the Little Bear and

used it as a means of finding the pole; he advised the Greeks to follow

the Phœnician plan of sailing by the Little Bear in preference to their

own habit of steering by the Great Bear.

Limited as the certain contributions of Thales to astronomy are,

it became the habit of the Greek _Doxographi_, or retailers of the

opinions of philosophers, to attribute to Thales, in common with other

astronomers in each case, a number of discoveries which were not made

till later. The following is a list, with (in brackets) the names

of the astronomers to whom the respective discoveries may with most

certainty be assigned: (1) the fact that the moon takes its light from

the sun (Anaxagoras), (2) the sphericity of the earth (Pythagoras), (3)

the division of the heavenly sphere into five zones (Pythagoras and

Parmenides), (4) the obliquity of the ecliptic (Œnopides of Chios),

and (5) the estimate of the sun’s apparent diameter as 1/720th of the

sun’s circle (Aristarchus of Samos).

ANAXIMANDER.

Anaximander (about 611–547 B.C.), a contemporary and fellow-citizen

of Thales, was a remarkably original thinker. He was the first Greek

philosopher who ventured to put forward his views in a formal written

treatise. This was a work _About Nature_ and was not given to the world

till he was about sixty-four years old. His originality is illustrated

by his theory of evolution. According to him animals first arose from

slime evaporated by the sun; they lived in the sea and had prickly

coverings; men at first resembled fishes.

But his astronomical views were not less remarkable. Anaximander boldly

maintained that the earth is in the centre of the universe, suspended

freely and without support, whereas Thales regarded it as resting on

the water and Anaximenes as supported by the air. It remains in its

position, said Anaximander, because it is at an equal distance from

all the rest of the heavenly bodies. The earth was, according to him,

cylinder-shaped, round “like a stone pillar”; one of its two plane

faces is that on which we stand; its depth is one-third of its breadth.

Anaximander postulated as his first principle, not water (like Thales)

or any of the elements, but the Infinite; this was a substance, not

further defined, from which all the heavens and the worlds in them

were produced; according to him the worlds themselves were infinite in

number, and there were always some worlds coming into being and others

passing away _ad infinitum_. The origin of the stars, and their nature,

he explained as follows. “That which is capable of begetting the hot

and the cold out of the eternal was separated off during the coming

into being of our world, and from the flame thus produced a sort of

sphere was made which grew round the air about the earth as the bark

round the tree; then this sphere was torn off and became enclosed in

certain circles or rings, and thus were formed the sun, the moon and

the stars.” “The stars are produced as a circle of fire, separated

off from the fire in the universe and enclosed by air. They have as

vents certain pipe-shaped passages at which the stars are seen.” “The

stars are compressed portions of air, in the shape of wheels filled

with fire, and they emit flames at some point from small openings.”

“The stars are borne round by the circles in which they are enclosed.”

“The sun is a circle twenty-eight times (_v. l._ 27 times) the size of

the earth; it is like a wheel of a chariot the rim of which is hollow

and full of fire and lets the fire shine out at a certain point in it

through an opening like the tube of a blow-pipe; such is the sun.” “The

sun is equal to the earth.” “The eclipses of the sun occur through

the opening by which the fire finds vent being shut up.” “The moon

is a circle nineteen times the size of the earth; it is similar to a

chariot-wheel the rim of which is hollow and full of fire like the

circle of the sun, and it is placed obliquely like the other; it has

one vent like the tube of a blow-pipe; the eclipses of the moon depend

on the turnings of the wheel.” “The moon is eclipsed when the opening

in the rim of the wheel is stopped up.” “The moon appears sometimes as

waxing, sometimes as waning, to an extent corresponding to the closing

or opening of the passages.” “The sun is placed highest of all, after

it the moon, and under them the fixed stars and the planets.”

It has been pointed out that the idea of the formation of tubes of

compressed air within which the fire of each star is shut up except

for the one opening through which the flame shows (like a gas-jet,

as it were) is not unlike Laplace’s hypothesis with reference to the

origin of Saturn’s rings. In any case it is a sufficiently original

conception.

When Anaximander says that the hoops carrying the sun and moon “lie

obliquely,” this is no doubt an attempt to explain, in addition to the

daily rotation, the annual movement of the sun and the monthly movement

of the moon.

We have here too the first speculation about the sizes and distances of

the heavenly bodies. The sun is as large as the earth. The ambiguity

between the estimates of the size of the sun’s circle as twenty-seven

or twenty-eight times the size of the earth suggests that it is a

question between taking the inner and outer circumferences of the sun’s

ring respectively, and a similar ambiguity may account for the circle

of the moon being stated to be nineteen times, not eighteen times, the

size of the earth. No estimate is given of the distance of the planets

from the earth, but as, according to Anaximander, they are nearer to

the earth than the sun and moon are, it is possible that, if a figure

had been stated, it would have been nine times the size of the earth,

in which case we should have had the numbers 9, 18, 27, three terms in

arithmetical progression and all of them multiples of 9, the square

of 3. It seems probable that these figures were not arrived at by any

calculation based on geometrical considerations, but that we have here

merely an illustration of the ancient cult of the sacred numbers 3

and 9. Three is the sacred number in Homer, 9 in Theognis. The cult

of 3 and its multiples 9 and 27 is found among the Aryans, then among

the Finns and Tartars and then again among the Etruscans. Therefore

Anaximander’s figures probably say little more than what the Indians

tell us, namely, that three Vishnu-steps reach from earth to heaven.

