CHAPTER II.

LOCAL SURNAMES.

In well-nigh every country where personal nomenclature has assumed a

sure and settled basis, that is, where a second or surname has become an

hereditary possession in the family, we shall find that that portion of

it which is of local origin bears by far the largest proportion to the

whole. We could well proceed, therefore, to this class apart from any

other motive, but when we further reflect that it is this local class

which in the first instance became hereditary, we at once perceive an

additional claim upon our attention.

I need scarcely say at the outset that, as with all countries so with

England, prefixes of various kinds were at first freely used to declare

more particularly whence the nominee was sprung. Thus, if he were come

from some town or city he would be ‘William of York,’ or ‘John of

Bolton,’ this enclitic being familiarly pronounced ‘à,’ as ‘William a

York,’ or ‘John a Bolton.’ For instance, it is said in an old poem anent

Robin Hood—

It had been better of William a Trent

To have been abed with sorrowe;

where it simply means ‘William of Trent.’[105] This, of course, is met

in France by ‘de,’ as it was also on English soil during early Norman

times. If, on the other hand, the _situation_ only of the abode gave the

personality of the nominee, the connecting link was varied according to

the humour or caprice of the speaker, or the relative aspect of the site

itself. Thus, if we take up the old Hundred Rolls we shall find such

entries as ‘John Above-brook,’ or ‘Adelina Above-town,’ or ‘Thomas

Behind-water,’ or ‘John Beneath-the-town.’ Or take a more extended

instance, such as ‘Lane.’ We find it attached to the personal name in

such fashions as the following:—

Cecilia in the Lane.

Emma a la Lane.

John de la Lane.

John de Lane.

Mariota en le Lane.

Philippa ate Lane.

Thomas super Lane.

‘Brook,’ again, by the variety of the prefixes which I find employed,

may well be cited as a further example. We have such entries as these:—

Alice de la Broke.

Andreas ate Broke.

Peter ad le Broke.

Matilda ad Broke.

Reginald del Broke.

Richard apud Broke.

Sarra de Broke.

Reginald bihunde Broke.

These are extracts of more or less formal entries, but they serve at

least to show how it was at first a mere matter of course to put in the

enclitics that associated the personal or Christian name with that which

we call the surname. Glancing over the instances just quoted, we see

that of these definitive terms some are purely Norman, some equally

purely Latin, a few are an admixture of Norman and Latin, a common thing

in a day when the latter was the language of indenture, and the rest are

Saxon, ‘ate’ being the chief one. This ‘atte’ was ‘at the,’ answering to

the Norman ‘de la,’ ‘del,’ or ‘du,’ and was familiarly contracted by our

forefathers into the other forms of ‘ate’ and ‘att;’ or for the sake of

euphony, when a vowel preceded the name proper, extended to ‘atten.’ In

our larger and more formal Rolls these seldom occur, owing to their

being inscribed all but invariably in the Norman-French or Latin style I

have instanced above, but in the smaller abbey records, and those of a

more private interest, these Saxon prefixes are common. In the writers

of the period they are familiarly used. Thus, in the ‘Coventry

Mysteries,’ mention is made of—

Thom Tynker, and Betrys Belle,

Peyrs Potter, and Watt _at the_ Well;[106]

while ‘Piers Plowman’ represents Covetousness as saying—

For some tyme I served

Symme _atte_-Style

And was his prentice.

It may not be known to all my readers, probably not even to all those

most immediately concerned, that this ‘atte’ or ‘att’ has fared with us

in a manner similar to that of the Norman ‘du’ and ‘de la.’ It has

occasionally been incorporated with the sobriquet of locality, and thus

become a recognised part of the surname itself. Take the two names from

the two poems I have but just quoted, ‘Watt at the Well’ and ‘Symme atte

Style.’ Now we have at this present day but simple ‘Styles’ to represent

this latter, while in respect of the former we have not merely ‘Wells,’

but ‘Attwell,’ or ‘Atwell.’ These examples are not solitary ones. Thus,

such a name as ‘John atte Wood,’ or ‘Gilbert atte Wode,’ has bequeathed

us not merely the familiar ‘Wood,’ but ‘Attwood’ and ‘Atwood’ also.

‘William atte Lea,’ that is, the pasture, can boast a large posterity of

‘Leighs,’ ‘Leghs,’ and ‘Lees;’ but he is well-nigh as commonly

represented by our ‘Atlays’ and ‘Attlees.’ And not to become tedious in

illustrations, ‘atte-Borough’ is now ‘Attenborough’ or ‘Atterbury;’

‘atte-Ridge’ has become ‘Attridge,’ ‘atte-Field’ ‘Atfield;’ while such

other designations as ‘atte-Town,’ ‘atte-Hill,’ ‘atte-Water,’

‘atte-Worth,’ ‘atte-Tree,’ or ‘atte-Cliffe,’ are in this nineteenth

century of ours registered frequently as mere ‘Atton,’ ‘Athill,’

‘Atwater,’ ‘Atworth,’ ‘Attree,’ and ‘Atcliffe.’ Sometimes, however, this

prefix dropped down into the simple ‘a.’ The notorious Pinder of

Wakefield was ‘George a Green’ according to the ballads regarding Robin

Hood. ‘Thomas a Becket,’ literally, I doubt not, ‘Thomas atte

Becket’—that is, the streamlet—is but another instance from more general

history. The name is found in a more Norman dress in the Hundred Rolls,

where one ‘Wydo del Beck’t’ is set down. In the same way ‘atte-Gate’

became the jewelled ‘Agate,’ and ‘atte-More’ ‘Amore’ and the sentimental

‘Amor.’ I have said that where the name proper—_i.e._ the word of

locality—began with a vowel the letter ‘n’ was added to ‘atte’ for

purposes of euphony. It is interesting to note how this euphonic ‘n’ has

still survived when all else of the prefix has lapsed. Thus by a kind of

prosthesis our familiar ‘Noakes’ or ‘Nokes’ stands for ‘Atten-Oaks,’

that is, ‘At the Oaks.’ ‘Piers Plowman,’ in another edition from that I

have already quoted, makes Covetousness to say—

For sum tyme I served

Simme atte Noke,

And was his plight prentys,

His profit to look.

‘Nash’ is but put for ‘atten-Ash,’ or as some of our Rolls records it,

‘atte-Nash;’ ‘Nalder’ for ‘atten-Alder,’ ‘Nelmes’ for ‘atten-Elms,’

‘Nall’ for atten-Hall,’ while ‘Oven’ and ‘Orchard’ in the olden

registers are found as ‘atte-Novene’ and ‘atte-Norchard’ respectively.

That this practice, in a day of an unsettled orthography, was common, is

easily judged by the traces that may be detected in our ordinary

vocabulary of a similar habit. In the period we are considering ‘ale’

was the vulgar term for an ‘ale-house.’ We still talk of the

‘ale-stake,’ that is, the public-house sign. Thus ‘atten-ale’ got

corrupted into ‘nale.’ Chaucer, with many other writers, so uses it. In

the ‘Freres Tale’ we are told how the Sompnour—

Maken him gret festes at the nale.

An old poem, too, says—

Robin will Gilot

Leden to the nale

And sitten there togedres

And tellen their tale.

Thus our forefathers used to talk alike of ‘an ouch,’ or ‘a nouch,’ for

a jewel or setting of gold. Gower has it—

When thou hast taken any thynge

Of love’s gifte, or nouche, or rynge.

Even now, I need scarcely remind my readers, we talk of a ‘newt,’ which

is nothing but a contraction of ‘an ewt’ or ‘eft,’ and it is still a

question whether ‘nedder,’ provincially used for ‘an adder,’ was not

originally contracted in a similar manner. ‘Nale,’ or ‘Nail,’ thus

locally derived, still lives in our directories as a surname.[107]

While ‘atte’ has been unquestionably the one chief prefix to these more

familiar local terms, it is not the sole one that has left its mark. Our

‘Bywaters’ and ‘Bywoods’ are but the descendants of such mediæval folk

as ‘Elias Bi-the-water,’ or ‘Edward By-the-wode,’ and our ‘Byfords,’

‘Bytheseas,’ and ‘Bygates,’ or ‘Byatts,’ are equally clearly the

offspring of some early ancestor who dwelt beside some streamlet

shallow, or marine greensward, or woodland hatchway.

In this pursuit after individuality, however, this was not the only

method adopted. Another class of names arose from the somewhat contrary

practice of appending to the place-word a termination equally

significative of residence. This suffix was of two kinds, one ending in

‘er,’ the other in ‘man.’ Thus if the rustic householder dwelt in the

meadows, he became known among his acquaintance as ‘Robert the Fielder,’

or ‘Filder;’ if under the greenwood shade, ‘Woodyer,’ or ‘Woodyear,’ or

‘Woodman’—relics of the old ‘le Wodere’ and ‘le Wodeman;’ if by the

precincts of the sanctuary, ‘Churcher’ or ‘Churchman’ in the south of

England, or ‘Kirker’ or ‘Kirkman’ in the north; if by some priory,

‘Templer’ or ‘Templeman;’ if by the village cross, ‘Crosser,’ or

‘Crossman,’ or ‘Croucher,’ or ‘Crouchman;’ if by the bridge, ‘Bridger’

or ‘Bridgman;’ if by the brook, ‘Brooker,’ or ‘Brookman,’ or ‘Becker,’

or ‘Beckman;’ if by the well, the immortal ‘Weller,’ or ‘Welman,’ or

‘Crossweller,’ if, as was often the case, it lay beneath the roadside

crucifix; if by some particular tree, ‘Beecher,’ once written ‘le

Beechar,’ or ‘Asher,’ or ‘Hollier,’ or ‘Holleyman,’ or ‘Oker,’ and so

on.

A certain number of names of the class we are now dwelling upon have

arisen from a somewhat peculiar colloquial use of the term ‘end’ in

vogue with our Saxon forefathers. The method of its employment is still

common in Lancashire and Yorkshire. The poorer classes still speak of a

neighbour as dwelling ‘at the street end;’ they never by any chance use

the fuller phrase ‘the end of the street.’ Chaucer uses it as a familiar

mode of expression. The Friar, in the preface to his story, says

slightingly—

A Sompnour is a rener up and doun

With mandments for fornication,

And is beaten at every tounes ende.

In the ‘Persones Prologue,’ too, the same poet says—

Therewith the moons exaltation

In mene Libra, alway gan ascende

As we were entring at the thorpes ende.

How colloquial it must have been in his day we may judge from the

following list of names I have been enabled to pick up from various

records, and which I could have enlarged had I so chosen:—

John ate Bruge-ende.

Walter atte Townshende.

John de Poundesende.

Margaret ate Laneande.

William atte Streteshend.

John atte Burende.

Adam de Wodeshende.

Martin de Clyveshende.

John de la Wykhend.

William de Overende.

John de Dichende.

Thomas atte Greaveshende.

Besides these we have such a Latinized form for ‘Townsend,’ or

‘Townshend,’ as ‘Ad finem villæ,’ or ‘End’ itself without further

particularity, in such a sobriquet as ‘William atte-Nende.’[108] The

several points of the compass, too, are marked in ‘Northende,’

‘Eastende,’ and ‘Westende,’ the latter having become stereotyped in the

fashionable mouth as the quarter in which the more opulent portion of

the town reside, whether its aspect be towards the setting sun or the

reverse—but an exaggeration of this kind is a mere trifle where fashion

is concerned.

