THE LAKE POETS: WILLIAM WORDSWORTH[88]
[88] Composed of articles in _Tait's Magazine_ for January,
February, and April 1839, as revised and recast by De Quincey,
published, with some additions, for the second volume of the
Collective Edinburgh Edition of his writings in 1854.--M.
In 1807 it was, at the beginning of winter, that I first saw William
Wordsworth. I have already mentioned[89] that I had introduced myself
to his notice by letter as early as the spring of 1803. To this hour
it has continued, I believe, a mystery to Wordsworth why it was that
I suffered an interval of four and a half years to slip away before
availing myself of the standing invitation with which I had been
honoured to the poet's house. Very probably he accounted for this
delay by supposing that the new-born liberty of an Oxford life, with
its multiplied enjoyments, acting upon a boy just emancipated from
the restraints of a school, and, in one hour, elevated into what we
Oxonians so proudly and so exclusively denominate "a man,"[90] might
have tempted me into pursuits alien from the pure intellectual passions
which had so powerfully mastered my youthful heart some years before.
Extinguished such a passion could not be; nor could he think so, if
remembering the fervour with which I had expressed it, the sort of
"nympholepsy" which had seized upon me, and which, in some imperfect
way, I had avowed with reference to the very lakes and mountains
amongst which the scenery of this most original poetry had chiefly
grown up and moved. The very names of the ancient hills--Fairfield,
Seat Sandal, Helvellyn, Blencathara, Glaramara; the names of the
sequestered glens--such as Borrowdale, Martindale, Mardale, Wasdale,
and Ennerdale; but, above all, the shy pastoral recesses, not garishly
in the world's eye, like Windermere or Derwentwater, but lurking half
unknown to the traveller of that day--Grasmere, for instance, the
lovely abode of the poet himself, solitary, and yet sowed, as it were,
with a thin diffusion of humble dwellings--here a scattering, and there
a clustering, as in the starry heavens--sufficient to afford, at every
turn and angle, human remembrances and memorials of time-honoured
affections, or of passions (as the "Churchyard amongst the Mountains"
will amply demonstrate) not wanting even in scenic and tragical
interest: these were so many local spells upon me, equally poetic and
elevating with the Miltonic names of Valdarno and Vallombrosa.
[89] _Ante_, p. 59.--M.
[90] At the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, where the town
is viewed as a mere ministerial appendage to the numerous
colleges--the civic Oxford, for instance, existing for the sake of
the academic Oxford, and not _vice versâ_--it has naturally
happened that the students honour with the name of "_a man_" him
only who wears a cap and gown.
Deep are the voices which seem to call, deep is the lesson which would
be taught, even to the most thoughtless of men,
"Could field, or grove, or any spot of earth,
Show to his eye an image of the pangs
Which it hath witnessed; render back an echo
Of the sad steps by which it hath been trod."[91]
[91] See the divine passage (in the Sixth Book of "The Excursion")
beginning--
"Ah, what a lesson to a thoughtless man," &c.
Meantime, my delay was due to anything rather than to waning interest.
On the contrary, the real cause of my delay was the too great
profundity, and the increasing profundity, of my interest in this
regeneration of our national poetry, and the increasing awe, in due
proportion to the decaying thoughtlessness of boyhood, which possessed
me for the character of its author. So far from neglecting Wordsworth,
it is a fact that twice I had undertaken a long journey expressly for
the purpose of paying my respects to Wordsworth; twice I came so far
as the little rustic inn (then the sole inn of the neighbourhood) at
Church Coniston; and on neither occasion could I summon confidence
enough to present myself before him. It was not that I had any want
of proper boldness for facing the most numerous company of a mixed or
ordinary character: reserved, indeed, I was, perhaps even shy--from
the character of my mind, so profoundly meditative, and the character
of my life, so profoundly sequestered--but still, from counteracting
causes, I was not deficient in a reasonable self-confidence towards
the world generally. But the very image of Wordsworth, as I prefigured
it to my own planet-struck eye, crushed my faculties as before Elijah
or St. Paul. Twice, as I have said, did I advance as far as the Lake
of Coniston; which is about eight miles from the church of Grasmere,
and once I absolutely went forwards from Coniston to the very gorge
of Hammerscar, from which the whole Vale of Grasmere suddenly breaks
upon the view in a style of almost theatrical surprise, with its lovely
valley stretching before the eye in the distance, the lake lying
immediately below, with its solemn ark-like island of four and a half
acres in size seemingly floating on its surface, and its exquisite
outline on the opposite shore, revealing all its little bays[92] and
wild sylvan margin, feathered to the edge with wild flowers and ferns.
In one quarter, a little wood, stretching for about half a mile towards
the outlet of the lake; more directly in opposition to the spectator, a
few green fields; and beyond them, just two bowshots from the water, a
little white cottage gleaming from the midst of trees, with a vast and
seemingly never-ending series of ascents rising above it to the height
of more than three thousand feet. That little cottage was Wordsworth's
from the time of his marriage, and earlier; in fact, from the beginning
of the century to the year 1808. Afterwards, for many a year, it was
mine. Catching one hasty glimpse of this loveliest of landscapes,
I retreated like a guilty thing, for fear I might be surprised by
Wordsworth, and then returned faintheartedly to Coniston, and so to
Oxford, _re infectâ_.