Anaximander is said to have been the first to discover the _gnomon_

(or sun-dial with a vertical needle). This is, however, incorrect,

for Herodotus says that the Greeks learnt the use of the _gnomon_ and

the _polos_ from the Babylonians. Anaximander may have been the first

to introduce the gnomon into Greece. He is said to have set it up in

Sparta and to have shown on it “the solstices, the times, the seasons,

and the equinox”.

But Anaximander has another title to fame. He was the first who

ventured to draw a map of the inhabited earth. The Egyptians indeed had

drawn maps before, but only of special districts. Anaximander boldly

planned out the whole world with “the circumference of the earth and of

the sea”. Hecataeus, a much-travelled man, is said to have corrected

Anaximander’s map so that it became the object of general admiration.

ANAXIMENES.

With Anaximenes of Miletus (about 585–528/4 B.C.) the earth is still

flat like a table, but, instead of being suspended freely without

support as with Anaximander, it is supported by the air, riding on it

as it were. The sun, moon and stars are all made of fire and (like the

earth) they ride on the air because of their breadth. The sun is flat

like a leaf. Anaximenes also held that the stars are fastened on a

crystal sphere like nails or studs. It seems clear therefore that by

the stars which “ride on the air because of their breadth” he meant

the planets only. A like apparent inconsistency applies to the motion

of the stars. If the stars are fixed in the crystal sphere like nails,

they must be carried round complete circles by the revolution of the

sphere about a diameter. Yet Anaximenes also said that the stars do

not move or revolve _under_ the earth as some suppose, but _round_

the earth, just as a cap can be turned round on the head. The sun is

hidden from sight, not because it is under the earth, but because it

is covered by the higher parts of the earth and because its distance

from us is greater. Aristotle adds the detail that the sun is carried

round the northern portion of the earth and produces night because the

earth is lofty towards the north. We must again conclude that the stars

which, like the sun and moon, move laterally round the earth between

their setting and rising again are the planets, as distinct from the

fixed stars. It would therefore seem that Anaximenes was the first

to distinguish the planets from the fixed stars in respect of their

irregular movements. He improved on Anaximander in that he relegated

the fixed stars to the region most distant from the earth.

Anaximenes was also original in holding that, in the region occupied

by the stars, bodies of an earthy nature are carried round along with

them. The object of these invisible bodies of an earthy nature carried

round along with the stars is clearly to explain the eclipses and

phases of the moon. It was doubtless this conception which, in the

hands of Anaxagoras and others, ultimately led to the true explanation

of eclipses.

The one feature of Anaximenes’s system which was destined to an

enduring triumph was the conception of the stars being fixed on

a crystal sphere as in a rigid frame. This really remained the

fundamental principle in all astronomy down to Copernicus.

PYTHAGORAS.

With Pythagoras and the Pythagoreans we come to a different order of

things. Pythagoras, born at Samos about 572 B.C., is undoubtedly one

of the greatest names in the history of science. He was a mathematician

of brilliant achievements; he was also the inventor of the science of

acoustics, an astronomer of great originality, a theologian and moral

reformer, and the founder of a brotherhood which admits comparison

with the orders of mediæval chivalry. Perhaps his most epoch-making

discovery was that of the dependence of musical tones on numerical

proportions, the octave representing the proportion of 2 : 1 in length

of string at the same tension, the fifth 3 : 2, and the fourth 4 : 3.

Mathematicians know him as the reputed discoverer of the famous theorem

about the square on the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle (= Euclid

I. 47); but he was also the first to make geometry a part of a liberal

education and to explore its first principles (definitions, etc.).

Pythagoras is said to have been the first to maintain that the earth

is spherical in shape; on what ground, is uncertain. One suggestion

is that he may have argued from the roundness of the shadow cast by

the earth in the eclipses of the moon; but Anaxagoras was the first

to give the true explanation of such eclipses. Probably Pythagoras

attributed spherical shape to the earth for the mathematical or

mathematico-æsthetical reason that the sphere is the most beautiful of

all solid figures. It is probable too, and for the same reason, that

Pythagoras gave the same spherical shape to the sun and moon, and even

to the stars, in which case the way lay open for the discovery of the

true cause of eclipses and of the phases of the moon. Pythagoras is

also said to have distinguished five zones in the earth. It is true

that the first declaration that the earth is spherical and that it has

five zones is alternatively attributed to Parmenides (born perhaps

about 516 or 514 B.C.), on the good authority of Theophrastus. It is

possible that, although Pythagoras was the real author of these views,

Parmenides was the first to state them in public.

Pythagoras regarded the universe as living, intelligent, spherical,

enclosing the earth at the centre, and rotating about an axis passing

through the centre of the earth, the earth remaining at rest.

He is said to have been the first to observe that the planets have an

independent motion of their own in a direction opposite to that of the

fixed stars, i.e. the daily rotation. Alternatively with Parmenides he

is said to have been the first to recognise that the Morning and the

Evening Stars are one and the same. Pythagoras is hardly likely to have

known this as the result of observations of his own; he may have learnt

it from Egypt or Chaldæa along with other facts about the planets.

PARMENIDES.

We have seen that certain views are alternatively ascribed to

Pythagoras and Parmenides. The system of Parmenides was in fact a kind

of blend of the theories of Pythagoras and Anaximander. In giving

the earth spherical form with five zones he agreed with Pythagoras.