But these Saxon compounded names, numerous as they are, are but few in

comparison with the simple locative itself, without prefix, without

desinence, ‘Geoffrey atte Style,’ ‘Roger atte Lane,’ ‘Walter atte

Water,’ ‘Thomas atte Brooke;’ or in the more Norman fashion of many of

our rolls, ‘John de la Ford,’ ‘Robert del Holme,’ ‘Richard de la Field,’

‘Alice de la Strete:’ all these might linger for awhile, but in the end,

as we might foresee, as well in the mouths of men as later on in the

pages of our registers, they became simple ‘Geoffrey Styles’ and ‘Roger

Lane,’ ‘Walter Waters’ and ‘Thomas Brookes,’ ‘John Ford’ and ‘Robert

Holmes,’ ‘Alice Street’ and ‘Richard Field.’ Here, then, is an endless

source of surnames to our hands. Here is the spring from which have

issued those local sobriquets which preponderate so largely over those

of every other class. To analyse all these were impossible, and the task

of selection is little less difficult. But we may give the preference to

such leading provincialisms as are embodied in our personal

nomenclature, or to such terms as by their existence there betoken that,

though not now, yet they did then occupy a place in the vocabulary of

every-day converse. For it is wonderful how numberless are the local

words, now obsolete saving for our registers, which were used in

ordinary talk not more than five hundred years ago. That many of them

have been thus rescued from oblivion by our hereditary nomenclature is

due no doubt to the fact that the period of the formation of the latter

is that also during which our tongue was settling down into that

composite form of Saxon and Norman in which we now have it, and which in

spite of losses in consequence, in spite of here and there a noble word

crushed out, has given our English language its pliancy and suppleness,

its strengths and shades.

We have mentioned ‘de la Woode’ and Attewoode.’ ‘De la Hirst’ is exactly

similar—its compounds equally numerous. The pasture beside it is

‘Hursley’—if filberts abound it is ‘Hazlehurst;’ if ashes, ‘Ashurst;’ if

lindens or linds, ‘Lyndhurst;’ if elms, ‘Elmhurst.’ If hawks frequented

it we find it styled ‘Hawkhurst;’ if goats, ‘Goathirst;’ if badgers or

brocks, ‘Brocklehurst;’ if deer, ‘Dewhurst’ (spelt Duerhurst, 1375). The

‘holt’ was less in size, being merely a coppice or small thicket.

Chaucer speaks of ‘holtes and hayes.’ ‘De la Holt’ is of frequent

occurrence in our early rolls. Our ‘Cockshots’ are but the ‘cocksholt,’

the liquid letter being elided as in ‘Aldershot,’ ‘Oakshot,’[109] and

‘Bagshot,’ or badgers’ holt. A ‘shaw’ or ‘schaw’ was a small woody shade

or covert. An old manuscript says:—

In somer when the shawes be sheyne,

And leves be large and long,

It is fulle mery in feyre foreste

To here the foulys song.

As a shelter for game and the wilder animals, it is found in such

compounds as ‘Bagshaw,’ the badger being evidently common; ‘Hindshaw,’

‘Ramshaw,’ ‘Hogshaw,’[110] ‘Cockshaw,’ ‘Henshaw,’ and ‘Earnshaw.’ The

occurrence of such names as ‘Shallcross’ and ‘Shawcross,’ ‘Henshall’ and

‘Henshaw,’ and ‘Kersall’ and ‘Kershaw,’ would lead us to imagine that

this word too has been somewhat corrupted. Other descriptive compounds

are found in ‘Birkenshaw,’ or ‘Denshaw,’ or ‘Bradshaw,’ or ‘Langshaw,’

or ‘Openshaw.’ As for ‘Shaw’ simple, every county in England has it

locally, and every directory surnominally. Such a name as ‘Richard de la

Frith’ or ‘George ate Frith’ carries us at once to the woodland copses

that underlay our steeper mountain-sides—they represented the wider and

more wooded valleys in fact. We find the term lingering locally in such

a name as ‘Chapel-en-le-frith’ in the Peak of Derbyshire. The usual

alliterative expression of early days was ‘by frith and fell.’ We have

it varied in an old poem of the fourteenth century:—

The Duke of Braband first of all

Swore, for thing that might befall,

That he should both day and night

Help Sir Edward in his right,

In town, in field, in frith and fen.

Our ‘Friths’ are by no means in danger of obsoletism, to judge by our

directories—and they are a pleasant memorial of a term which was once in

familiar use as expressive of some of the most picturesque portions of

English scenery. Such a name as ‘De la Dene’ or ‘Atte Den,’ of frequent

occurrence formerly, and as ‘Dean’ or ‘Den’ equally familiar now, is

worthy of particularity. A den was a sunken and wooded vale, where

cattle might find alike covert and pasture. Thus it is that we are

accustomed to speak of a den in connexion with animal life, in such

phrases as a ‘den of lions’ or a ‘den of thieves.’ See how early this

notion sprang. We have a remembrance of the brock in ‘Brogden,’ the wolf

in ‘Wolfenden,’ the fox in ‘Foxden,’ the ram in ‘Ramsden,’ the hare in

‘Harden,’ and the deer in ‘Dearden,’[111] ‘Buckden’ or ‘Bugden,’

‘Rayden’ and ‘Roden,’ or ‘Rowden.’ The more domesticated animals abide

with us in ‘Horsden,’ ‘Oxenden,’ and ‘Cowden,’ ‘Lambden,’ or ‘Lamden,’

‘Borden,’ and ‘Sugden,’ or ‘Sowden;’ ‘Swinden,’ ‘Eversden,’ and ‘Ogden,’

at first written ‘de Hogdene.’ With regard especially to this latter

class it is that our ‘Court of Dens’ arose, which till late years

settled all disputes relative to forest pannage. The dweller therein,

engaged probably in the tendance of such cattle as I have mentioned

last, was the ‘Denyer’ or ‘Denman,’ both surnames still living in our

midst. While the _den_ was given up mainly to swine, the _ley_[112]

afforded shelter to all manner of domestic livestock, not to mention,

however, some few of the wilder quarry. The equine species has given to

us ‘Horsley;’ the bovine, ‘Cowley,’ ‘Kinley,’ and ‘Oxlee’ or ‘Oxley;’

the deer, ‘Hartley,’ ‘Rowley,’ ‘Buckley,’ and ‘Hindley;’ the fox,

‘Foxley;’[113] the hare, ‘Harley,’ and even the sheep, though generally

driven to the scantier pastures of the rocks and steeps, has left us in

‘Shipley’ a trace of its footprint in the deeper and more sheltered

glades. Characteristic of the trees which enclosed it, we get ‘Ashley,’

‘Elmsley,’ ‘Oakley,’ ‘Lindley,’ or ‘Berkeley.’ Of the name simple we

have endless forms; those of ‘Lee,’ ‘Legh,’ ‘Lea,’ ‘Lees,’ ‘Laye,’ and

‘Leigh’[114] being the most familiar. In the old rolls their ancestors

figure in an equal variety of dresses, for we may at once light upon

such names as ‘Emma de la Leye,’ or ‘Richard de la Legh,’ or ‘Robert de

la Lee,’ or ‘William de la Lea,’ or ‘Petronilla de la Le.’ Our ‘Atlays’

and ‘Atlees,’ as I have already said, are but the more Saxon ‘Atte Lee.’

In some of these surnames we can trace the early cuttings amongst the

thickly wooded districts where the larger wealds were situated. Our

‘Royds,’ or ‘Rodds,’ or ‘Rodes,’ all hail from some spot _ridded_ of

waste wood. Compounds may be found in our ‘Huntroyds,’ that is, the

clearing for the chase; ‘Holroyds,’ that is, the holly-clearing; and

‘Acroyds,’ that is, the oak-clearing, the term ‘acorn,’ that is,

‘oak-corn,’ and such local names as ‘Acton’ or ‘Acland,’ reminding us of

this the older spelling; ‘Ormerod,’ again, is but Ormes-clearing—Orme

being, as we have already shown, a common Saxon personal name. Our

‘Greaves’ and ‘Graves’ and ‘Groves,’ descendants of the ‘de la Groves’

and ‘Atte Groves’ of early rolls, not to mention the more personal

‘Grover’ and ‘Graver,’ convey the same idea. A ‘Greave’ was a woodland

avenue, graved or cut out of the forest. Fairfax speaks of the—

Wind in holts and shady greaves.

’Tis true we only ‘grave’ in stone now, but it was not always so. Thus

in the ‘Legend of Good Women’ mention is made of—

A little herber that I have

That benched was on turves fresh ygrave.

We still call the last resting-place of the dead in our churchyards a

_grave_, though dug from the soil. I have already mentioned ‘de la

Graveshend’ occurring as a surname. Our ‘Hargreaves’ hail from the grove

where the hares are plentiful; our ‘Congreves’ representing the same in

the coney. Our ‘Greeves’ we shall have occasion in another chapter to

show belong to another and more occupative class of surnames. Our

‘Thwaites,’ too, belong to this category. Locally the term is confined

to Cumberland and the north, where the Norwegians left it. It is exactly

equivalent to ‘field,’ a _felled_ place, or woodland clearing. The

compounds formed from it are too numerous to wade through. Amongst

others, however, we have, as denotive of the substances ridded,

‘Thornthwaite,’ ‘Limethwaite,’ ‘Rownthwaite,’ and ‘Hawthornthwaite;’ of

peculiarity in position or shape, ‘Brathwaite’ (broad), and

‘Micklethwaite;’ of contents, ‘Thistlethwaite,’ ‘Cornthwaite,’ and

‘Crossthwaite.’ The very dress of the majority of these compounds

testifies to the northern origin of the root-word.

Our ‘Slade’ represents the ‘de la Slades’ of the Hundred Rolls. A slade

was a small strip of green plain within a woodland. One of the

numberless rhymes concerning Robin Hood says—

It had been better of William a Trent

To have been abed with sorrowe,

Than to be that day in the greenwood slade

To meet with Little John’s arrowe.

Its nature is still more characterised in ‘Robert de Greneslade,’ that

is, the green-slade; ‘William de la Morslade,’ the moorland-slade;

‘Richard de Wytslade,’ the white-slade; ‘Michael de Ocslade,’ the

oak-slade, and ‘William de Waldeslade,’[115] the forest-slade (weald);

‘Sladen,’ that is, slade-den, implies a woodland hollow. As a local term

there is a little difference betwixt it and ‘launde,’ only the latter

has no suspicion of indenture about it. A launde was a pretty and rich

piece of grassy sward in the heart of a forest, what we should now call

an open wood, in fact. Thus it is we term the space in our gardens

within the surrounding shrubberies _lawns_. Chaucer says of Theseus on

hunting bent—

To the _launde_ he rideth him ful right

There was the hart wont to have his flight.

In the ‘Morte Arthur,’ too, we are told of hunting—

At the hartes in these hye _laundes_.

This is the source of more surnames than we might imagine. Hence are

sprung our ‘Launds,’ ‘Lands,’ ‘Lowndes,’ ‘Landers,’ in many cases, and

our obsolete ‘Landmans.’ The forms, as at first met with, are equally

varied. We have ‘atte-Lond,’ ‘de la Laund,’ and ‘de la Lande,’ while the

origin of our ‘Lunds’ shows itself in ‘de la Lund.’ ‘De la Holme’ still

flourishes in our ‘Holmes,’ while the more personal form is found in our

‘Holmers’ and ‘Holmans.’ An holm was a flat meadow-land lying within the

windings of some valley stream. Our ‘Platts,’ found in such an entry as

‘Robert del Plat,’ are similarly sprung, but in the ‘plat’ there was

less thought of general surroundings. As an adjective it was in common

use formerly. For instance, in the ‘Romaunt of the Rose,’ when the God

of Love had shot his arrow, it is said—

When I was hurte thus in stound

I fell down plat unto the ground.