[92] All which inimitable graces of nature have, by the hands of
mechanic art, by solid masonry, by whitewashing, &c., been
exterminated, as a growth of weeds and nuisances, for thirty
years.--_August 17, 1853._
This was in 1806. And thus far, from mere excess of nervous distrust
in my own powers for sustaining a conversation with Wordsworth, I
had for nearly five years shrunk from a meeting for which, beyond
all things under heaven, I longed. In early youth I laboured under a
peculiar embarrassment and penury of words, when I sought to convey my
thoughts adequately upon interesting subjects: neither was it words
only that I wanted; but I could not unravel, I could not even make
perfectly conscious to myself, the subsidiary thoughts into which one
leading thought often radiates; or, at least, I could not do this with
anything like the rapidity requisite for conversation. I laboured
like a sibyl instinct with the burden of prophetic woe, as often as
I found myself dealing with any topic in which the understanding
combined with deep feelings to suggest mixed and tangled thoughts:
and thus partly--partly also from my invincible habit of reverie--at
that era of my life, I had a most distinguished talent "_pour le
silence_." Wordsworth, from something of the same causes, suffered
(by his own report to myself) at the same age from pretty much the
same infirmity. And yet, in more advanced years--probably about
twenty-eight or thirty--both of us acquired a remarkable fluency in the
art of unfolding our thoughts colloquially. However, at that period my
deficiencies were what I have described. And, after all, though I had
no absolute cause for anticipating contempt, I was so far right in my
fears, that since that time I have had occasion to perceive a worldly
tone of sentiment in Wordsworth, not less than in Mrs. Hannah More and
other literary people, by which they were led to set a higher value
upon a limited respect from a person high in the world's esteem than
upon the most lavish spirit of devotion from an obscure quarter. Now,
in that point, _my_ feelings are far otherwise.
Meantime, the world went on; events kept moving; and, amongst them,
in the course of 1807, occurred the event of Coleridge's return to
England from his official station in the Governor's family at Malta.
At Bridgewater, as I have already recorded, in the summer of 1807, I
was introduced to him. Several weeks after he came with his family to
the Bristol Hot-Wells, at which, by accident, I was then visiting.
On calling upon him, I found that he had been engaged by the Royal
Institution to lecture at their theatre in Albemarle Street during
the coming winter of 1807-8, and, consequently, was embarrassed about
the mode of conveying his family to Keswick. Upon this, I offered my
services to escort them in a post-chaise. This offer was cheerfully
accepted; and at the latter end of October we set forwards--Mrs.
Coleridge, viz., with her two sons--Hartley, aged nine, Derwent, about
seven--her beautiful little daughter,[93] about five, and, finally,
myself. Going by the direct route through Gloucester, Bridgenorth, &c.,
on the third day we reached Liverpool, where I took up my quarters at
a hotel, whilst Mrs. Coleridge paid a visit of a few days to a very
interesting family, who had become friends of Southey during his visit
to Portugal. These were the Misses Koster, daughters of an English
gold-merchant of celebrity, who had recently quitted Lisbon on the
approach of the French army under Junot. Mr. Koster did me the honour
to call at my quarters, and invite me to his house; an invitation
which I very readily accepted, and had thus an opportunity of becoming
acquainted with a family the most accomplished I had ever known. At
dinner there appeared only the family party--several daughters, and
one son, a fine young man of twenty, but who was _consciously_ dying
of asthma. Mr. Koster, the head of the family, was distinguished for
his good sense and practical information; but, in Liverpool, even more
so by his eccentric and obstinate denial of certain notorious events;
in particular, some two years later, he denied that any such battle as
Talavera had ever been fought, and had a large wager depending upon the
decision. His house was the resort of distinguished foreigners; and, on
the first evening of my dining there, as well as afterwards, I there
met that marvel of women, Madame Catalani. I had heard her repeatedly;
but never before been near enough to see her smile and converse--even
to be honoured with a smile myself. She and Lady Hamilton were the most
effectively brilliant women I ever saw. However, on this occasion, the
Misses Koster outshone even La Catalani; to her they talked in the most
fluent Italian; to some foreign men, in Portuguese; to one in French;
and to most of the party in English; and each, by turns, seemed to be
their native tongue. Nor did they shrink, even in the presence of the
mighty enchantress, from exhibiting their musical skill.
[93] That most accomplished, and to Coleridge most pious daughter,
whose recent death afflicted so very many who knew her only by her
writings. She had married her cousin, Mr. Serjeant Coleridge, and
in that way retained her illustrious maiden name as a wife. At
seventeen, when last I saw her, she was the most perfect of all
pensive, nun-like, intellectual beauties that I have seen in real
breathing life. The upper parts of her face were verily divine.
See, for an artist's opinion, the Life of that admirable man
Collins, by his son.