Pythagoras, however, made the spherical universe rotate about an axis

through the centre of the earth; this implied that the universe is

itself limited, but that something exists round it, and in fact that

beyond the finite rotating sphere there is limitless void or empty

space. Parmenides, on the other hand, denied the existence of the

infinite void and was therefore obliged to make his finite sphere

motionless and to hold that its apparent rotation is only an illusion.

In other portions of his system Parmenides followed the lead of

Anaximander. Like Anaximander (and Democritus later) he argued that

the earth remains in the centre because, being equidistant from all

points on the sphere of the universe, it is in equilibrium and there

is no more reason why it should tend to move in one direction than in

another. Parmenides also had a system of wreaths or bands round the

sphere of the universe which contained the sun, the moon and the stars;

the wreaths remind us of the hoops of Anaximander, but their nature is

different. The wreaths, according to the most probable interpretation

of the texts, are, starting from the outside, (1) a solid envelope like

a wall; (2) a band of fire (the æther-fire); (3) mixed bands, made up

of light and darkness in combination, which exhibit the phenomenon of

“fire shining out here and there,” these mixed bands including the

Milky Way as well as the sun, moon and planets; (4) a band of fire, the

inner side of which is our atmosphere, touching the earth. Except that

Parmenides placed the Morning Star first in the æther and therefore

above the sun, he did not apparently differ from Anaximander’s view of

the relative distances of the heavenly bodies, according to which both

the planets and the other stars are all placed below the sun and moon.

Two lines from Parmenides’s poem have been quoted to show that he

declared that the moon is illuminated by the sun. The first line

speaks of the moon as “a night-shining foreign light wandering round

the earth”; but, even if the line is genuine, “foreign” need not mean

“borrowed”. The other line speaks of the moon as “always fixing its

gaze on the sun”; but, though this states an observed fact, it is

far from explaining the cause. We have, moreover, positive evidence

against the attribution of the discovery of the opacity of the moon to

Parmenides. It is part of the connected prose description of his system

that the moon is a mixture of air and fire, and in other passages we

are told that he held the moon to be of fire. Lastly, Plato speaks of

“the fact which Anaxagoras _lately asserted_, that the moon has its

light from the sun”. It seems impossible that Plato would speak in such

terms if the fact in question had been stated for the first time either

by Parmenides or by the Pythagoreans.

ANAXAGORAS.

Anaxagoras, a man of science if ever there was one, was born at

Clazomenae in the neighbourhood of Smyrna about 500 B.C. He neglected

his possessions, which were considerable, in order to devote himself

to science. Someone once asked him what was the object of being born,

and he replied, “The investigation of sun, moon and heaven”. He took

up his abode at Athens, where he enjoyed the friendship of Pericles.

When Pericles became unpopular shortly before the outbreak of the

Peloponnesian war, he was attacked through his friends, and Anaxagoras

was accused of impiety for declaring that the sun was a red-hot stone

and the moon made of earth. One account says that he was fined and

banished; another that he was imprisoned, and that it was intended to

put him to death, but that Pericles obtained his release; he retired to

Lampsacus, where he died at the age of seventy-two.

One epoch-making discovery belongs to him, namely, that the moon does

not shine by its own light but receives its light from the sun: Plato,

as we have seen, is one authority for this statement. Plutarch also

in his _De facie in orbe lunae_ says, “Now when our comrade in his

discourse had expounded that proposition of Anaxagoras that ‘the sun

places the brightness in the moon,’ he was greatly applauded”.

This discovery enabled Anaxagoras to say that “the obscurations of

the moon month by month were due to its following the course of the

sun by which it is illuminated, and the eclipses of the moon were

caused by its falling within the shadow of the earth which then comes

between the sun and the moon, while the eclipses of the sun were due

to the interposition of the moon”. Anaxagoras was therefore the first

to give the true explanation of eclipses. As regards the phases of the

moon, his explanation could only have been complete if he had known

that the moon is spherical; in fact, however, he considered the earth

(and doubtless the other heavenly bodies also) to be flat. To his true

theory of eclipses Anaxagoras added the unnecessary assumption that

the moon was sometimes eclipsed by other earthy bodies below the moon

but invisible to us. In this latter assumption he followed the lead

of Anaximenes. The other bodies in question were probably invented to

explain why the eclipses of the moon are seen oftener than those of the

sun.

Anaxagoras’s cosmogony contained some fruitful ideas. According to him,

the formation of the world began with a vortex set up, in a portion

of the mixed mass in which “all things were together,” by Mind. This

rotatory movement began at one point and then gradually spread, taking

in wider and wider circles. The first effect was to separate two

great masses, one consisting of the rare, hot, light, dry, called the

æther, and the other of the opposite categories and called air. The

æther took the outer place, the air the inner. Out of the air were

separated successively clouds, water, earth, and stones. The dense,

the moist, the dark and cold, and all the heaviest things, collect in

the centre as the result of the circular motion, and it is from these

elements when consolidated that the earth is formed. But after this,

“in consequence of the violence of the whirling motion, the surrounding

fiery æther tore stones away from the earth and kindled them into

stars”. Anaxagoras conceived therefore the idea of a _centrifugal_

force, as distinct from that of concentration brought about by the

motion of the vortex, and he assumed a series of projections or

“hurlings-off” of precisely the same kind as the theory of Kant and

Laplace assumed for the formation of the solar system.