Our ‘Knowles,’ ‘Knowlers,’ and ‘Knowlmans’ carry us to the gently rising

slopes in the woods, grassy and free of timber, the old form of the

first being ‘de la Cnolle’ or ‘atte Knolle.’ Our ‘Lynches,’ once written

‘de Linches,’ I should surmise, are but a dress of the still familiar

_link_ across our northern border—the flatland running by the river and

sea-coast, while our ‘Kays’ (when not the old British ‘Kay’) represent

the more artificial ‘quay,’ reminding us of the knitting together of

beam and stone. It is but the same word as we apply to locks, the idea

of both being that of securing or fastening.

Though it is to the more open plains and woodlands we must look for the

majority of our place-names, nevertheless, looking up our steeps and

into the fissures of the hills, we may see that every feature in the

landscape has its memorial in our nomenclature. ‘De la Hill’ needs no

remark. ‘De la Helle’ and ‘atte Helle’ are somewhat less pleasant to

look upon, but they are only another form of the same. ‘De la Hulle,’

again, is but a third setting of the same. Gower says—

Upon the hulles hyhe

Of Othrin and Olympe also,

And eke of three hulles mo

She fond and gadreth herbes sweet.

‘Mountain’ is the ‘de la Montaigne’ of the twelfth century, but of

course of Norman introduction. This sobriquet reminds us of the story

told of a certain Dr. Mountain, chaplain to Charles II., who, when the

king asked him if he could recommend him a suitable man for a vacant

bishopric, is reported to have answered, ‘Sire, if you had but the faith

of a grain of mustard seed, the matter could be settled at once.’ ‘How?’

inquired the astonished monarch. ‘Why, my liege, you could then say unto

this _mountain_ (smiting his own breast), “be thou removed to that

_see_,” and it should be done.’[116] Our ‘Cloughs’ represent the narrow

fissures betwixt the hills. From the same root we owe our ‘Clives’ (the

‘de la Clive’ of the Hundred Rolls), ‘Cliffes,’ ‘Cleves,’ and ‘Clowes,’

not to mention our endless ‘Cliffords,’ ‘Cliftons,’ ‘Clifdens,’

‘Cliveleys,’ ‘Clevelands,’ ‘Tunnicliffes,’ ‘Sutcliffes,’

‘Nethercliffes,’ ‘Topliffs,’ ‘Ratcliffes,’ or ‘Redcliffes,’

‘Faircloughs,’ and ‘Stonecloughs.’ Any prominence of rock or earth was a

‘cop,’ or ‘cope,’ from the Saxon ‘cop,’ a head.[117] Chaucer talks of

the ‘cop of the nose.’ In Wicklyffe’s version of Luke iv. 29, it says,

‘And thei risen up and droven him out withouten the cytee, and ledden

him to the coppe of the hill on which their cytee was bilded to cast him

down.’ We still talk of a _coping_-stone. Hence, from its local use, we

have derived our ‘Copes’ and ‘Copps,’ ‘Copleys’ and ‘Copelands,’ and

‘Copestakes.’ From ‘cob,’ which is but another form of the same word, we

get our ‘Cobbs,’ Cobhams,’ ‘Cobwells,’ ‘Cobdens,’ and ‘Cobleys.’ Thus,

to consult the Parliamentary Writs alone, we find such entries as

‘Robert de Cobbe,’ ‘Reginald de Cobeham,’ ‘John de Cobwell,’ or ‘Godfrey

de Coppden.’ As a cant term for a rich or prominent man ‘cob’ is found

in many of our later writers, and ‘cobby’ more early implied a

headstrong nature. Another term in use for a local prominence was

‘ness,’ or ‘naze.’ ‘Roger atte Ness’ occurs in the thirteenth century;

and ‘Longness’ and ‘Thickness’ and ‘Redness’ are but compounds, unless,

as is quite possible, they be from the same root in its more personal

relationship to the human face, the word _nose_ being familiarly so

pronounced at this time. Our ‘Downs’ and ‘Dunns,’ when not sprung from

‘le Dun,’ are but descendants of the old ‘de la Dune,’ of the hilly

slopes; our ‘Combs’ and ‘Combes’ representing the ‘de la Cumbe’ of the

ridgy hollows, or ‘cup-shaped depressions’ of the higher hillsides, as

Mr. Taylor happily expresses it. It is thus we get our terms

‘honeycomb,’ ‘cockscomb,’ ‘haircomb,’ &c. Few terms have connected

themselves so much as this with the local nomenclature of our land, and

few have made themselves so conspicuous in our directories. The writer I

have just mentioned quotes a Cumberland poet, who says—

There’s Cumwhitton, Cumwhinton, Cumranton,

Cumrangan, Cumrew, and Cumcatch,

And mony mair Cums i’ the County,

But nin wi’ Cumdivock can match.

Of those compounds which have become surnames we cannot possibly recite

all, but among the more common are ‘Thorncombe’ and ‘Broadcombe,’

‘Newcombe’ and ‘Morcombe,’ ‘Lipscombe’ and ‘Woolcombe,’ ‘Withecombe’ and

‘Buddicom,’ and ‘Slocombe.’ We have already mentioned ‘Amore.’ The

simple ‘More,’ or ‘Moore,’ is very familiar; ‘atte Mor,’ or ‘de la

More,’ being the older forms. This has ever been a favourite name for

punning rhymes. In the ‘Book of Days,’ several plays of this kind have

been preserved. When Dr. Manners Sutton[118] succeeded Dr. Moore in the

Archiepiscopal chair of Canterbury, the following lines were written:—

What say you?—the archbishop’s dead?

A loss, indeed! Oh, on his head

May Heaven its blessings pour!

But if with such a heart and mind,

In _Manners_ we his equal find,

Why should we wish for _More_?

When Sir Thomas More was Chancellor, it is said, his great attention to

his duties caused all litigation to come to an end in the Court of

Chancery. The following epigram bearing upon this fact was written:—

When More some years had Chancellor been,

No more suits did remain;

The same shall never more be seen

Till _More_ be there again.

Our ‘Heaths’ explain themselves, but our ‘Heths,’ though the same, and

from the first found as ‘atte Heth,’ are not so transparent. Some might

be tempted to set them down in a more Israelitish category as

descendants of the ‘children of Heth,’ but such is not the case.

Somewhat similar to ‘Cope,’ mentioned above, was ‘Knop’ or ‘Knap’—a

summit.[119] Any protuberance, whatever it might be, was with our old

writers a ‘_knop_.’[120] Rose-buds and buttons alike, with Chaucer, are

‘_knops_’:—

Among the knops I chose one

So fair, that of the remnant none

Ne praise I halfe so wel as it.

North in his Plutarch says, ‘And both these rivers turning in one,

carrying a swift streame, doe make the knappe of the said hill very

strong of its situation to lodge a camp upon.’ To our hilltops, then, it

is we owe our ‘Knaps,’ ‘Knappers,’ ‘Knapmans,’ ‘Knopps,’ ‘Knopes,’

‘Knabwells,’ and ‘Knaptons.’ Our ‘Howes’ represent the smaller hills,

while still less prominent would be the abodes of our early

‘Lawes,’[121] and ‘Lowes,’ or ‘de la Lawe’ and ‘de la Lowe,’ as they are

found in the Hundred Rolls. Our ‘Shores’ need no explanation, but our

‘Overs’ are less known. An old poem, quoted by Mr. Halliwell, says:—

She come out of Sexlonde,

And rived here at Dovere,

That stondes upon the sees overe.

It seems to have been used generally to denote the flat-lands that lay

about the sea-coast or rivers generally—what we should call in Scotland

the links. I have already mentioned our ‘Overends’ as similar to our

‘Townsends;’ ‘Overman’ doubtless is but the more personal form of the

same.[122]

Coming gradually to more definite traces of human habitation, we may

mention some of our tree names. Of several, such as ‘Nash,’ and

‘Nalder,’ and ‘Nokes,’ we have already spoken. Such a name as ‘Henry

atte Beeche,’ or ‘Walter de la Lind,’ or ‘Richard atte Ok,’ now found as

simple ‘Beech,’ and ‘Lind,’ and ‘Oake,’ reminds us that we are not

without further obligations to the tree world. Settling by or under the

shade of some gigantic elm or oak, a sobriquet of this kind would be

perfectly natural. As our ‘Lyndhursts’ and ‘Lindleys’ prove, ‘lind’ was

once familiarly used for our now fuller ‘linden.’ Piers Plowman says:—

Blisse of the briddes

Broughte me aslepe,

And under a lynde

Upon a launde

Leaned I.

Were the Malvern dreamer describing poetically the birth and the origin

of the future Swedish nightingale who four hundred years afterwards was

to entrance the world with her song, he could not have been more happy

in his expression. Our ‘Ashes’ and ‘Birches,’ once ‘de la Byrche,’ need

little remark, but ‘Birks,’ the harder form of the latter, is not so

familiar, though it is still preserved in such names as ‘Birkenhead,’ or

‘Birkenshaw,’ or ‘Berkeley.’ A small group of trees would be equally

perspicuous. Thus have arisen our ‘Twelvetrees,’ and ‘Fiveashes,’ and

‘Snooks,’ a mere corruption of the Kentish ‘Sevenoaks.’ Mr. Lower

mentions ‘Quatrefages,’ that is, ‘four beeches,’ as a corresponding

instance in French nomenclature.[123]

A common object in the country lane or by-path would be the gate or

hatch that ran across the road to confine the deer. The old

provincialism for this was ‘yate.’ We are told of Griselda in the

‘Clerkes Tale’ that—

With glad chere to the yate

she is gone

To grete the markisesse;

and Piers Plowman says our Lord came in through

Both dore and yates

To Peter and to these apostles.[124]

Our ‘Yates,’ written once ‘Atte Yate,’ by their numbers can bear

testimony to the familiarity with which this expression was once used.

‘Byatt’ I have just shown to be the same as ‘Bygate,’ and ‘Woodyat’ is

but equivalent to ‘Woodgate.’ Other compounds are found in the old

registers. In the ‘Placitorum’ of the thirteenth century, for instance,

we light upon a ‘Christiana atte Chircheyate,’ and a ‘John atte

Foldyate;’ while in the Hundred Rolls of the same period we find a

‘Walter atte Lideyate,’ now familiarly known to us as ‘Lidgate.’ Our

‘Hatchs,’ once enrolled as ‘de la Hache,’ like our before-mentioned

‘Hatchers’ and ‘Hatchmans,’ represented the simple bar that ran athwart

the woodland pathway. We still call the upper-deck with its crossbars

the hatches, and a weir is yet with the country folk a hatch. Chaucer

speaks of—

Lurking in hernes and in lanes blinde.

Any nook or corner of land was with our forefathers a ‘hearne,’ and as

‘en le Herne’ or ‘atte Hurne’ the surname is frequently found in the

thirteenth century.[125] ‘De la Corner’ is, of course, but a synonymous

term. A passage betwixt two houses, or a narrow defile between two

hillsides, was a ‘gore,’ akin, we may safely say, to ‘gorge.’ Our

‘Gores,’ as descendants of the old ‘de la Gore,’ are thus explained. ‘De

la Goreway,’ which once existed, is now, I believe, obsolete. One of the

most fertile roots of nomenclature was the simple roadside ‘cross’ or

‘crouch,’ the latter old English form still lingering in our ‘crutched’

or ‘crouched Friars.’ Langland describes a pilgrim as having ‘many a

crouche on his cloke;’ _i.e._ many a mark of the cross embroidered

thereon. A dweller by one of these wayside crucifixes would easily get

the sobriquet therefrom, and thus we find ‘atte Crouch’ to be of early

occurrence. Our ‘Crouchmans’ and ‘Crouchers’ I have already mentioned. A

‘Richard Crocheman’ is found in the Hundred Rolls, and a ‘William

Croucheman’ in another entry of the same period. As for the simpler

‘Cross,’ once written ‘atte Cross,’ it is to be met with everywhere.