Leaving Liverpool, after about a week's delay, we pursued our journey
northwards. We had slept on the first day at Lancaster. Consequently,
at the rate of motion which then prevailed throughout England--which,
however, was rarely equalled on that western road, where all things
were in arrear by comparison with the eastern and southern roads of the
kingdom--we found ourselves, about three o'clock in the afternoon, at
Ambleside, fourteen miles to the north-west of Kendal, and thirty-six
from Lancaster. There, for the last time, we stopped to change horses;
and about four o'clock we found ourselves on the summit of the White
Moss, a hill which rises between the second and third milestones on
the stage from Ambleside to Keswick, and which then retarded the
traveller's advance by a full fifteen minutes, but is now evaded by a
lower line of road. In ascending this hill, from weariness of moving
so slowly, I, with the two Coleridges, had alighted; and, as we all
chose to refresh ourselves by running down the hill into Grasmere,
we had left the chaise behind us, and had even lost the sound of the
wheels at times, when all at once we came, at an abrupt turn of the
road, in sight of a white cottage, with two yew-trees breaking the
glare of its white walls. A sudden shock seized me on recognising this
cottage, of which, in the previous year, I had gained a momentary
glimpse from Hammerscar, on the opposite side of the lake. I paused,
and felt my old panic returning upon me; but just then, as if to take
away all doubt upon the subject, I saw Hartley Coleridge, who had
gained upon me considerably, suddenly turn in at a garden gate; this
motion to the right at once confirmed me in my belief that here at
last we had reached our port; that this little cottage was tenanted
by that man whom, of all the men from the beginning of time, I most
fervently desired to see; that in less than a minute I should meet
Wordsworth face to face. Coleridge was of opinion that, if a man were
really and _consciously_ to see an apparition, in such circumstances
death would be the inevitable result; and, if so, the wish which we
hear so commonly expressed for such experience is as thoughtless as
that of Semele in the Grecian Mythology, so natural in a female, that
her lover should visit her _en grand costume_--presumptuous ambition,
that unexpectedly wrought its own ruinous chastisement! Judged by
Coleridge's test, my situation could not have been so terrific as _his_
who anticipates a ghost; for, certainly, I survived this meeting; but
at that instant it seemed pretty much the same to my own feelings.
Never before or since can I reproach myself with having trembled at the
approaching presence of any creature that is born of woman, excepting
only, for once or twice in my life, woman herself. Now, however, I
_did_ tremble; and I forgot, what in no other circumstances I could
have forgotten, to stop for the coming up of the chaise, that I might
be ready to hand Mrs. Coleridge out. Had Charlemagne and all his
peerage been behind me, or Cæsar and his equipage, or Death on his
pale horse, I should have forgotten them at that moment of intense
expectation, and of eyes fascinated to what lay before me, or what
might in a moment appear. Through the little gate I pressed forward;
ten steps beyond it lay the principal door of the house. To this, no
longer clearly conscious of my own feelings, I passed on rapidly; I
heard a step, a voice, and, like a flash of lightning, I saw the figure
emerge of a tallish man, who held out his hand, and saluted me with
most cordial expressions of welcome. The chaise, however, drawing up
to the gate at that moment, he (and there needed no Roman nomenclator
to tell me that this _he_ was Wordsworth) felt himself summoned to
advance and receive Mrs. Coleridge. I, therefore, stunned almost
with the actual accomplishment of a catastrophe so long anticipated
and so long postponed, mechanically went forward into the house. A
little semi-vestibule between two doors prefaced the entrance into
what might be considered the principal room of the cottage. It was
an oblong square, not above eight and a half feet high, sixteen feet
long, and twelve broad; very prettily wainscoted from the floor to the
ceiling with dark polished oak, slightly embellished with carving.
One window there was--a perfect and unpretending cottage window, with
little diamond panes, embowered at almost every season of the year with
roses, and in the summer and autumn with a profusion of jasmine and
other fragrant shrubs. From the exuberant luxuriance of the vegetation
around it, and from the dark hue of the wainscoting, this window,
though tolerably large, did not furnish a very powerful light to one
who entered from the open air. However, I saw sufficiently to be aware
of two ladies just entering the room, through a doorway opening upon a
little staircase, The foremost, a tallish young woman, with the most
winning expression of benignity upon her features, advanced to me,
presenting her hand with so frank an air that all embarrassment must
have fled in a moment before the native goodness of her manner. This
was Mrs. Wordsworth, cousin of the poet, and, for the last five years
or more, his wife.[94] She was now mother of two children, a son and
a daughter; and she furnished a remarkable proof how possible it is
for a woman neither handsome nor even comely according to the rigour
of criticism--nay, generally pronounced very plain--to exercise all
the practical fascination of beauty, through the mere compensatory
charms of sweetness all but angelic, of simplicity the most entire,
womanly self-respect and purity of heart speaking through all her
looks, acts, and movements. _Words_, I was going to have added; but her
words were few. In reality, she talked so little that Mr. Slave-Trade
Clarkson used to allege against her that she could only say "_God bless
you!_" Certainly, her intellect was not of an active order; but, in
a quiescent, reposing, meditative way, she appeared always to have a
genial enjoyment from her own thoughts; and it would have been strange,
indeed, if she, who enjoyed such eminent advantages of training, from
the daily society of her husband and his sister, failed to acquire
some power of judging for herself, and putting forth some functions
of activity. But undoubtedly that was not her element: to feel and
to enjoy in a luxurious repose of mind--there was her _forte_ and
her peculiar privilege; and how much better this was adapted to her
husband's taste, how much more adapted to uphold the comfort of his
daily life, than a blue-stocking loquacity, or even a legitimate talent
for discussion, may be inferred from his verses, beginning--
"She was a phantom of delight,
When first she gleam'd upon my sight."