In other matters than the above Anaxagoras did not make much advance

on the crude Ionian theories. “The sun is a red-hot mass or a stone on

fire.” “It is larger (or ‘many times larger’) than the Peloponnese.” He

considered that “the stars were originally carried round (laterally)

like a dome, the pole which is always visible being thus vertically

above the earth, and it was only afterwards that their course became

inclined”.

But he put forward a remarkable and original hypothesis to explain

the Milky Way. He thought the sun to be smaller than the earth.

Consequently, when the sun in its revolution passes below the earth,

the shadow cast by the earth extends without limit. The trace of this

shadow on the heavens is the Milky Way. The stars within this shadow

are not interfered with by the light of the sun, and we therefore see

them shining; those stars, on the other hand, which are outside the

shadow are overpowered by the light of the sun which shines on them

even during the night, so that we cannot see them. Aristotle easily

disposes of this theory by observing that, the sun being much larger

than the earth, and the distance of the stars from the earth being many

times greater than the distance of the sun, the sun’s shadow would form

a cone with its vertex not very far from the earth, so that the shadow

of the earth, which we call night, would not reach the stars at all.

EMPEDOCLES.

Empedocles of Agrigentum (about 494–434 B.C.) would hardly deserve

mention for his astronomy alone, so crude were his views where they

differed from those of his predecessors. The earth, according to

Empedocles, is kept in its place by the swiftness of the revolution

of the heaven, just as we may swing a cup with water in it round and

round so that in some positions the top of the cup may even be turned

downwards without the water escaping. Day and night he explained

as follows. Within the crystal sphere to which the fixed stars are

attached (as Anaximenes held), and filling it, is a sphere consisting

of two hemispheres, one of which is wholly of fire and therefore light,

while the other is a mixture of air with a little fire, which mixture

is darkness or night. The revolution of these two hemispheres round the

earth produces at each point on its surface the succession of day and

night. Empedocles held the sun to be, not fire, but a reflection of

fire similar to that which takes place from the surface of water, the

fire of a whole hemisphere of the world being bent back from the earth,

which is circular, and concentrated into the crystalline sun which is

carried round by the motion of the fiery hemisphere.

Empedocles’s one important scientific achievement was his theory

that light travels and takes time to pass from one point to another.

The theory is alluded to by Aristotle, who says that, according to

Empedocles, the light from the sun reaches the intervening space before

it reaches the eye or the earth; there was therefore a time when the

ray was not yet seen, but was being transmitted through the medium.

THE PYTHAGOREANS.

We have seen that Pythagoras was the first to give spherical form to

the earth and probably to the heavenly bodies generally, and to assign

to the planets a revolution of their own in a sense opposite to that of

the daily rotation of the fixed stars about the earth as centre.

But a much more remarkable development was to follow in the Pythagorean

school. This was nothing less than the abandonment of the geocentric

hypothesis and the reduction of the earth to the status of a planet

like the others. The resulting system, known as the Pythagorean, is

attributed (on the authority probably of Theophrastus) to Philolaus;

but Diogenes Laertius and Aëtius refer to one Hicetas of Syracuse in

this connection; Aristotle attributes the system to “the Pythagoreans”.

It is a partial anticipation of the theory of Copernicus but differs

from it in that the earth and the planets do not revolve round the sun

but about an assumed “central fire,” and the sun itself as well as the

moon does the same. There were thus eight heavenly bodies, in addition

to the sphere of the fixed stars, all revolving about the central

fire. The number of revolutions being thus increased to nine, the

Pythagoreans postulated yet another, making ten. The tenth body they

called the counter-earth, and its character and object will appear from

the following general description of the system.

The universe is spherical in shape and finite in size. Outside it is

infinite void, which enables the universe to breathe, as it were. At

the centre is the central fire, the Hearth of the Universe, called by

various names such as the Tower or Watch-tower of Zeus, the Throne

of Zeus, the Mother of the Gods. In this central fire is located the

governing principle, the force which directs the movement and activity

of the universe. The outside boundary of the sphere is an envelope

of fire; this is called Olympus, and in this region the elements are

found in all their purity; below this is the universe. In the universe

there revolve in circles round the central fire the following bodies:

nearest to the central fire the counter-earth which always accompanies

the earth, then the earth, then the moon, then the sun, next to the sun

the five planets, and last of all, outside the orbits of the planets,

the sphere of the fixed stars. The counter-earth, which accompanies

the earth but revolves in a smaller orbit, is not seen by us because

the hemisphere on which we live is turned away from the counter-earth.

It follows that our hemisphere is always turned away from the central

fire, that is, it faces outwards from the orbit towards Olympus (the

analogy of the moon which always turns one side towards us may have

suggested this); this involves a rotation of the earth about its

axis completed in the same time as it takes the earth to complete a

revolution about the central fire.

Although there was a theory that the counter-earth was introduced in

order to bring the number of the moving bodies up to ten, the perfect

number according to the Pythagoreans, it is clear from a passage of

Aristotle that this was not the real reason. Aristotle says, namely,

that the eclipses of the moon were considered to be due sometimes to

the interposition of the earth, sometimes to the interposition of the

counter-earth. Evidently therefore the purpose of the counter-earth was

to explain the frequency with which eclipses of the moon occur.