‘Crosier’ and ‘Crozier’ I shall, in my next chapter, show to be official

rather than local; so we may pass them by for the present. The more

Saxon ‘Rood’ or ‘Rudd’ is not without its representatives. ‘Margery atte

Rudde’ is found in the ‘Placitorum,’ and our ‘Rudders’ and ‘Ruddimans,’

I doubt not, stand for the more directly personal form. Talking of

crosses, we may mention, in passing, our ‘Bellhouses,’ not unfrequently

found as ‘atte Belhus’ or ‘de la Belhuse.’ The founder of this name

dwelt in the small domicile attached to the monastic pile, and, no

doubt, had for his care the striking of the innumerable calls to the

supply of either the bodily or spiritual wants of those within. Our

‘Bellows,’ I believe, are but a modification of this. The last syllable

has undergone a similar change in several other instances. Thus the form

‘del Hellus’ was but ‘Hill-house,’ ‘Woodus’ is but the old ‘de la

Wodehouse,’ ‘Stannus’ but ‘Stanehouse’ or ‘Stonehouse,’ ‘Malthus’ but

‘Malthouse,’ and ‘Bacchus’ is found originally as ‘del Bakehouse.’[126]

The old ‘Atte Grene,’ a name familiar enough without the prefix, may be

set beside our ‘Plastows,’ relics of the ‘Atte Pleistowe’ or ‘de la

Pleystowe’ of the period we are considering. The ‘play-stowe’ (that is,

‘playground’) seems to have been the general term in olden days for the

open piece of greensward near the centre of the village where the

may-pole stood, and where all the sports at holiday times and wake tides

were carried on.[127] Our ‘Meads’ or ‘Meddes’ hail from the ‘meadow,’ or

‘mead.’ ‘Ate Med’ is the early form.[128]

A ‘croft’ was an enclosed field for pasture. Besides ‘Croft’ it has

given us ‘Meadowcroft,’ ‘Ryecroft,’ ‘Bancroft’ (that is, _bean-croft_),

‘Berecroft’ (that is, _barley-croft_), and ‘Haycraft’ (that is,

_hedged-croft_). It seems, however, to have been freely used, also, in

the sense of garth or yard, the enclosure in which, or by which, the

house stood. Thus, in the ‘Townley Mysteries,’ Satan is represented as

calling to the depraved and vile, and saying—

Come to my crofte alle ye.

With the humour of the period, which was ever largely intermingled in

even the most sacred themes, one of the characters, acting as a demon,

replies—

Souls come so thyk now late unto hell

As ever

Our porter at hell-gate

Is holden so strait,

Up early and downe late,

He rests never.

There is little distinction to be drawn between ‘garth’ and ‘yard’ in

the North of England, and in reality there ought to be none. Such names,

however, as ‘Nicholas de Apelyerd,’ or ‘Robert del Apelgarth,’ or

‘Richard atte Orcheyerd,’ the descendants of whom are still in our

midst, bespeak a former familiarity of usage which we cannot find now.

We have just mentioned ‘Haycraft.’ This reminds us of our ‘Hayes.’

Chaucer, in his ‘Troilus,’ says—

But right so as these holtes and these hayes,

That han in winter dead been and dry,

Revesten them in grene when that May is,

When every lusty beast listeth to pley.

A ‘hay’ was nothing but a ‘hedge.’ In the Hundred Rolls we find such

names occurring as ‘Margery de la Haye’ or ‘Roger de la Hagh,’ or in a

compounded form ‘Richard de la Woodhaye,’ or ‘Robert de Brodheye.’ Of

the simple root the forms most common now are ‘Hay,’ ‘Hayes,’ ‘Haighs,’

‘Haigs,’ and ‘Hawes.’ The composite forms are endless. ‘Roundhay’

explains itself. ‘Lyndsay’ I find spelt at this period as ‘Lyndshay,’ so

that it is not the islet whereon the lind or linden grows, but the hedge

of these shrubs. Besides these we have ‘Haywood’ or ‘Heywood,’ ‘Hayland’

and ‘Hayley.’ From the form ‘hawe,’ mentioned above, we have our

‘Hawleys,’ ‘Haworths,’ and ‘Hawtons,’ or ‘Haughtons,’ and probably the

longest name in the directory, that of ‘Featherstonehaugh.’ We still

talk of the _haw_-thorn and haw-haw. Chaucer uses the term for a

farmyard or garth—

And eke there was a polkat in his hawe

That, as he sayd, his capons had yslawe.

This at once explains such a name as ‘Peter in le Hawe’ found in the

Hundred Rolls. But Chaucer has a prettier use of it than this, a use

still abiding in our ‘Churchays,’ relics of the mediæval ‘de

Chirchehay.’ He speaks twice of the ‘Churchhawe,’ or graveyard. How

pretty it is! almost as pretty as its Saxon synonym ‘Godsacre,’ only

that is more endeared to us, inasmuch as since the acre always denoted

the sowed land (Latin ‘ager’), so it whispers to us hopefully of the

great harvest-tide to come when the seed thus sown in corruption shall

be raised an incorruptible body. Our ‘Goodacres’ are doubtless thus

derived—and with such names as ‘Acreman’ or ‘Akerman,’ ‘Oldacre’ or

‘Oddiker,’ ‘Longacre’ and ‘Whittaker’ (or ‘Whytacre’ or ‘Witacre,’ as I

find it in the thirteenth century), help to remind us how in early days

an acre denoted less a fixed measure of land than soil itself that lay

under the plough. But this by the way. I have just mentioned ‘Hayworth.’

A name like ‘William de la Worth’ (H.R.) represented our ‘Worths’ in the

thirteenth century. Properly speaking, any sufficiently _warded_

place—it had come to denote a small farmstead at the time the surname

arose. ‘Charlesworth’ is the ‘churl’s worth,’ the familiar metamorphosis

of this name being identical with that of the astronomic ‘Charles Wain,’

and with such place-names as ‘Charle-wood,’ ‘Charlton,’ ‘Carlton,’ and

‘Charley.’ Our various ‘Unsworths,’ ‘Ainsworths,’ ‘Whitworths,’

‘Langworthys,’ ‘Kenworthys,’ ‘Wortleys,’ and others of this class are

familiar to us all. Surnames like ‘Roger de la Grange,’ or ‘Geoffrey de

la Grange,’ or ‘John le Granger,’[129] remind us that _grange_ also was

commonly used at this time for a farmstead, it being in reality nothing

more than our _granary_.[130] Piers Plowman portrays the good Samaritan

thus—

His wounds he washed,

Enbawmed hym, and bound his head,

And ledde hym forth on ‘Lyard’

To ‘lex Christi,’ a graunge

Wel sixe mile or sevene

Beside the newe market.

Our ‘Barnes,’ I need not say, are of similar origin. The Celtic ‘booth,’

a frail tenement of ‘boughs,’ whose temporary character our Biblical

account of the Israelitish wanderings so well helps to preserve, has

given birth to our ‘Booths’ and ‘Boothmans,’ once written ‘de la Bothe’

and ‘Botheman.’ They may possibly have kept the stall at the fair or

market. Comparisons we know are ever odious, but set beside the more

Saxon ‘Steads’ and ‘Steadmans’ the former inevitably suffer. The very

names of these latter betray to us the well-nigh best characteristics of

the race whence they are sprung. To be _steady_ and _sted_fast are its

best and most inherent qualities—qualities which, added to the dash and

spirit of the Norman, have given the position England to-day occupies

among the nations of the world. Our ‘Bowers’ and ‘Bowermans,’ when not

occupied in the bowyer’s or bower’s craft, represent the earlier ‘de la

Bore’ or ‘atte Bore,’ and have taken their origin from the old ‘bower,’

the rustics’ abode. It is the same word whence has sprung our bucolic

‘boor.’ An old English term for a house or mansion was ‘bold,’ that

which was _built_. The old ‘De la Bolde,’ therefore, will in many cases

be the origination of our ‘Bolds.’ Our ‘Halls’ explain themselves, but

the older form of ‘Hale’ (once ‘atte Hale’ or ‘de la Hale’) is not so

easily traceable. ‘De la Sale,’ sometimes also found as ‘de la Saule,’

was the Norman synonym of the same.

Soon they sembled in sale,

Both kynge and cardinale,

says an old writer. ‘Sale’ and ‘Saul’ are still extant. Names still more

curious than these are those taken, not from the residence itself, but

from particular rooms in such residence. They are doubtless the result

of the feudal system, which, with its formal list of house officers and

attendants, required the presence of at least one in each separate

chamber. Hence the Norman-introduced _parlour_, that is, the speaking or

reception room, gave us ‘Henry del Parlour,’ or ‘Richard ate Parlour;’

the kitchen, ‘Geoffrey atte Kitchen,’ or ‘Richard del Kechen;’ or the

pantry ‘John de la Panetrie,’ or ‘Henry de la Panetrie.’ But I shall

have occasion to speak more fully of this by-and-by, so I will say no

more here.

There is a pretty word which has been restored from an undeserved

oblivion within the last few years by Mr. Tennyson, in his ‘Brook,’ as

an idyll perhaps the distinctly finest thing of its kind in the English

language. The word referred to is ‘thorpe,’ a village, pronounced

‘throp’ or ‘trop’ by our forefathers. Thus in the ‘Clerkes Tale’ we are

told—

Nought far fro this palace honorable,

There stood a thorpe of sight delitable,

In which the poor folk of that village

Hadden their bestes and their harborage;

while in the ‘Assembly of Fowls’ mention is prettily made of

The tame ruddocke and the coward kite,

The cock, that horiloge is of thorpes lite.

This diversity is well exemplified in our nomenclature. Thus the term in

its simple form is found in such entries as ‘Adam de Thorpe,’ or ‘Simon

de Throp,’ or ‘Ralph de Trop,’ all of which are to be met with in the

one same register; while compounded with other words, we are all

familiar with such surnames as ‘Gawthorpe,’ ‘Winthrop,’ ‘Hartrop,’

‘Denthorp,’ ‘Buckthorp,’ ‘Fridaythorp,’ ‘Conythorp,’ ‘Calthrop,’ or

‘Westropp.’ Our ‘Thrupps,’ too, we must not forget as but another

corrupted form of the same root.

There are two words whose sense has become so enlarged and whose

importance among English local terms has become so great that we cannot

but give them a place by themselves. They are those of ‘town’ and

‘borough.’ Such registered names as ‘William de la Towne’ or ‘Ralph de

la Tune,’ now found as ‘Town’ and ‘Tune,’ represent the former in its

primeval sense. The term is still used in Scotland, as it was used here

some generations ago, to denote a farm and all its surrounding

enclosures. In Wicklyffe’s Bible, where we read ‘and went their ways,

one to his farm, another to his merchandize,’ it is ‘one into his toun.’

In the story of the Prodigal Son, too, it is similarly employed—‘And he

wente and drough him to one of the cyteseynes of that cuntre, and he

sente him into his toun to feed swyn.’ Let me quote Chaucer also to the

same effect—

Whan I out of the door came,

I fast about me beheld,

Then saw I but a large field,

As farre as ever I might see,

Without toune, house, or tree.

It is thus a name I have already mentioned, ‘de la Townshende,’ the

parent of our ‘Townsends,’ ‘Townshends,’ and ‘Townends,’ has arisen.