Once for all,[95] these exquisite lines were dedicated to Mrs.
Wordsworth; were understood to describe her--to have been prompted by
the feminine graces of her character; hers they are, and will remain
for ever. To these, therefore, I may refer the reader for an idea of
what was most important in the partner and second self of the poet.
And I will add to this abstract of her _moral_ portrait these few
concluding traits of her appearance in a physical sense. Her figure was
tolerably good. In complexion she was fair, and there was something
peculiarly pleasing even in this accident of the skin, for it was
accompanied by an animated expression of health, a blessing which, in
fact, she possessed uninterruptedly. Her eyes, the reader may already
know, were
"Like stars of twilight fair;
Like twilight, too, her dark brown hair;
But all things else about her drawn
From May-time and the cheerful dawn."
Yet strange it is to tell that, in these eyes of vesper gentleness,
there was a considerable obliquity of vision; and much beyond
that slight obliquity which is often supposed to be an attractive
foible in the countenance: this _ought_ to have been displeasing or
repulsive; yet, in fact, it was not. Indeed all faults, had they
been ten times more and greater, would have been neutralized by
that supreme expression of her features to the unity of which every
lineament in the fixed parts, and every undulation in the moving parts,
of her countenance, concurred, viz. a sunny benignity--a radiant
graciousness--such as in this world I never saw surpassed.
[94] Mary Hutchinson, who became Wordsworth's wife in October
1802, had been known to him since 1777, when she was his
fellow-pupil in a Dame's school at Penrith.--M.
[95] _Once for all_, I say--on recollecting that Coleridge's
verses to _Sara_ were made transferable to any Sara who reigned at
the time. At least three Saras appropriated them; all three long
since in the grave.
Immediately behind her moved a lady, shorter, slighter, and perhaps, in
all other respects, as different from her in personal characteristics
as could have been wished for the most effective contrast. "Her
face was of Egyptian brown"; rarely, in a woman of English birth,
had I seen a more determinate gipsy tan. Her eyes were not soft,
as Mrs. Wordsworth's, nor were they fierce or bold; but they were
wild and startling, and hurried in their motion. Her manner was warm
and even ardent; her sensibility seemed constitutionally deep; and
some subtle fire of impassioned intellect apparently burned within
her, which, being alternately pushed forward into a conspicuous
expression by the irrepressible instincts of her temperament, and
then immediately checked, in obedience to the decorum of her sex and
age, and her maidenly condition, gave to her whole demeanour, and to
her conversation, an air of embarrassment, and even of self-conflict,
that was almost distressing to witness. Even her very utterance and
enunciation often suffered, in point of clearness and steadiness, from
the agitation of her excessive organic sensibility. At times, the
self-counteraction and self-baffling of her feelings caused her even
to stammer, and so determinately to stammer that a stranger who should
have seen her and quitted her in that state of feeling would have
certainly set her down for one plagued with that infirmity of speech
as distressingly as Charles Lamb himself. This was Miss Wordsworth,
the only sister of the poet--his "Dorothy"; who naturally owed so
much to the lifelong intercourse with her great brother in his most
solitary and sequestered years; but, on the other hand, to whom he has
acknowledged obligations of the profoundest nature; and, in particular,
this mighty one, through which we also, the admirers and the
worshippers of this great poet, are become equally her debtors--that,
whereas the intellect of Wordsworth was, by its original tendency, too
stern, too austere, too much enamoured of an ascetic harsh sublimity,
she it was--the lady who paced by his side continually through sylvan
and mountain tracks, in Highland glens, and in the dim recesses of
German charcoal-burners--that first _couched_ his eye to the sense of
beauty, humanized him by the gentler charities, and engrafted, with
her delicate female touch, those graces upon the ruder growths of
his nature which have since clothed the forest of his genius with a
foliage corresponding in loveliness and beauty to the strength of its
boughs and the massiness of its trunks. The greatest deductions from
Miss Wordsworth's attractions, and from the exceeding interest which
surrounded her in right of her character, of her history, and of the
relation which she fulfilled towards her brother, were the glancing
quickness of her motions, and other circumstances in her deportment
(such as her stooping attitude when walking), which gave an ungraceful,
and even an unsexual character to her appearance when out-of-doors.
She did not cultivate the graces which preside over the person and its
carriage. But, on the other hand, she was a person of very remarkable
endowments intellectually; and, in addition to the other great services
which she rendered to her brother, this I may mention, as greater than
all the rest, and it was one which equally operated to the benefit of
every casual companion in a walk--viz. the exceeding sympathy, always
ready and always profound, by which she made all that one could tell
her, all that one could describe, all that one could quote from a
foreign author, reverberate, as it were, _à plusieurs reprises_, to
one's own feelings, by the manifest impression it made upon _hers_. The
pulses of light are not more quick or more inevitable in their flow
and undulation, than were the answering and echoing movements of her
sympathizing attention. Her knowledge of literature was irregular, and
thoroughly unsystematic. She was content to be ignorant of many things;
but what she knew and had really mastered lay where it could not be
disturbed--in the temple of her own most fervid heart.
Such were the two ladies who, with himself and two children, and
at that time one servant, composed the poet's household. They were
both, I believe, about twenty-eight years old; and, if the reader
inquires about the single point which I have left untouched in their
portraiture--viz. the style of their manners--I may say that it was, in
_some_ points, naturally of a plain household simplicity, but every way
pleasing, unaffected, and (as respects Mrs. Wordsworth) even dignified.