The Pythagoreans held that the earth, revolving, like one of the stars,

about the central fire, makes night and day according to its position

relatively to the sun; it is therefore day in that region which is lit

up by the sun and night in the cone formed by the earth’s shadow. As

the same hemisphere is always turned outwards, it follows that the

earth completes one revolution about the central fire in a day and

a night or in about twenty-four hours. This would account for the

apparent diurnal rotation of the heavens from east to west; but for

parallax (of which, if we may believe Aristotle, the Pythagoreans made

light), it would be equivalent to the rotation of the earth on its own

axis once in twenty-four hours. This would make the revolution of the

sphere of the fixed stars unnecessary. Yet the Pythagoreans certainly

gave some motion to the latter sphere. What it was remains a puzzle. It

cannot have been the precession of the equinoxes, for that was first

discovered by Hipparchus (second century B.C.). Perhaps there was a

real incompatibility between the two revolutions which was unnoticed by

the authors of the system.

ŒNOPIDES OF CHIOS.

Œnopides of Chios (a little younger than Anaxagoras) is credited with

two discoveries. The first, which was important, was that of the

obliquity of the zodiac circle or the ecliptic; the second was that of

a Great Year, which Œnopides put at fifty-nine years. He also (so we

are told) found the length of the year to be 365-22/59 days. He seems

to have obtained this figure by a sort of circular argument. Starting

first with 365 days as the length of a year and 29½ days as the length

of the lunar month, approximate figures known before his time, he had

to find the least integral number of complete years containing an exact

number of lunar months; this is clearly fifty-nine years, which contain

twice 365 or 730 lunar months. Œnopides seems by his knowledge of the

calendar to have determined the number of days in 730 lunar months to

be 21,557, and this number divided by fifty-nine, the number of years,

gives 365-22/59 as the number of days in the year.

PLATO.

We come now to Plato (427–347 B.C.). In the astronomy of Plato, as we

find it in the Dialogues, there is so large an admixture of myth and

poetry that it is impossible to be sure what his real views were on

certain points of detail. In the _Phædo_ we have certain statements

about the earth to the effect that it is of very large dimensions, the

apparent hollow (according to Plato) in which we live being a very

small portion of the whole, and that it is in the middle of the heaven,

in equilibrium, without any support, by virtue of the uniformity in

the substance of the heaven. In the _Republic_ we have a glimpse of a

more complete astronomical system. The outermost revolution is that of

the sphere of the fixed stars, which carries round with it the whole

universe including the sun, moon and planets; the latter seven bodies,

while they are so carried round by the general rotation, have slower

revolutions of their own in addition, one inside the other, these

revolutions being at different speeds but all in the opposite sense to

the general rotation of the universe. The quickest rotation is that

of the fixed stars and the universe, which takes place once in about

twenty-four hours. The slower speeds of the sun, moon and planets are

not absolute but relative to the sphere of the fixed stars regarded

as stationary. The earth in the centre is unmoved; the successive

revolutions about it and within the sphere of the fixed stars are

(reckoning from the earth outwards) those of the moon, the sun, Venus,

Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn; the speed of the moon is the quickest,

that of the sun the next quickest, while Venus and Mercury travel with

the sun and have the same speed, taking about a year to describe their

orbits; after these in speed comes Mars, then Jupiter and, last and

slowest of all, Saturn. There is nothing said in the _Republic_ about

the seven bodies revolving in a circle different from and inclined to

the equator of the sphere of the fixed stars; that is, the obliquity of

the ecliptic does not appear; hence the standpoint of the whole system

is that of Pythagoras as distinct from that of the Pythagoreans.

Plato’s astronomical system is, however, most fully developed in the

_Timæus_. While other details remain substantially the same, the zodiac

circle in which the sun, moon and planets revolve is distinguished from

the equator of the sphere of the fixed stars. The latter is called

the circle of the Same, the former that of the Other, and we are told

(quite correctly) that, since the revolution of the universe in the

circle of the Same carries all the other revolutions with it, the

effect on each of the seven bodies is to turn their actual motions in

space into spirals. There is a difficulty in interpreting a phrase in

Plato’s description which says that Venus and Mercury, though moving in

a circle having equal speed with the sun, “have the contrary tendency

to it”. Literally this would seem to mean that Venus and Mercury

describe their circles the opposite way to the sun, but this is so

contradicted by observation that Plato could hardly have maintained

it; hence the words have been thought to convey a vague reference to

the apparent irregularities in the motion of Venus and Mercury, their

standings-still and retrogradations.

But the most disputed point in the system is the part assigned in it

to the earth. An expression is used with regard to its relation to

the axis of the heavenly sphere which might mean either (1) that it

is wrapped or globed about that axis but without motion, or (2) that

it revolves round the axis. If the word means _revolving_ about the

axis of the sphere, the revolution would be either (_a_) rotation

about its own axis supposed to be identical with that of the sphere,

or (_b_) revolution about the axis of the heavenly sphere in the same

way that the sun, moon and planets revolve about an axis obliquely

inclined to that axis. But (_a_) if the earth rotated about its own

axis, this would make unnecessary the rotation of the sphere of the

fixed stars once in twenty-four hours, which, however, is expressly

included as part of the system. The hypothesis (_b_) would make the

system similar to the Pythagorean except that the earth would revolve

about the axis of the heavenly sphere instead of round the central

fire. The supporters of this hypothesis cite two passages of Plutarch

to the effect that Plato was said in his old age to have repented of

having given the earth the middle place in the universe instead of

placing it elsewhere and giving the middle and chiefest place to some

worthier occupant. It is a sufficient answer to this argument that,

if Plato really meant in the passage of the _Timæus_ to say that the

earth revolves about the axis of the heavenly sphere, he had nothing

to repent of. We must therefore, for our part, conclude that in his

written Dialogues Plato regarded the earth as _at rest_ in the centre

of the universe.