Another entry, that of ‘Robert Withouten-town,’ has, as we might have

expected, left no issue. Such names as ‘Adam de la Bury,’ or ‘Walter

atte Bure,’ or ‘John atte Burende’ (the latter now extinct, I fear),

open out to us a still larger mass of existing nomenclature. The

manorial residence is still in many parts of England, with the country

folk, the ‘bury.’ To this or ‘borough’ we owe our ‘Burys,’ ‘Boroughs,’

‘Borrows,’ ‘Buroughs,’ ‘Burkes,’ ‘Broughs,’ ‘Burghs,’ and even ‘Bugges,’

so that, though Hood has inquired—

If a party had a voice,

What mortal would be a Bugg by choice?

still the possessors of that not exactly euphonious cognomen can reflect

with pride upon not merely a long pedigree, but lofty relationships.

Another form of the same word, familiar, too, to early registers, was

‘de la Bere,’ and to this we owe our ‘Berrys,’ ‘Berrimans,’ ‘Beers,’ and

‘Beares.’ It is wonderful how the strict meaning of ‘shelter’ is

preserved in all the terms founded upon its root ‘beorgan,’ to hide. Is

it a repository to guard the ashes of the dead?—it is a _barrow_, the

act of sepulture itself being the _burial_. Is it a refuge for the

coneys?—it is a _burrow_, or _beare_, as in ‘Coneybeare.’[131] Is it a

raised mound for the security of man?—it is a _bury_, _borough_,

_brough_, or _burgh_. How altered now the meaning of these two words

‘borough’ and ‘town.’ Once but the abiding-place of a scattered family

or two, they are now the centres of teeming populations. Of these, while

some are still extending their tether, others have passed the middle age

of their strength and vigour, and from the accidents of physical and

industrial life are but surely succumbing to that dotage which, as in

man so in man’s works, seems to be but premonitory of their final decay.

How true is it that the fashion of this world passeth away. Even now

this ever restless spirit of change is going on. We ourselves can scarce

tell the spot upon which we were born. We need not wait for death to

find that our place very soon knoweth us no more, and when we talk of

treading in the footprints of the generations that have gone before, it

would seem as though it were but to blind ourselves to the sober and

unwelcome truth that we are rather treading upon the _débris_ of the

changing years.

But there is another class of surnames we may fitly introduce here,

which, I doubt not, forms no small proportion in the aggregate mass of

our nomenclature—that of sign-names. We in a cultivated age like that of

the present fail, as we must, to realize the effect of these latter upon

the current life of our forefathers. We now pass up and down a street,

and, apart from the aid of the numbered doors and larger windows, and a

more peculiar frontage, above the door we may see the name of the

proprietor and the character of his occupation in letters so large that

it is literally a fact that he who runs may read them. But all this is

of gradual and slowly developed growth. The day we are considering knew

nothing of these. It was a time when the clergy themselves in many cases

were unable to read, when such education as a child of twelve years is

now a dunce not to know would have given then for the possession of like

attainments the sobriquet of ‘le Clerke’ or ‘le Beauclerk.’ And if this

was the case with the learned, what would it be with the lower grades

and classes of society? We may, therefore, well inquire what would be

the use of gilded characters such as we now-a-days may see, detailing

the name of the shopkeeper and the fashion of his stores? None at all.

They could not read them. Thus we find in their stead the practice

prevailing of putting up signs and symbols to denote the character of

the shop, or to mark the individuality of the owner. In an age of

escutcheons and all the insignia of heraldry, this was but natural. All

manner of instruments, all styles of dress, all kinds of ensigns rudely

carved or painted, that a rough or quaint fancy could suggest, were

placed in a conspicuous position by the hatch or over the doorway, to

catch, if it were possible, the eye of the wayfarer. Even the name

itself, when it was capable of being so played upon, was turned into a

symbol readable to the popular mind. Nor was it deemed necessary that

the device should speak directly of the trade. Apart from implements and

utensils, Nature herself was exhausted to supply sufficiently attractive

signs; and what with mermaids and griffins, unicorns and centaurs, and

other winged monsters, we see that they did not stop here—the

supernatural also had to be pressed into this service. The animal

kingdom was, however, specially popular—the hostelries peculiarly

engrossing this class from the fact that they so often had emblazoned

the recognizances of the family with which they stood immediately

connected. Thus we still have ‘Red Lions’ and ‘White Lions,’ ‘Blue

Boars’ and ‘Boars’ Heads,’ ‘White Bears’ and ‘Roebucks,’ and ‘Bulls’

Heads.’ Relics of the more special emblems remain in the barber’s pole,

to the end of which a bowl was once generally attached, to show he was a

surgeon also—the pawnbroker’s three balls, the goldbeater’s mallet, or

the shoemaker’s last. Of the more fanciful we have a capital idea given

us in the lines from Pasquin’s ‘Nightcap,’ written so late as 1612—

First there is maister Peter at the Bell,

A linen-draper, and a wealthy man;

Then maister Thomas that doth stockings sell;

And George the Grocer at the Frying-pan;

And maister Timothie the woollen-draper;

And maister Salamon the leather-scraper;

And maister Frank the goldsmith at the Rose,

And maister Philip with the fiery nose;

And maister Miles the mercer at the Harrow;

And maister Mike the silkman at the Plow;

And maister Nicke the salter at the Sparrow;

And maister Dick the vintner at the Cow;

And Harry haberdasher at the Horne;

And Oliver the dyer at the Thorne;

And Bernard, barber-surgeon at the Fiddle;

And Moses, merchant-tailor at the Needle.[132]

More than three hundred years previous to this we find such names

figuring in our registers as ‘John de la Rose,’ ‘John atte Belle,’

‘Roger Horne,’ and ‘Nicholas Sparewe,’ while ‘Cow’ is met by its Norman

equivalent in the instance of ‘Richard de la Vache.’ Of the rest, too,

contained in the above lines, all are found in our existing nomenclature

with the exception of ‘Fryingpan.’ Still more recently, the ‘British

Apollo’ contained the following:—

I’m amused at the signs

As I pass through the town,

To see the odd mixture—

A ‘Magpie and Crown,’

The ‘Whale and the Crow,’

The ‘Razor and Hen,’

The ‘Leg and Seven Stars,’

The ‘Scissors and Pen,’

The ‘Axe and the Bottle,’

The ‘Tun and the Lute,’

The ‘Eagle and Child,’

The ‘Shovel and Boot.’

A word or two about these double signs before we pass on, as I cannot

but think much ingenious nonsense has been written thereon. There can be

no difficulty in accounting for these strange combinations, some of

which still exist. A partnership in business would be readily understood

by the conjoining of two hitherto separate signs. An apprentice who, on

the death of his master, had succeeded to his business, would gladly

retain the previous well-established badge, and simply show the change

of hands by adding thereto his own. I cannot but think that such

ingenious derivations as ‘God encompasseth us’ for the ‘Goat and

Compasses,’ or the ‘Satyr and Bacchanals’ for the ‘Devil and

Bag-o’-nails,’ or the ‘Boulogne Mouth’ for the ‘Bull and Mouth,’ are

altogether unnecessary. A clever and imaginative mind could soon produce

similar happy plays upon the conjunctions contained in the above lines,

and yet the originations I have suggested for them all I think my

readers will admit to be most natural. There is no more peculiarity

about these than about the ordinary combinations of names we are

accustomed to see in the streets every day of our lives, denoting

partnership. Thus the only difference is that what we now read as ‘Smith

and Wright,’ in an age when reading was less universal was, say, ‘Magpie

and Crown.’ Partnerships, or business transactions, often bring peculiar

conjunctions of names. So early as 1284, I find a ‘Nicholas Bacun’

acknowledging a bond to a certain ‘Hugh Motun,’ _i.e._ Mutton. (Riley’s

‘London,’ p. 23.) I have myself come across such combinations as

‘Shepherd and Calvert’—_i.e._ ‘Calveherd,’ or ‘Sparrow and Nightingale,’

or ‘Latimer and Ridley.’ During the early portion of my residence at

Oxford the two Bible-clerkships connected with my college were in the

hands of two gentlemen named ‘Robinson’ and ‘Crusoe.’ They lived on the

same staircase, and their names being (as is customary) emblazoned above

the door, the coincidence was the more remarkable. ‘Catchem’ and

‘Cheetham’ is said to have been the title of a lawyer’s firm, but I will

not vouch for the accuracy of the statement. A story, too, goes that

‘Penn, Quill, and Driver’ once figured over a scrivener’s office, but

this is still more hypothetical.

But to return. We may see, from what we have stated and quoted, that up

to a comparatively recent period the written name seems to have been

anything but customary even in the metropolis. Any one who will look

into a book printed up to the seventeenth century will see on the

titlepage the fact stated that it was published or sold at the sign of

the ‘Stork,’ or ‘Crown,’ or ‘Peacock,’ or ‘Crane,’ as the case might be.

How much we owe to this fashion I need scarcely say. The Hundred Rolls

contain not merely a ‘Henry le Hatter,’ but a ‘Thomas del Hat;’ not only

an ‘Adam le Lorimer,’ but a ‘Margery de Styrop.’ It is to some dealer in

earthenware we owe our existing ‘Potts,’ some worker in metals our

‘Hammers,’ some carpenter our ‘Coffins,’ once synonymous with ‘Coffer,’

some osierbinder our ‘Basketts,’ some shoemaker our ‘Lasts,’ some

cheesemonger our ‘Cheeses,’ some plowright our ‘Plows,’ some silversmith

our ‘Spoons’ and ‘Silverspoons,’ and some cooper our ‘Tubbs’ and

‘Cades,’ our ‘Barrills’ and ‘Punshons,’ and so on with endless others.

It was perfectly natural that all these should become surnames, that the

same practice which led to men being called in the less populous country

by such names as ‘Ralph atte Townsend,’ or ‘William atte Stile,’ or

‘Henry atte Hatch,’ or ‘Thomas atte Nash,’ should in the more closely

inhabited city cause men to be distinguished as ‘Hugh atte Cokke,’ or

‘Walter de Whitehorse,’ or ‘John atte Gote’ or ‘de la Gote,’ or ‘Richard

de la Vache,’ or ‘Thomas atte Ram,’ or ‘William atte Roebuck,’ or

‘Gilbert de la Hegle,’ or ‘John de la Roe,’ or ‘Reginald de la Wonte’

(weasel). Our only surprise would be were the case otherwise.

Nevertheless, as we shall see in another chapter, many of these

animal-names at least have arisen in another manner also.

And now we come to what we may term the second branch of local surnames,

that branch which throws a light upon the migratory habits and roving

tendencies of our forefathers. So far we have touched upon names

implying a fixed residence in a fixed locality. We may now notice that

class which by their very formation throw our minds upon that which

precedes settlement in a particular spot, viz., removal—that which

speaks to us of immigration. Such a name in our mediæval rolls as ‘Peter

le Newe,’ or ‘Gilbert le Newcomen,’ or ‘Walter le Neweman,’ declares to

us at once its origin. The owner has left his native village to push his

interests and get a livelihood elsewhere, and upon his entrance as a

stranger into some distant community, alone and friendless, nothing

could be more natural than to distinguish him from the familiar

‘Peters,’ ‘Gilberts,’ and ‘Walters’ around by styling him as Peter, or

Gilbert, or Walter the ‘New,’ or ‘Newman.’ This it is which is the

origin of our ‘Stranges,’ descendants as they are of such mediæval folk

as ‘Roger le Estrange’ or ‘Roger le Straunge.’ There was ‘Roger the

Cooper’ and ‘Roger the Cheesemonger’ round the corner close to the

market cross, and ‘Roger atte Ram,’ so, of course, this new-comer as

distinguished from them was ‘Roger the Straunge’ or ‘Strange,’ and once

so known, the more familiar he became, the more ‘Strange’ he became,

though this may seem somewhat of a paradox. Thus, too, have arisen our

‘Strangers’ and ‘Strangemans.’ These, however, are the general terms. To

quote a name like ‘Robert de Eastham’ or ‘William de Sutton’ is, as it

were, to take up the plug from a never-ceasing fountain. We are thrown

upon a list of sobriquets to which there is no tether. Take up a

subscription paper, look over a list of speakers at a farmers’ dinner,

scan the names of the clergy at a ministerial conference, all will

possess a fair average of this class of surnames, early wanderers from

one village to another, Saxons fresh escaped from serfdom seeking a

livelihood in a new district, Norman tradesmen or retainers pushing

forward for fresh positions and fresh gains in fresh fields. It is

through the frequency of these has arisen the old couplet quoted by

Verstigan—

In ‘Ford,’ in ‘Ham,’ in ‘Ley,’ in ‘Ton,’

The most of English surnames run.