Few persons had seen so little as this lady of the world. She had seen
nothing of high life, for she had seen little of any. Consequently, she
was unacquainted with the conventional modes of behaviour, prescribed
in particular situations by high breeding. But, as these modes are
little more than the product of dispassionate good sense, applied to
the circumstances of the case, it is surprising how few deficiencies
are perceptible, even to the most vigilant eye--or, at least, essential
deficiencies--in the general demeanour of any unaffected young woman,
acting habitually under a sense of sexual dignity and natural courtesy.
Miss Wordsworth had seen more of life, and even of good company; for
she had lived, when quite a girl, under the protection of Dr. Cookson,
a near relative, canon of Windsor, and a personal favourite of the
Royal Family, especially of George III. Consequently, she ought to
have been the more polished of the two; and yet, from greater natural
aptitudes for refinement of manner in her sister-in-law, and partly,
perhaps, from her more quiet and subdued manner, Mrs. Wordsworth would
have been pronounced very much the more lady-like person.
From the interest which attaches to anybody so nearly connected as
these two ladies with a great poet, I have allowed myself a larger
latitude than else might have been justifiable in describing them. I
now go on with my narrative:--
I was ushered up a little flight of stairs, fourteen in all, to a
little drawing-room, or whatever the reader chooses to call it.
Wordsworth himself has described the fireplace of this room as his
"Half-kitchen and half-parlour fire."
It was not fully seven feet six inches high, and, in other respects,
pretty nearly of the same dimensions as the rustic hall below. There
was, however, in a small recess, a library of perhaps three hundred
volumes, which seemed to consecrate the room as the poet's study and
composing room; and such occasionally it was. But far oftener he both
studied, as I found, and composed, on the high road. I had not been two
minutes at the fireside, when in came Wordsworth, returning from his
friendly attentions to the travellers below, who, it seemed, had been
over-persuaded by hospitable solicitations to stay for this night in
Grasmere, and to make out the remaining thirteen miles of their road to
Keswick on the following day. Wordsworth entered. And "_what-like_"--to
use a Westmoreland as well as a Scottish expression--"_what-like_"
was Wordsworth? A reviewer in "Tait's Magazine," noticing some recent
collection of literary portraits, gives it as his opinion that Charles
Lamb's head was the finest among them.[96] This remark may have been
justified by the engraved portraits; but, certainly, the critic would
have cancelled it, had he seen the original heads--at least, had he
seen them in youth or in maturity; for Charles Lamb bore age with less
disadvantage to the intellectual expression of his appearance than
Wordsworth, in whom a sanguine complexion had, of late years, usurped
upon the original bronze-tint; and this change of hue, and change in
the quality of skin, had been made fourfold more conspicuous, and more
unfavourable in its general effect, by the harsh contrast of grizzled
hair which had displaced the original brown. No change in personal
appearance ever can have been so unfortunate; for, generally speaking,
whatever other disadvantages old age may bring along with it, one
effect, at least in male subjects, has a compensating tendency--that it
removes any tone of vigour too harsh, and mitigates the expression of
power too unsubdued. But, in Wordsworth, the effect of the change has
been to substitute an air of animal vigour, or, at least, hardiness,
as if derived from constant exposure to the wind and weather, for
the fine sombre complexion which he once wore, resembling that of a
Venetian senator or a Spanish monk.
[96] Vol. iv. p. 793 (Dec. 1837).--So De Quincey notes; but I may
add that the paper in _Tait_ referred to was a Review of Books of
the Season, one of them being "Tilt's Medallion Portraits of
Modern English Authors, with Illustrative notices by H. F.
Chorley." The reviewer's words were "The finest head, in every
way, in the series, is that of Charles Lamb."--M.
Here, however, in describing the personal appearance of Wordsworth,
I go back, of course, to the point of time at which I am speaking.