We have it on good authority that Plato set it as a problem to all

earnest students “to find what are the uniform and ordered movements

by the assumption of which the apparent movements of the planets can

be accounted for”. The same authority adds that Eudoxus was the first

to formulate a theory with this object; and Heraclides of Pontus

followed with an entirely new hypothesis. Both were pupils of Plato

and, in so far as the statement of his problem was a stimulus to these

speculations, he rendered an important service to the science of

astronomy.

EUDOXUS, CALLIPPUS, ARISTOTLE.

Eudoxus of Cnidos (about 408–355 B.C.) was one of the very greatest

of the Greek mathematicians. He was the discoverer and elaborator of

the great theory of proportion applicable to all magnitudes whether

commensurable or incommensurable which is given in Euclid’s Book V. He

was also the originator of the powerful _method of exhaustion_ used

by all later Greek geometers for the purpose of finding the areas of

curves and the volumes of pyramids, cones, spheres and other curved

surfaces. It is not therefore surprising that he should have invented

a remarkable geometrical hypothesis for explaining the irregular

movements of the planets. The problem was to find the necessary number

of circular motions which by their combination would produce the

motions of the planets as actually observed, and in particular the

variations in their apparent speeds, their stations and retrogradations

and their movements in latitude. This Eudoxus endeavoured to do by

combining the motions of several concentric spheres, one inside the

other, and revolving about different axes, each sphere revolving on

its own account but also being carried round bodily by the revolution

of the next sphere encircling it. We are dependent on passages from

Aristotle and Simplicius for our knowledge of Eudoxus’s system, which

he had set out in a work _On Speeds_, now lost. Eudoxus assumed three

revolving spheres for producing the apparent motions of the sun and

moon respectively, and four for that of each of the planets. In his

hypothesis for the sun he seems deliberately to have ignored the

discovery made by Meton and Euctemon some sixty or seventy years before

that the sun does not take the same time to describe the four quadrants

of its orbit between the equinoctial and solstitial points.

It should be observed that the whole hypothesis of the concentric

spheres is pure geometry, and there is no mechanics in it. We will

shortly describe the arrangement of the four spheres which by their

revolution produced the motion of a planet. The first and outermost

sphere produced the daily rotation in twenty-four hours; the second

sphere revolved about an axis perpendicular to the plane of the zodiac

or ecliptic, thereby producing the motion along the zodiac “in the

respective periods in which the planets appear to describe the zodiac

circle,” i.e. in the case of the superior planets, the sidereal periods

of revolution, and in the case of Mercury and Venus (on a geocentric

system) one year. The third sphere had its poles at two opposite points

on the zodiac circle, the poles being carried round in the motion of

the second sphere; the revolution of the third sphere about the axis

connecting the two poles was again uniform and took place in a period

equal to the synodic period of the planet, or the time elapsing between

two successive oppositions or conjunctions with the sun.

The poles of the third sphere were different for all the planets,

except that for Mercury and Venus they were the same. On the surface

of the third sphere the poles of the fourth sphere were fixed, and

its axis of revolution was inclined to that of the former at an angle

constant for each planet but different for the different planets.

The planet was fixed at a point on the equator of the fourth sphere.

The third and fourth spheres together cause the planet’s movement

in latitude. Simplicius explains clearly the effect of these two

rotations. If, he says, the planet had been on the third sphere (by

itself), it would actually have arrived at the poles of the zodiac

circle; but, as things are, the fourth sphere, which turns about the

poles of the inclined circle carrying the planet and rotates in the

opposite sense to the third, i.e. from east to west, but in the

same period, will prevent any considerable divergence on the part

of the planet from the zodiac circle, and will cause the planet to

describe about this same zodiac circle the curve called by Eudoxus

the _hippopede_ (horse-fetter), so that the breadth of this curve

will be the maximum amount of the apparent deviation of the planet in

latitude. The curve in question is an elongated figure-of-eight lying

along and bisected by the zodiac circle. The motion then round this

figure-of-eight combined with the motion in the zodiac circle produces

the acceleration and retardation of the motion of the planet, causing

the stations and retrogradations. Mathematicians will appreciate the

wonderful ingenuity and beauty of the construction.

Eudoxus spent sixteen months in Egypt about 381–380 B.C., and, while

there, he assimilated the astronomical knowledge of the priests of

Heliopolis and himself made observations. The Observatory between

Heliopolis and Cercesura used by him was still pointed out in

Augustus’s time; he also had one built at Cnidos. He wrote two books

entitled respectively the _Mirror_ and the _Phænomena_; the poem of

Aratus was, so far as verses 19–732 are concerned, drawn from the

_Phænomena_ of Eudoxus. He is also credited with the invention of the

_arachne_ (spider’s web) which, however, is alternatively attributed to

Apollonius, and which seems to have been a sun-clock of some kind.