There is probably no village or hamlet in England which has not

subscribed in this manner to the sum total of our nomenclature. It is

this which is so telltale of the present, for while a small rural spot

like, say ‘Debenham,’ in Suffolk, or ‘Ashford,’ in Derbyshire, will have

its score of representatives, a solitary ‘Richard de Lyverpole,’ or

‘Guido de Mancestre,’ or ‘John de Burmyngham’ will be all we can find to

represent such large centres of population as Manchester, or Liverpool,

or Birmingham. Mushroomlike they sprang up but yesterday, while for

centuries these insignificant hamlets have pursued the even tenor of

their way, somewhat disturbed, it may have been, from their equanimity

four or five centuries agone, by the announcement that Ralph or Miles

was about to leave them, and who, by thus becoming ‘Ralph de Debenham’

or ‘Miles de Ashford,’ have given to the world to the end of time the

story of their early departure.

In the same class with the village names of England must we set our

county surnames. These are of course but an insignificant number set by

their brethren, still we must not pass them by without a word. In the

present day, if we were to speak of a man in connexion with his county,

we should say he was a Derbyshire or a Lancashire man, as the case might

be. That they did this five or six hundred years ago is evidenced by the

existence of these very names in our midst. Thus we can point in our

records to such designations as ‘John Hamshire,’ or ‘Adam de Kent,’ or

‘Richard de Wiltshire,’ or ‘Geoffrey de Cornwayle.’ Still this was not

the only form of county nomenclature. The Normans, I suspect it was, who

introduced another. We have still ‘Kentish’ and ‘Devonish’ and ‘Cornish’

to represent the ‘William le Kentish’s,’ or ‘John le Devoneis’s,’ or

‘Margery le Cornyshe’s,’ of their early rolls; and our ‘Cornwallis’s’

also yet preserve such fuller forms as ‘Thomas le Cornwaleys,’ or

‘Philip le Cornwaleys.’

We may here mention our ‘Cockins,’ ‘Cockaignes,’ and ‘Cockaynes,’

instances of which are early found. An old poem begins—

Fur in sea, bi west Spayne,

Is a lond ihote Cockaigne.

There seems to be a general agreement among those who have studied the

subject that our ‘cockney’ was originally a denizen of this fabled

region, and then was afterwards, from a notion of London being the seat

of luxury and effeminacy, transferred to that city. A ‘William Cockayne’

is found in the ‘Placitorum’ of Richard I.’s reign, while the Hundred

Rolls are yet more precise in a ‘Richarde de Cockayne.’ Speaking of

London, however, we must not forget our ‘Londonish’s.’ They are but

relics of such mediæval entries as ‘Ralph le Lundreys,’ or ‘William

Londonissh,’ either of whom we should now term ‘Londoner,’ one who had

come from the metropolis and settled somewhere in the country. Chaucer

in one of his prose works spells it ‘Londenoys,’ which is somewhat

nearer the modern form. ‘London,’ once simple ‘de London,’ needs no

remark.

A passing from one part of the British Empire to another has been a

prolific source of nomenclature. Thus we find such names as ‘Henry de

Irlaund,’ ‘Adam de Irland,’ ‘John le Irreys,’ or ‘Thomas le Ireis,’ in

the ordinary dress of ‘Ireland’ and ‘Irish,’ to be by no means obsolete

in the present day. ‘Roger le Escot’ or ‘Maurice le Scot’ represents, I

need scarcely say, a surname that is all but interminable, the

Caledonian having ever been celebrated for his roving as well as canny

propensities. It is to our brethren over the Border, too, we owe the

more special form of ‘Inglis,’ known better in the south as ‘English.’

The Hundred Rolls furnish us with such names as ‘Walter le Engleis,’ or

‘Robert le Engleys,’ or ‘Walter Ingeleys.’ Laurence Minot has the modern

form. Describing Edward III.’s entrance into Brabant, he says—

The Inglis men were armed wéle,

Both in yren and in stele.

The representatives of our native-born Welshmen are well-nigh as

numerous as those across the Scottish line, and the early spellings we

light upon are equally varied—‘le Galeys,’[133] ‘le Waleys,’ ‘le

Waleis,’ and ‘le Walsshe’ being, however, the commonest. The last is

used by Piers Plowman, who speaks of

Rose the Disheress,

Godfrey of Garlekhithe,

And Gryfin the Walshe.

In these, of course, we at once discern the progenitors of our ‘Welshs’

and ‘Wallaces.’ ‘Walshman’ is also found as ‘Walseman.’ ‘Langlois’ seems

to be firmly established in our present midst as an importation from

France. It was evidently returned to us all but contemporaneously with

its rise there, for as ‘L’Angleys’ or ‘Lengleyse,’ it is found on

English soil in the thirteenth century. It is quite possible that our

‘Langleys’ are in some instances but a corruption of this name. Thus the

different quarters of the British Empire are well personified so far as

our directories are concerned.

We have not quite done with the home country, however. Our modern

‘Norris’s’ are of a somewhat comprehensive nature. In the first place

there can be little doubt they have become confounded by lapse of time

with the once not unfamiliar ‘la Noryce,’ or nurse. Apart from this,

too, the term ‘le Noreys’ was ever applied in early times to the

Norwegians, and to this sense mainly it is that we owe the rise of the

name. And yet it has another origin. It was used in the mere sense of

‘northern,’ one from the North-country. Thus in the Hundred Rolls we

meet with the two names of ‘Thomas le Noreys’ and ‘Geoffrey le

Northern,’ and there is no reason why these should not both have had the

same rise. A proof in favour of this view lies in the fact that we have

their counterparts in such entries as ‘Thomas le Surreys’ and ‘Thomas le

Southern,’ the latter now found in the other forms of ‘Sothern’ and

‘Sotheran.’ Nor are the other points of the compass wanting. A ‘Richard

le Westrys’ and a ‘Richard le Estrys’ both occur in the registers of the

thirteenth century, but neither, I believe, now exists. ‘North’ found as

‘de North’ needs no explanation, and the same can be said for our

‘Souths,’ ‘Easts,’ and ‘Wests.’

The distance from Dover to Calais is not great; but were it otherwise,

we should still feel bound in our notice of names of foreign

introduction first of all to mention Normandy. For not merely has this

country supplied us with many of our best family names, but it enjoys

the distinction of having been the first to establish an hereditary

surname. This it did in the case of the barons and their feudary

settlements. The close of the eleventh century we may safely say saw as

yet but one class of sobriquets, which, together with their other

property, fathers were in the habit of handing down to their sons. This

class was local, and was attached only to those followers of the

Conqueror who had been presented by their leader with landed estates in

the country they had but recently subdued. As a rule each of these

feudatories took as his surname the place whence he had set forth in his

Norman home. Thus arose so many of our sobriquets of which ‘Burke’s

Peerage’ is the best directory, and of which therefore I have little to

say here. Thus arose the ‘de Mortimers’ (the prefix was retained for

many generations by all), the ‘de Colevilles,’ the ‘de Corbets,’ the ‘de

Ferrers,’ the ‘de Beauchamps,’ the ‘de Courcys,’ the ‘de Lucys,’ and the

‘de Granvilles.’ Thus have sprung our ‘Harcourts,’ our Tankervilles,’

our ‘Nevilles,’ our ‘Bovilles,’ our Baskervilles,’ our ‘Lascelles,’ our

‘Beaumonts,’ our ‘Villiers,’ our ‘Mohuns,’ and our ‘Percys.’ Apropos of

Granville, a story is told of a former Lord Lyttelton contesting with

the head of that stock priority of family, and clenching his argument by

asserting his to be necessarily the most ancient, inasmuch as the

_littletown_ must have existed before the _grand-ville_. A similar

dispute is said to have occurred at Venice between the families ‘Ponti’

and ‘Canali’—the one asserting that the ‘Bridges’ were above the

‘Canals,’ the other that the ‘Canals’ were in existence before the

‘Bridges.’ So hot waxed the quarrel that the Senate was compelled to

remind the disputants that it had power alike to stop up Canals and pull

down Bridges if they became over troublesome. But to return: the number

of these Norman names was great. The muster-roll of William’s army

comprised but an item of the foreign incomers. As the tide of

after-immigration set in, there was no town, however insignificant, in

Normandy, or in the Duchies of Anjou and Maine, which was not soon

represented in the nomenclature of the land. From giving even a partial

list of these I must refrain, however tempted, but see what the

chapelries alone did for us. St. Denys gave us our ‘Sidneys,’ St. Clair,

or Clare, our ‘Sinclairs,’ vilely corrupted at times into ‘Sinkler;’ St.

Paul, our ‘Semples,’ ‘Samples,’ ‘Sempills,’ ‘Simpoles,’ and sometimes

‘Simples;’ St. Lowe, or Loe, our ‘Sallows;’ St. Amand, our ‘Sandemans’

and ‘Samands;’ St. Lis, our ‘Senlis’ and ‘Senleys;’ St. Saviour, our

‘Sissivers;’ St. Maur, our ‘Seymours;’ St. Barbe, our ‘Symbarbes;’ St.

Hillary, our ‘Sillerys;’ St. Pierre, our ‘Sempers’ and ‘Simpers;’ St.

Austin, our ‘Sustins;’ St. Omer, our ‘Somers;’ St. Leger, our

‘Sellingers,’ once more literally enrolled as ‘Steleger,’ and so on with

our less corrupted ‘St. Johns,’ ‘St. Georges,’ and others. I do not say,

however, that all these were later comers. Some of them must undoubtedly

be set among the earlier comrades in arms of the Conqueror. Indeed it is

impossible in every case to separate the warlike from the peaceful

invasion. Looking back from this distant period, and with but scanty and

imperfect memorials for guidance, it cannot but be so.

With respect to another class of these Norman names, however, we are

more certain. Their very formation seems to imply beyond a doubt that

they had a settlement as surnames in their own arrondissements before

their arrival on English soil. We may, therefore, with tolerable

certainty set them down as later comers. The distinguishing marks of

these are the prefixes ‘de la,’ or ‘del,’ or ‘du’ attached to them.

Thus from some local peculiarity with respect to their early homes

would arise such names as ‘Delamere,’ ‘Dupont,’ ‘Delisle,’ ‘Delarue,’

‘Dubois,’ ‘Ducatel,’ ‘Defontaine,’ ‘Decroix,’ or ‘Deville’ or

‘Deyville.’ This latter is now found also in the somewhat unpleasant

form of ‘Devil.’ They say the _devil_ is the source of every _evil_.