He was, upon the whole, not a well-made man. His legs were pointedly
condemned by all female connoisseurs in legs; not that they were
bad in any way which _would_ force itself upon your notice--there
was no absolute deformity about them; and undoubtedly they had been
serviceable legs beyond the average standard of human requisition; for
I calculate, upon good data, that with these identical legs Wordsworth
must have traversed a distance of 175,000 to 180,000 English miles--a
mode of exertion which, to him, stood in the stead of alcohol and
all other stimulants whatsoever to the animal spirits; to which,
indeed, he was indebted for a life of unclouded happiness, and we
for much of what is most excellent in his writings. But, useful as
they have proved themselves, the Wordsworthian legs were certainly
not ornamental; and it was really a pity, as I agreed with a lady in
thinking, that he had not another pair for evening dress parties--when
no boots lend their friendly aid to mask our imperfections from the
eyes of female rigorists--those _elegantes formarum spectatrices_. A
sculptor would certainly have disapproved of their contour. But the
worst part of Wordsworth's person was the bust; there was a narrowness
and a droop about the shoulders which became striking, and had an
effect of meanness, when brought into close juxtaposition with a
figure of a more statuesque build. Once on a summer evening, walking
in the Vale of Langdale with Wordsworth, his sister, and Mr. J---, a
native Westmoreland clergyman, I remember that Miss Wordsworth was
positively mortified by the peculiar illustration which settled upon
this defective conformation. Mr. J---, a fine towering figure, six feet
high, massy and columnar in his proportions, happened to be walking, a
little in advance, with Wordsworth; Miss Wordsworth and myself being in
the rear; and from the nature of the conversation which then prevailed
in our front rank, something or other about money, devises, buying and
selling, we of the rear-guard thought it requisite to preserve this
arrangement for a space of three miles or more; during which time, at
intervals, Miss Wordsworth would exclaim, in a tone of vexation, "Is it
possible,--can that be William? How very mean he looks!" And she did
not conceal a mortification that seemed really painful, until I, for my
part, could not forbear laughing outright at the serious interest which
she carried into this trifle. She was, however, right, as regarded
the mere visual judgment. Wordsworth's figure, with all its defects,
was brought into powerful relief by one which had been cast in a more
square and massy mould; and in such a case it impressed a spectator
with a sense of absolute meanness, more especially when viewed from
behind and not counteracted by his countenance; and yet Wordsworth
was of a good height (five feet ten), and not a slender man; on the
contrary, by the side of Southey, his limbs looked thick, almost in a
disproportionate degree. But the total effect of Wordsworth's person
was always worst in a state of motion. Meantime, his face--that was one
which would have made amends for greater defects of figure. Many such,
and finer, I have seen amongst the portraits of Titian, and, in a later
period, amongst those of Vandyke, from the great era of Charles I, as
also from the court of Elizabeth and of Charles II, but none which has
more impressed me in my own time.
Haydon, in his great picture of "Christ's Entry into Jerusalem," has
introduced Wordsworth in the character of a disciple attending his
Divine Master, and Voltaire in the character of a sneering Jewish
elder. This fact is well known; and, as the picture itself is tolerably
well known to the public eye, there are multitudes now living who will
have seen a very impressive likeness of Wordsworth--some consciously,
some not suspecting it. There will, however, always be many who have
_not_ seen any portrait at all of Wordsworth; and therefore I will
describe its general outline and effect. It was a face of the long
order, often falsely classed as oval: but a greater mistake is made by
many people in supposing the long face which prevailed so remarkably in
the Elizabethan and Carolinian periods to have become extinct in our
own. Miss Ferrier, in one of her novels ("Marriage," I think), makes a
Highland girl protest that "no Englishman _with his round face_" shall
ever wean her heart from her own country; but England is not the land
of round faces; and those have observed little, indeed, who think so:
France it is that grows the round face, and in so large a majority of
her provinces that it has become one of the national characteristics.
And the remarkable impression which an Englishman receives from the
eternal recurrence of the orbicular countenance proves of itself,
without any _conscious_ testimony, how the fact stands; in the blind
sense of a monotony, not felt elsewhere, lies involved an argument
that cannot be gainsaid. Besides, even upon an _a priori_ argument,
how is it possible that the long face so prevalent in England, by all
confession, in certain splendid eras of our history, should have had
time, in some five or six generations, to grow extinct? Again, the
character of face varies essentially in different provinces. Wales has
no connexion in this respect with Devonshire, nor Kent with Yorkshire,
nor either with Westmoreland. England, it is true, tends, beyond all
known examples, to a general amalgamation of differences, by means
of its unrivalled freedom of intercourse. Yet, even in England, law
and necessity have opposed as yet such and so many obstacles to the
free diffusion of labour that every generation occupies, by at least
five-sixths of its numbers, the ground of its ancestors.
The movable part of a population is chiefly the higher part; and it
is the lower classes that, in every nation, compose the _fundus_, in
which lies latent the national face, as well as the national character.
Each exists here in racy purity and integrity, not disturbed in the
one by alien intermarriages, nor in the other by novelties of opinion,
or other casual effects, derived from education and reading. Now, look
into this _fundus_, and you will find, in many districts, no such
prevalence of the round orbicular face as some people erroneously
suppose; and in Westmoreland, especially, the ancient long face of
the Elizabethan period, powerfully resembling in all its lineaments
the ancient Roman face, and often (though not so uniformly) the face
of northern Italy in modern times. The face of Sir Walter Scott, as
Irving, the pulpit orator, once remarked to me, was the indigenous
face of the Border: the mouth, which was bad, and the entire lower
part of the face, are seen repeated in thousands of working-men;
or, as Irving chose to illustrate his position, "in thousands of
Border horse-jockeys." In like manner, Wordsworth's face was, if not
absolutely the indigenous face of the Lake district, at any rate a
variety of that face, a modification of that original type. The head
was well filled out; and there, to begin with, was a great advantage
over the head of Charles Lamb, which was absolutely truncated in
the posterior region--sawn off, as it were, by no timid sawyer. The
forehead was not remarkably lofty--and, by the way, some artists, in
their ardour for realizing their phrenological preconceptions, not
suffering nature to surrender quietly and by slow degrees her real
alphabet of signs and hieroglyphic characters, but forcing her language
prematurely into conformity with their own crude speculations, have
given to Sir Walter Scott a pile of forehead which is unpleasing
and cataphysical, in fact, a caricature of anything that is ever
seen in nature, and would (if real) be esteemed a deformity; in one
instance--that which was introduced in some annual or other--the
forehead makes about two-thirds of the entire face. Wordsworth's
forehead is also liable to caricature misrepresentations in these days
of phrenology: but, whatever it may appear to be in any man's fanciful
portrait, the real living forehead, as I have been in the habit of
seeing it for more than five-and-twenty years, is not remarkable
for its height; but it is, perhaps, remarkable for its breadth and
expansive development. Neither are the eyes of Wordsworth "large,"
as is erroneously stated somewhere in "Peter's Letters"[97]; on
the contrary, they are (I think) rather small; but _that_ does not
interfere with their effect, which at times is fine, and suitable to
his intellectual character. At times, I say, for the depth and subtlety
of eyes, even their colouring (as to condensation or dilation), varies
exceedingly with the state of the stomach; and, if young ladies were
aware of the magical transformations which can be wrought in the depth
and sweetness of the eye by a few weeks' walking exercise, I fancy we
should see their habits in this point altered greatly for the better.