Eudoxus’s system of concentric spheres was improved upon by Callippus

(about 370–300 B.C.), who added two more spheres for the sun and the

moon, and one more in the case of each of the three nearer planets,

Mercury, Venus and Mars. The two additional spheres in the case of

the sun were introduced in order to account for the unequal motion

of the sun in longitude; and the purpose in the case of the moon

was presumably similar. Callippus made the length of the seasons,

beginning with the vernal equinox, ninety-four, ninety-two, eighty-nine

and ninety days respectively, figures much more accurate than those

given by Euctemon a hundred years earlier, which were ninety-three,

ninety, ninety and ninety-two days respectively.

With Callippus as well as Eudoxus the system of concentric spheres

was purely geometrical. Aristotle (384–322 B.C.) thought it necessary

to alter it in a mechanical sense; he made the spheres into spherical

shells actually in contact with one another, and this made it almost

necessary, instead of having independent sets of spheres, one set for

each planet, to make all the sets part of one continuous system of

spheres. For this purpose he assumed sets of _reacting_ spheres between

successive sets of the original spheres. E.g. Saturn being carried by

a set of four spheres, he had three reacting spheres to neutralise

the last three, in order to restore the outermost sphere to act as

the first of the four spheres producing the motion of the next lower

planet, Jupiter, and so on. The change was hardly an improvement.

Aristotle’s other ideas in astronomy do not require detailed notice,

except his views about the earth. Although he held firmly to the old

belief that the earth is in the centre and remains motionless, he was

clear that its shape (like that of the stars and the universe) is

spherical, and he had arrived at views about its size sounder than

those of Plato. In support of the spherical shape of the earth he used

some good arguments based on observation. (1) In partial eclipses of

the moon the line separating the dark and bright portions is always

circular--unlike the line of demarcation in the phases of the moon

which may be straight. (2) Certain stars seen above the horizon in

Egypt and in Cyprus are not visible further north, and, on the other

hand, certain stars set there which in more northern latitudes remain

always above the horizon. As there is so perceptible a change of

horizon between places so near to each other, it follows not only that

the earth is spherical but also that it is not a very large sphere.

Aristotle adds that people are not improbably right when they say that

the region about the Pillars of Heracles is joined on to India, one sea

connecting them. He quotes a result arrived at by the mathematicians of

his time, that the circumference of the earth is 400,000 stades. He is

clear that the earth is much smaller than some of the stars, but that

the moon is smaller than the earth.

The systems of concentric spheres were not destined to hold their

ground for long. In these systems the sun, moon and planets were of

necessity always at the same distances from the earth respectively. But

it was soon recognised that they did not “save the phenomena,” since

it was seen that the planets appeared to be at one time nearer and at

another time further off. Autolycus of Pitane (who flourished about

310 B.C.) knew this and is said to have tried to explain it; indeed

it can hardly have been unknown even to the authors of the concentric

theory themselves, for Polemarchus of Cyzicus, almost contemporary

with Eudoxus, is said to have been aware of it but to have minimised

the difficulty because he preferred the hypothesis of the concentric

spheres to others.

Development along the lines of Eudoxus’s theory being thus blocked,

the alternative was open of seeing whether any modification of the

Pythagorean system would give better results. We actually have evidence

of revisions of the Pythagorean theory. The first step was to get rid

of the counter-earth, and some Pythagoreans did this by identifying

the counter-earth with the moon. We hear too of a Pythagorean system

in which the central fire was not outside the earth but in the centre

of the earth itself. The descriptions of this system rather indicate

that in it the earth was supposed to be at rest, without any rotation,

in the centre of the universe. This was practically a return to

the standpoint of Pythagoras himself. But it is clear that, if the

system of Philolaus (or Hicetas) be taken and the central fire be

transferred to the centre of the earth (the counter-earth being also

eliminated), and if the movements of the earth, sun, moon and planets

round the centre be retained without any modification save that which

is mathematically involved by the transfer of the central fire to

the centre of the earth, the daily revolution of the earth about the

central fire is necessarily transformed into a rotation of the earth

about its own axis in about twenty-four hours.

HERACLIDES OF PONTUS.

All authorities agree that the theory of the daily rotation of the

earth about its own axis was put forward by Heraclides of Pontus

(about 388–315 B.C.), a pupil of Plato; with him in some accounts

is associated the name of one Ecphantus, a Pythagorean. We are told

that Ecphantus asserted “that the earth, being in the centre of the

universe, moves about its own centre in an eastward direction,” and

that “Heraclides of Pontus and Ecphantus the Pythagorean make the earth

move, not in the sense of translation, but by way of turning as on an

axle, like a wheel, from west to east, about its own centre”.

Heraclides was born at Heraclea in Pontus. He went to Athens not later

than 364 B.C., and there met Speusippus, who introduced him into the

school of Plato. On the death of Speusippus (then at the head of the

school) in 338, Xenocrates was elected to succeed him; at this election

Heraclides was also a candidate and was only defeated by a few votes.

He was the author of dialogues, brilliant and original, on all sorts

of subjects, which were much read and imitated at Rome, e.g. by Varro

and Cicero. Two of them “On Nature” and “On the Heavens” may have dealt

with astronomy.

In his view that the earth rotates about its own axis Heraclides is

associated with Aristarchus of Samos; thus Simplicius says: “There

have been some, like Heraclides of Pontus and Aristarchus, who

supposed that the phenomena can be saved if the heaven and the stars

are at rest while the earth moves about the poles of the equinoctial

circle from the west to the east, completing one revolution each day,

approximately; the ‘approximately’ is added because of the daily motion

of the sun to the extent of one degree”.