Whether this extends beyond the moral world may be open to doubt, but

our ‘Evils,’ ‘Evills,’ and ‘Eyvilles,’ from the fact of their once

being written with the prefix ‘de,’ seem to favour the suspicion of

there being a somewhat dangerous relationship between them.[134] These

names, though commonly met with in mediæval records, are,

nevertheless, I say, not to be put down as coeval with the Conquest,

but as after-introductions when England was securely won. There befell

Norman names of this class, however, what I have shown still more

commonly to have befallen those of a similar, but more Saxon,

category. If these prefixes ‘de la,’ ‘del,’ and ‘du’ are sometimes

found retained, they are as often conspicuous by their absence. Thus

while at an early date after the Conquest we find the Saxon ‘Atwood’

met by the Norman ‘Dubois,’ it is equally true that they had already

to battle with simple ‘Wood’ and ‘Boys’ or ‘Boyce.’ Thus it was we

find so early the Saxon ‘Beech’ faced by the Norman ‘Fail’ or ‘Fayle,’

‘Ash’ by ‘Freen,’ ‘Frean,’ or ‘Freyne,’ ‘Hasell’ by ‘Coudray,’ ‘Alder’

by ‘Aunay,’ and, let us say, for want of a ‘Walnut,’ ‘Nut’ by ‘Noyes.’

In the same way our ‘Halls’ or ‘Hales’ were matched by ‘Meynell’

(mesnil), ‘Hill’ by ‘Montaigne,’ now also ‘Mountain,’ ‘Mead’ or

‘Medd,’ or ‘Field,’ by ‘Prall’ or ‘Prail,’ relics of the old

‘prayell,’ a little meadow. I have just set ‘Wood’ by our ‘Boys’ and

‘Boyces.’ To these we must add our ‘Busks,’ ‘Bushes,’ ‘Busses,’ all

from ‘bois’ or ‘bosc.’ The ‘taillis,’ or underwood, too, gives us

‘Tallis,’ and the union of both in ‘Taillebois’ or ‘Talboys,’ as we

now have it, combines the names of two of our best church

musicians—‘Tallis’ and ‘Boyce.’ This comparison of early introduced

Norman with names of a Saxon local character we might carry on to any

extent, but this must suffice—illustrations and not categories are all

we can pretend to attempt.

But these were not our only foreign introduced names. Coeval with the

arrival of these later Norman designations a remarkable peculiarity

began to make itself apparent in the vast number of names that poured in

from various and more distant parts of the Continent. That they came for

purposes of trade, and to settle down into positions that the Saxons

themselves should have occupied, is undoubted. The lethargy of the Saxon

population at this period would be extraordinary, if it were not so

easily to be accounted for. There was no heart in the nation. The Saxons

had become a conquered people, and, although the spirit of Hereward the

Wake was quenched, there had come that settled sullen humour which,

finding no outlet for active enmity, fed in spirit upon itself, and

increased with the pampering. To punish open disaffection is easy; to

eradicate by the stern arm of power such a feeling as this is

impossible. Time alone can do it, and that but slowly. More than a

century after this we find Robin Hood the idol of popular sympathy; no

national hero has ever eclipsed him, and yet, putting sentiment aside,

he was naught but a robber, an outlawed knave. He was but a vent for the

still lingering current of a people’s feelings. It was but the Saxon and

Norman over again.

We can easily imagine, then, if the spirit of the people was so

lethargic as this, at how low an ebb would be the commercial enterprise

of this period. No country was there whose resources for

self-aggrandisement were greater than our own—none which had more

disregarded them up to the reign of the third Edward. Till then she was

the mere mine from which other countries might draw forth riches, the

carcase for the eagles of many nations to feed upon. Saving the

exportation of wool in its raw unmanufactured state, she did nothing for

her national prosperity. The Dutch cured the fish they themselves caught

on our coasts, and the looms of Flanders and Brabant manufactured the

weft and warp we sent them into the cloth we wore. If our kings and

barons were clad in scarlet and purple, little had England actively to

do with that; her share in such superior tints was nought, save the

production of the dye, for in conjunction with the Eastern indigo it was

our woad the Netherlands used. That other nations were advancing, and

that ours was not, is a statement, commercially speaking, I need not

enlarge upon; it is a mere matter of history which no one disputes.

Not, however, that there was no trade. Far from it. Long before Edward

III. had established a surer basis of order and industry, London had

become a mart of no small Continental importance. This outlying city, as

with other towns of growing industry abroad, had come under the

beneficial influence of the Crusades. So far as the redemption of the

Holy City was concerned, that strong, but noble madness which had set

Christendom ablaze was a failure. But it effected much in another way.

From the first moment when on the waters of the Levant were assembled a

host as diverse in nation as they were one in purpose; when in their

high-decked galleons and oar-banked pinnances men met each other face to

face of whose national existence they had been previously all but

unaware—one result, at least, was sure to follow—an intercommunion of

nations was inevitable, and, in the wake of this, other and not less

beneficial consequences. Healthy comparisons were drawn, jealousies were

allayed, navigation was improved, better ships were built, harbours

hitherto avoided as dangerous were rendered safe, and new havens were

discovered. This influence was felt everywhere. It reached so far as

England—London felt it.

But it was a minor influence—minor in comparison with our wonderful

appliances—minor in comparison with the commercial spirit developing

such Republics as Genoa and Venice, or the Easterling countries that

border the Baltic and German Seas—a minor influence, too, especially

because the Saxons had so little share in it. So far as they were

concerned, this internationality was all one-sided. Denizens of all

lands visited our shores, but their visits were unreturned. What an

infinitesimal part of our Continental surnames in the present day are

traceable to English sources. On the other hand, there was no town

however small, no hamlet however insignificant, in Normandy, in the

Duchies of Anjou and Maine, or protected by the cities of the Hanseatic

League, that is unrepresented in the nomenclature of our land. Nay, it

was this very lack of reciprocity of commerce that held out such

inducements to the dwellers in other lands to visit our shores. It was

to step into possession of those very advantages we slighted they came:

we became but a colony of foreign artisans. Truly our metropolis in

those early days of her industry was a motley community. Numerous names

of foreign locality have died out in the lapse of centuries between; a

large proportion have become so Anglicized that we cannot detect their

Continental birth, but there is still a formidable array left in our

midst whose lineage is manifest, and whose nationality is not to be

doubted. We dare not enumerate them all. Let us, however, take a short

tour over Europe and the East. We will begin with Normandy, and advance

westerly, and then southerly. The provinces that border upon Normandy

and Bretagne, especially to the south and eastwards, large or small,

have, as we should expect, supplied us with many names. We have besides

‘Norman,’ which, like ‘le Northern,’ is of doubtful locality, ‘Bret,’

‘Brett,’ ‘Britt,’ ‘Britten,’ ‘Briton,’ and ‘Brittain,’ from ‘Bretagne,’

and represented in our olden rolls by such men as ‘Hamo le Bret,’ or

‘Roger le Breton,’ or ‘Thomas le Brit,’ or ‘Ivo le Briton.’ Our ‘Angers’

are not necessarily so irascible as they look, for they are but

corruptions, as are ‘Angwin’ and ‘Aungier,’ of the ‘Angevine of Anjou.’

Like our ‘Maines’ and ‘Maynes’ from the neighbouring duchy, they would

be likely visitors to our shores from the intimate relationship which

for a while endured between the two countries through royal alliances.

Our ‘Arters’ and ‘Artis,’ once registered ‘de Artoys,’ came from

‘Artois;’ our ‘Gaskins,’ and more correct ‘Gascoignes,’ from ‘Gascony;’

and our ‘Burgons’ and ‘Burgoynes’ from Burgundy.[135] To Champagne it is

we are indebted for our ‘Champneys’ and ‘Champness’s,’ descendants as

they are from such old incomers as ‘Robert le Champeneis,’ or ‘Roger le

Chaumpeneys,’ while the more strictly local form appears in our

‘Champagnes,’ not to say some of our ‘Champions’ and ‘Campions.’[136]

Speaking of Champagne, it is curious that next in topographical order

come our ‘Port-wines,’ sprung from the Poictevine of Poictou. So early

as the thirteenth century, this name had become corrupted into

‘Potewyne,’ a ‘Pretiosa Potewyne’ occurring in the Hundred Rolls of that

period. More correct representatives are found in such entries as ‘Henry

le Poytevin,’ and ‘Peter le Pettevin.’ Pickardy has given us our

‘Pickards’ and ‘Pycards,’ Provence our ‘Provinces,’ and Lorraine our

‘Loraynes,’ ‘Lorraines,’ and ‘Lorings.’ ‘Peter le Loring’ and ‘John le

Loring’ are instances of the latter form. More general terms for the

countrymen of these various provinces are found in such registered names

as ‘Gilbert le Fraunceis,’ or ‘Henry le Franceis,’ or ‘Peter le Frensh,’

or ‘Gyllaume Freynsman.’

I have mentioned ‘Norman’—one of the commonest of early sobriquets is

‘le Bigod’ and ‘le Bigot.’ Well-nigh every record has its ‘Roger le

Bygod,’ or its ‘William le Bygot,’ or ‘Hugh le Bigot,’ or ‘Alina le

Bigod.’ Amid the varying opinions of so many high authorities, I dare

not speak in anywise with confidence; but, judging from these very

entries which are found at an early period, I cannot but think Dean

Trench and Mr. Wedgwood wrong in their conjecture that the word arose

from the ‘beguines’—_i.e._ the Franciscans. With Mr. Taylor[137] I am

firmly convinced it is _ethnic_, and that as such it was familiarly

applied to the Normans I am equally satisfied. In proof of its

_national_ character, Mr. Taylor quotes a passage from the romance of

Gerard of Roussillon—

Bigot, e Provençal e Rouergues,

E Bascle, e Gasco, e Bordales.

The popular story ascribes its origin to the fondness for oaths so

peculiar to the Anglo-Norman character, and in this particular instance

to the exclamation ‘by-God.’[138] My own impression is that the origin

of the word has yet to be found. With regard to surnames, however, I may

say that we have at this day ‘Bigots’ in our directories as well as in

everything else, and it is highly probable that our Bagots are but a

corruption of the same.

Turning westward, such names as ‘Michael de Spaigne,’ or ‘Arnold de

Espaigne,’ tell us at once who were the forefathers of our ‘Spains’ and

‘Espins;’[139] while ‘John le Moor’ suggests to us at least the

possibility that English heathlands did not enjoy the entire monopoly in

the production of this familiar cognomen. The intensive ‘Blackamoor,’ a

mere compound of ‘black’ and ‘moor,’ seems to have early existed. A

‘Beatrice Blackamour’ and a ‘William Blackamore’ occur in a London

Register of 1417—(Riley’s ‘London,’ p. 647). Nor is Italy void of

examples. The sturdy old republic of Genoa has supplied us with

‘Janeway’ and ‘Jannaway,’[140] ‘Genese’ and ‘Jayne’ or ‘Jeane.’ Chaucer

alludes to the Genoese coin the ‘jane.’ An old poem, too, speaking of

Brabant as a general mart, says—

Englysshe and Frensh, Lumbardes, Januayes,

Cathalones, theder they take their wayes.

The ‘Libel on English Policy’ has the word in a similar dress.

The Janueys comyne in sondre wyses,

Into this londe wyth dyverse merchaundysses,

In grete karrekes arrayde withouten lack,

Wyth clothes of golde, silke, and pepir black.

Hall, in his Chronicles, speaking of the Duke of Clarence ravaging the

French coast in Henry IV.’s reign, says, ‘in his retournyng he

encountred with two greate Carickes of Jeane laden with ryche

marchandise.’ (f. xxiv.)