I have seen Wordsworth's eyes oftentimes affected powerfully in this
respect; his eyes are not, under any circumstances, bright, lustrous,
or piercing; but, after a long day's toil in walking, I have seen
them assume an appearance the most solemn and spiritual that it is
possible for the human eye to wear. The light which resides in them
is at no time a superficial light; but, under favourable accidents,
it is a light which seems to come from unfathomed depths: in fact, it
is more truly entitled to be held "the light that never was on land
or sea," a light radiating from some far spiritual world, than any
the most idealizing that ever yet a painter's hand created. The nose,
a little arched, is large; which, by the way (according to a natural
phrenology, existing centuries ago amongst some of the lowest amongst
the human species), has always been accounted an unequivocal expression
of animal appetites organically strong. And that expressed the simple
truth: Wordsworth's intellectual passions were fervent and strong: but
they rested upon a basis of preternatural animal sensibility diffused
through _all_ the animal passions (or appetites); and something
of that will be found to hold of all poets who have been great by
original force and power, not (as Virgil) by means of fine management
and exquisite artifice of composition applied to their conceptions.
The mouth, and the whole circumjacencies of the mouth, composed the
strongest feature in Wordsworth's face; there was nothing specially
to be noticed that I know of in the mere outline of the lips; but the
swell and protrusion of the parts above and around the mouth are both
noticeable in themselves, and also because they remind me of a very
interesting fact which I discovered about three years after this my
first visit to Wordsworth.
[97] Lockhart's famous publication of 1819 under the name of
_Peter's Letters to his Kinsfolk_.--M.
Being a great collector of everything relating to Milton, I had
naturally possessed myself, whilst yet very young, of Richardson the
painter's thick octavo volume of notes on the "Paradise Lost."[98] It
happened, however, that my copy, in consequence of that mania for
portrait collecting which has stripped so many English classics of
their engraved portraits, wanted the portrait of Milton. Subsequently
I ascertained that it ought to have had a very good likeness of the
great poet; and I never rested until I procured a copy of the book
which had not suffered in this respect by the fatal admiration of the
amateur. The particular copy offered to me was one which had been
priced unusually high, on account of the unusually fine specimen which
it contained of the engraved portrait. This, for a particular reason,
I was exceedingly anxious to see; and the reason was--that, according
to an anecdote reported by Richardson himself, this portrait, of all
that were shown to her, was the only one acknowledged by Milton's last
surviving daughter to be a strong likeness of her father. And her
involuntary gestures concurred with her deliberate words:--for, on
seeing all the rest, she was silent and inanimate; but the very instant
she beheld that crayon drawing from which is derived the engraved
head in Richardson's book, she burst out into a rapture of passionate
recognition; exclaiming--"That is my father! that is my dear father!"
Naturally, therefore, after such a testimony, so much stronger than any
other person in the world could offer to the authentic value of this
portrait, I was eager to see it.[99]
[98] Jonathan Richardson (born about 1665, died 1745) published in
1734 a volume of Explanatory Notes and Remarks on _Paradise Lost_,
with a Life of Milton, containing particulars which Richardson had
collected about Milton personally.--M.
[99] It was between 1721 and 1725, when Mrs. Deborah Clarke,
Milton's youngest and only surviving daughter, was living in old
age and in very humble circumstances in Moorfields, London, that
the engraver Vertue and others went to see her for the special
purpose of consulting her about portraits of her father. Some that
were shown her she rejected at once; but one "crayon drawing"
moved her in the manner which De Quincey reports. This is the
portrait which came into Richardson's possession; and after
Richardson's death in 1745 it was acquired by Jacob Tonson
tertius, of the Tonson publishing family. There seems to be little
doubt that it was a drawing of Milton from the life by Faithorne
about 1670, when Milton's _History of Britain_ appeared with that
portrait of him by Faithorne which is the only authentic print of
him in later life, and worth all the other current portraits put
together. Faithorne seems to have made two drawings, closely
resembling each other, of Milton,--that (now lost) from which the
engraving was made for the _History of Britain_, and this other
"crayon drawing" which Richardson possessed. Richardson's
reproduction of it in his book is spoilt by a laureate wreath and
other flummery about the head; and the only genuine copy of it
known to me is a beautiful one prefixed to Mr. Leigh Sotheby's
sumptuous volume entitled _Ramblings in Elucidation of the
Autograph of Milton_, published in 1871. The face there is
identically the same in essentials as that in the Faithorne
engraving of 1670, though somewhat less sad in expression; and the
two drawings must have been by the same hand.--M.