Heraclides made another important advance towards the Copernican

hypothesis. He discovered the fact that Venus and Mercury revolve

about the sun as centre. So much is certain; but a further question

naturally arises. Having made Venus and Mercury revolve round the sun

like satellites, did Heraclides proceed to draw the same inference

with regard to the other, the superior, planets? The question is

interesting because, had it been laid down that all the five planets

alike revolve round the sun, the combination of this hypothesis with

Heraclides’s assumption that the earth rotates about its own axis

in twenty-four hours would have amounted to an anticipation of the

system of Tycho Brahe, but with the improvement of the substitution

of the daily rotation of the earth for the daily revolution of the

whole system about the earth supposed at rest. Schiaparelli dealt with

the question in two papers entitled _I precursori di Copernico nell’

antichità_ (1873), and _Origine del sistema planetario eliocentrico

presso i Greci_ (1898). Schiaparelli tried to show that Heraclides

did arrive at the conclusion that the superior planets as well as

Mercury and Venus revolve round the sun; but most persons will probably

agree that his argument is not convincing. The difficulties seem too

great. The circles described by Mercury and Venus about the sun are

relatively small circles and are entirely on one side of the earth.

But when the possibility of, say, Mars revolving about the sun came to

be considered, it would be at once obvious that the precise hypothesis

adopted for Mercury and Venus would not apply. It would be seen that

Mars is brightest when it occupies a position in the zodiac _opposite_

to the sun; it must therefore be nearest to the earth at that time.

Consequently the circle described by Mars, instead of being on one side

of the earth, must comprehend the earth which is inside it. Whereas

therefore the circles described by Mercury and Venus were what the

Greeks called _epicycles_ about a material centre, the sun (itself

moving in a circle round the earth), what was wanted in the case of

Mars (if the circle described by Mars was to have the sun for centre)

was what the Greeks called an _eccentric_ circle, with a centre which

itself moves in a circle about the earth, and with a radius greater

than that of the sun’s orbit. Though the same motion could have been

produced by an _epicycle_, the epicycle would have had to have a

mathematical point (not the material sun) as centre. But the idea of

using non-material points as centres for epicycles was probably first

thought of, at a later stage, by some of the great mathematicians such

as Apollonius of Perga (about 265–190 B.C.).

Not only does Schiaparelli maintain that the complete (but improved)

Tychonic hypothesis was put forward by Heraclides or at least in

Heraclides’s time; he goes further and makes a still greater claim on

behalf of Heraclides, namely, that it was he, and not Aristarchus of

Samos, who first stated as a possibility the Copernican hypothesis.

Now it was much to discover, as Heraclides did, that the earth rotates

about its own axis and that Mercury and Venus revolve round the sun

like satellites; and it seems _a priori_ incredible that one man should

not only have reached, and improved upon, the hypothesis of Tycho

Brahe but should _also_ have suggested the Copernican hypothesis.

It is therefore necessary to examine briefly the evidence on which

Schiaparelli relied. His argument rests entirely upon one passage, a

sentence forming part of a quotation from a summary by Geminus of the

_Meteorologica_ of Posidonius, which Simplicius copied from Alexander

Aphrodisiensis and embodied in his commentary on the _Physics_ of

Aristotle. The sentence in question, according to the reading of

the MSS., is as follows: “Hence we actually find a certain person,

Heraclides of Pontus, coming forward and saying that, even on the

assumption that the earth moves in a certain way, while the sun is in

a certain way at rest, the apparent irregularity with reference to the

sun can be saved”. (The preceding sentence is about possible answers to

the question, why do the sun, the moon and the planets appear to move

irregularly? and says, “we may answer that, if we assume that their

orbits are eccentric circles or that the stars describe an epicycle,

their apparent irregularity will be saved, and it will be necessary to

go further and examine in how many different ways it is possible for

these phenomena to be brought about”.)

Now it is impossible that Geminus himself can have spoken of an

astronomer of the distinction of Heraclides as “_a certain_ Heraclides

of Pontus”. Consequently there have been different attempts made to

emend the reading of the MSS. All the emendations proposed are open

to serious objections, and we are thrown back on the reading of the

MSS. Now it “leaps to the eyes” that, if the name of Heraclides of

Pontus is left out, everything is in order. “This is why one astronomer

has actually suggested that, by assuming the earth to move in a

certain way, and the sun to be in a certain way at rest, the apparent

irregularity with reference to the sun will be saved.” This seems to

be the solution of the puzzle suggested by the ordinary principles of

textual criticism, and is so simple and natural that it will surely

carry conviction to the minds of unbiassed persons. Geminus, in fact,

mentioned no name but meant Aristarchus of Samos, and some scholiast,

remembering that Heraclides had given a certain motion to the earth

(namely, rotation about its axis), immediately thought of Heraclides

and inserted his name in the margin, from which it afterwards crept

into the text.

It is only necessary to add that Archimedes is not likely to have

been wrong when he attributed the first suggestion of the Copernican

hypothesis to Aristarchus of Samos in express terms; and this is

confirmed by another positive statement by Aëtius, already quoted,

that “Heraclides of Pontus and Ecphantus the Pythagorean made the

earth move, _not_ in the sense of translation, but with a movement of

rotation”.

The Copernicus of Antiquity (Aristarchus of Samos) · 第 3 / 4 章