Its old rival upon the Adriatic still vies with it in ‘Veness,’ once

enrolled as ‘de Venise.’ Rome has given us our early ‘Reginald le

Romayns’ and ‘John le Romayns,’ whose descendants now write their names

in the all but unaltered form of ‘Romaine,’[141] and to Lombardy and the

Jews we owe Lombard street, and our ‘Lombards,’ ‘Lumbards,’ ‘Lubbards,’

and perhaps ‘Lubbers’—not to mention our ‘Luckes,’ and ‘Luckies,’ a

progenitor of whom I find inscribed in the Hundred Rolls as ‘Luke of

Lucca.’ Advancing eastwards, a ‘Martin le Hunne’ looks strangely as if

sprung from a Hungarian source. Whatever doubt, however, there may be on

this point, there can be none on ‘William le Turc,’[142] whose name is

no solitary one in the records of the thirteenth and fourteenth

centuries, and whose descendants are by no means extinct in the

nineteenth. ‘Peter le Russe’ would seem at first sight to be of Russian

origin, especially with such a Christian name to the fore as the one

above, but it is far more probably one more form of the endless

corruptions of ‘le Rous,’ a sobriquet of complexion so extremely

familiar to all who have spent any time over mediæval registers. I have

already mentioned ‘le Norrys’ as connected with our ‘Norris.’ ‘Dennis,’

I doubt not, in some cases, is equally representative of the former ‘le

Daneys.’ Entries like ‘William le Norris,’ or ‘Walter le Norreis,’ or

‘Roger le Daneis,’ or ‘Joel le Deneys,’ are of constant occurrence.

These, added to the others, may be mentioned as bringing before our eyes

the broadest limits of European immigration, and with scarcely an

exception they are found among the English surnames of to-day.

But we must not forget the Dutch—a term that once embraced all the

German race.[143] ‘Dutchman,’ though I have found no instance in early

rolls, is, I see, a denizen of our present directories, while

‘Dutchwomen,’ found in the fourteenth century, is extinct. Our ‘Pruces’

are but the old ‘le Pruce,’ or Prussian, as we should now term them. The

word is met with in an old political song, and, as it contains a list of

articles, the introduction of which into England from Flanders made the

two countries so closely connected, I will quote it fully:—

Now beer and bacon bene fro Pruse i-brought

Into fflaunders, as loved and fere i-soughte;

Osmonde, coppre, bowstaffes, stile and wex,

Peltre-ware, and grey, pych, tar, borde, and flex,

And Coleyne threde, fustiane, and canvase,

Corde, bokeram, of old tyme thus it wase.

But the fflemmynges among these things dere,

Incomen loven beste bacon and beer.

‘Fleming,’ as our registers prove, was seemingly the popular term for

all the Low Countrymen, bands of whom were specially invited over by two

of our kings to spread their industry in our own land. Numbers of them

came in, however, as simple wool-merchants, to transmit the raw material

into Holland. As the old ‘Libel on English Policy’ says—

But ye Fleminges, if ye be not wrothe,

The grete substance of your cloth, at the fulle,

Ye wot ye made it of youre English wolle.

But Flanders was not the only division represented. Our ‘Brabazons’ once

written ‘le Brabançon,’ together with our ‘Brabants,’ ‘Brabaners,’ and

‘Brabans,’ issued, of course, from the duchy of that name; while our

‘Hanways’[144] and ‘Hannants’ hailed from Hainault, the latter of the

two representing the usual early English pronunciation of the

place-word. The old enrolled forms are ‘de Hanoia’ and ‘de Henau.’ It is

very likely, therefore, that our ‘Hannahs’ are similarly derived. The

poem I have just quoted, after mentioning the products of ‘Braban,’

‘Selaunde,’ and ‘Henaulde,’ proceeds to say:—

But they of Holonde at Caleyse buy our felles

And our wolles, that Englyshe men then selles.

This, and such an entry as ‘Thurstan de Holland,’ give us at once a

clue, if clue were needed, to the source whence have issued our

‘Hollands.’ Holandman,’ which once existed, is, I believe, now extinct.

A common sobriquet for those enterprising traders who visited us from

the shores of the Baltic was ‘Easterling,’ and it is to their honest

integrity as merchants we owe the fact of their name in the form of

‘Sterling’ being so familiar. In contrast to the country-made money,

their coin obtained the name of ‘Easterling,’ or, as we now term it,

‘Sterling’ money—so many pounds _sterling_ being the ordinary phrase for

good and true coin. We have even come to apply the term generally in

such phrases as _sterling_ worth, _sterling_ honesty, or _sterling_

character. The more inland traders were styled ‘Almaines,’ or merchants

‘d’Almaine,’[145] terms common enough in our earlier archives, as ‘le

Aleman,’ or ‘de Almania,’ or ‘le Alemaund,’ and thus have sprung our

‘Alemans,’ ‘Almaines,’ and ‘Allmans,’ and through the French, probably,

our ‘Lallimands,’ ‘D’Almaines,’ ‘Dalmaines,’ and more perverted

‘Dalmans’ and ‘Dollmans.’[146] Thus to these enterprising and honest

traders we owe a surname which from the odious forms it has assumed

shows that their names, at least, were corruptible, if not their credit.

I ought to have mentioned, though I have no record to quote in proof of

my assertion, that our ‘Hansards’ are, I have no doubt, descendants of

such Hanse merchants in our country as were members of the Hanseatic

League. The founder of the Hansards, the publishers of the Parliamentary

Debates, came from Norwich in the middle of the last century, and I need

scarcely say that the city was the chief headquarters of the Flemish

weaving interest at the date we are considering.

Leaving Europe for a moment, a name of peculiar interest is that of

‘Sarson,’[147] or ‘Sarasin,’ a sobriquet undoubtedly sprung from the

Crusades in the East, and found contemporaneously, or immediately

afterwards, in England as ‘Sarrasin,’ ‘Sarrazein,’ ‘Sarracen,’ and in

the Latinized form of ‘Sarracenus.’ The maternal grandfather of Thomas à

Becket was a pure-blooded Saracen, settled in England. The ‘Saracen’s

Head,’ I need not remind the reader, has been a popular inn sign in our

land from the days of Cœur de Lion and Godfrey. It would seem as if they

were sufficient objects of public curiosity to be exhibited. In the

‘Issues of the Exchequer’ of Henry VI.’s reign is the following:—‘To a

certain Dutchman, bringing with him a Saracen to the Kingdom of England,

in money paid him in part payment of five marks which the Lord the King

commanded to be paid him, to have of his gift.’ Speaking of the

Saracens, however, we are led to say a word or two about the Jews, the

greatest money-makers, the greatest merchants, the greatest people, in a

commercial point of view at least, the world has known. No amount of

obloquy, no extent of cruel odium and persecution, could break the

spirit of the old Israelitish trader. Driven out of one city, he fled to

another. Rifled of his savings in one land, he soon found an asylum in

another, till a fresh revolution there also caused either the king or

the people to vent their passions and refill their coffers at the

expense of the despised Jew. ‘Jury’ would seem to be a corrupted surname

taken from the land which our Bible has made so familiar to us. It

certainly is derived from this term, but not the Jewry of Palestine. It

was that part of any large town which in the Early and Middle Ages was

set apart for these people, districts where, if they chose to face

contumely and despite, they could live and worship together. Every

considerable town in England and the Continent had its Jewish quarters.

London with its ‘Jewry’ is no exceptional case. Winchester, York,

Norwich, all our early centres of commerce, had the same. Johan Kaye, in

his account of the siege of Rhodes, says: ‘All the strete called the

Jure by the walles was full of their blood and caren (carrion).’ Our

‘Jurys’[148] are not, however, necessarily Jews, as it is but a local

name from residence in such quarters, and doubtless at one time or

another during the period of surname establishment Christians may have

had habitation there. ‘Jew,’ on the other hand, as representing such

former entries as ‘Roger le Jew’ or ‘Mirabilla Judæus,’ is undoubtedly

of purely Israelitish descent. But these are not all. Our early records

teem with such names as ‘Roger le Convers,’ or ‘Stephen le

Convers,’[149] deserters from the Jewish faith. We cannot be surprised

at many of the less steady adherents of the ancient creed changing their

religious status, when we reflect upon the cruel impositions made upon

them at various times.[150] I suspect our ‘Conyers’ have swallowed up

the representatives of this name. Even in the day of its rise we find it

set down in one record as ‘Nicholas le Conners.’

So much for general and national names. To pretend to give any category

of the town-names that have issued from these wide-spread localities

were, of course, impossible. Such sobriquets as ‘Argent,’ from Argentan;

‘Charters’ and ‘Charteris’ from Chartres; ‘Bullen,’ ‘Bollen,’ or

‘Boleyn’ from Boulogne,[151] with ‘Bulness’ as representative of ‘le

Boloneis;’ ‘Landels’ from Landelles; ‘Death’ or ‘D’Aeth’ from Aeth in

Flanders; ‘Twopenny’ from Tupigny in the same province; ‘Gant’ and

‘Gent’ from Ghent, once ‘de Gaunt;’ ‘Legge’ from Liege (in some cases at

least); ‘Lubbock,’ once written ‘de Lubyck’ and ‘de Lubek,’ from Lubeck

in Saxony; ‘Geneve,’ once ‘de Geneve,’ and ‘Antioch,’ once ‘de

Antiochia,’ are but instances taken haphazard from a list, which to

extend would occupy all my remaining space. Many of these are connected

with particular trades, or branches of trades, for which in their day

they had obtained a European celebrity. If the peculiar manufactures of

such places at home as ‘Kendall’ and ‘Lindsey’ and ‘Wolsey’ have left in

our own nomenclature the marks of their early renown, we should also

expect such foreign cities as were more especially united to us by the

ties of industry to leave a mark thereof upon our registers. Such names

as ‘Ralph de Arras’ or ‘Robert de Arraz,’ a sobriquet not yet extinct in

our midst, carry us to Arras in Artois, celebrated for its tapestried

hangings.[152] Rennes in Brittany has given birth to our ‘Raines’ and

‘Rains.’[153] Chaucer talks of pillows made of ‘cloth of raines.’

Elsewhere, too, he makes mention of ‘hornpipes of Cornewaile,’ reminding

us that in all probability some of our ‘Cornwalls’ hail from Cornouaile

in the same province. Romanee in Burgundy, celebrated for its wine, has

left a memory of that fact in our ‘Rumneys’ and ‘Rummeys.’ Some of my

readers will remember that in the ‘Squyr of low degree’ the king,

amongst other pleasures by which to soothe away his daughter’s

melancholy, promises her,

Ye shall have Rumney.

Our ‘Challens’ are but lingering memorials of the now decayed woollen

manufactures of Chalons, of which we shall have more to say anon; and

not to mention others, our ‘Roans’ (always so spelt and pronounced in

olden times), our ‘Anvers,’ once ‘de Anvers,’ our ‘Cullings,’

‘Cullens,’[154] ‘Collinges,’ and ‘Lyons,’ are but relics of former

trades for which the several towns of Rouen, and Antwerp, and Cologne,

and Lyons, were notorious. The rights of citizenship and all other

advantages seem early to have been accorded them. In the thirteenth

century we find Robert of Catalonia and Walter Turk acting as sheriffs,

and much about the same time a ‘Pycard’ was Mayor of London.

I must stop here. We have surveyed, comparatively speaking, but a few of

our local surnames. From the little I have been able to advance,

however, it will be clear, I think, that with regard to the general

subject of nomenclature these additional sobriquets had become a

necessity. The population of England, less than two millions at the

period of the Conquest, was rapidly increasing, and, which is of far

more importance so far as surnames are concerned, increasing

_corporately_. Population was becoming every day less evenly diffused.

Communities were fast being formed, and as circumstances but more and

more induced men to herd themselves together, so did the necessity

spring up for each to have a more fixed and determinate title than his

merely personal or baptismal one, by which he might be more currently

known among his fellows.

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English Surnames: Their Sources and Significations · 第 3 / 12 章