Judge of my astonishment when, in this portrait of Milton, I saw a
likeness nearly perfect of Wordsworth, better by much than any which I
have since seen of those expressly painted for himself. The likeness
is tolerably preserved in that by Carruthers, in which one of the
little Rydal waterfalls, &c., composes a background; yet this is much
inferior, as a mere portrait of Wordsworth, to the Richardson head of
Milton; and this, I believe, is the last which represents Wordsworth
in the vigour of his power. The rest, which I have not seen, may be
better as works of art (for anything I know to the contrary), but they
must labour under the great disadvantage of presenting the features
when "defeatured," in the degree and the way I have described, by
the peculiar ravages of old age, as it affects this family; for it
is noticed of the Wordsworths, by those who are familiar with their
peculiarities, that in their very blood and constitutional differences
lie hidden causes that are able, in some mysterious way,
"Those shocks of passion to prepare
That kill the bloom before its time,
And blanch, without the owner's crime,
The most resplendent hair."
Some people, it is notorious, live faster by much than others, the
oil is burned out sooner in one constitution than another: and the
cause of this may be various; but in the Wordsworths one part of the
cause is, no doubt, the secret fire of a temperament too fervid; the
self-consuming energies of the brain, that gnaw at the heart and
life-strings for ever. In that account which "The Excursion" presents
to us of an imaginary Scotsman who, to still the tumult of his heart,
when visiting the cataracts of a mountainous region, obliges himself
to study the laws of light and colour as they affect the rainbow of
the stormy waters, vainly attempting to mitigate the fever which
consumed him by entangling his mind in profound speculations; raising
a cross-fire of artillery from the subtilizing intellect, under the
vain conceit that in this way he could silence the mighty battery of
his impassioned heart: there we read a picture of Wordsworth and his
own youth. In Miss Wordsworth every thoughtful observer might read the
same self-consuming style of thought. And the effect upon each was so
powerful for the promotion of a premature old age, and of a premature
expression of old age, that strangers invariably supposed them fifteen
to twenty years older than they were. And I remember Wordsworth once
laughingly reporting to me, on returning from a short journey in 1809,
a little personal anecdote, which sufficiently showed what was the
spontaneous impression upon that subject of casual strangers, whose
feelings were not confused by previous knowledge of the truth. He
was travelling by a stage-coach, and seated outside, amongst a good
half-dozen of fellow-passengers. One of these, an elderly man, who
confessed to having passed the grand climacterical year (9 multiplied
into 7) of 63, though he did not say precisely by how many years, said
to Wordsworth, upon some anticipations which they had been mutually
discussing of changes likely to result from enclosures, &c., then going
on or projecting--"Ay, ay, another dozen of years will show us strange
sights; but you and I can hardly expect to see them."--"How so?" said
Wordsworth. "How so, my friend? How old do you take me to be?"--"Oh, I
beg pardon," said the other; "I meant no offence--but what?" looking
at Wordsworth more attentively--"you'll never see threescore, I'm of
opinion"; meaning to say that Wordsworth _had_ seen it already. And, to
show that he was not singular in so thinking, he appealed to all the
other passengers; and the motion passed (_nem. con._) that Wordsworth
was rather over than under sixty. Upon this he told them the literal
truth--that he had not yet accomplished his thirty-ninth year. "God
bless me!" said the climacterical man; "so then, after all, you'll have
a chance to see your childer get up like, and get settled! Only to
think of that!" And so closed the conversation, leaving to Wordsworth
an undeniable record of his own prematurely expressed old age in this
unaffected astonishment, amongst a whole party of plain men, that he
could really belong to a generation of the forward-looking, who live
by hope; and might reasonably expect to see a child of seven years
old matured into a man. And yet, as Wordsworth lived into his 82d
year,[100] it is plain that the premature expression of decay does not
argue any real decay.
[100] Into his 81st only.--M.
Returning to the question of portraits, I would observe that this
Richardson engraving of Milton has the advantage of presenting, not
only by far the best likeness of Wordsworth, but of Wordsworth in the
prime of his powers--a point essential in the case of one so liable to
premature decay. It may be supposed that I took an early opportunity
of carrying the book down to Grasmere, and calling for the opinions
of Wordsworth's family upon this most remarkable coincidence. Not one
member of that family but was as much impressed as myself with the
accuracy of the likeness. All the peculiarities even were retained--a
drooping appearance of the eyelids, that remarkable swell which I
have noticed about the mouth, the way in which the hair lay upon the
forehead. In two points only there was a deviation from the rigorous
truth of Wordsworth's features--the face was a little too short and
too broad, and the eyes were too large. There was also a wreath of
laurel about the head, which (as Wordsworth remarked) disturbed the
natural expression of the whole picture[101]; else, and with these few
allowances, he also admitted that the resemblance was, _for that period
of his life_, perfect, or as nearly so as art could accomplish.
[101] See footnote (99), p. 247.--M.
I have gone into so large and circumstantial a review of my
recollections on this point as would have been trifling and tedious
in excess, had these recollections related to a less important man;
but I have a certain knowledge that the least of them will possess a
lasting and a growing interest in connexion with William Wordsworth.
How peculiar, how different from the interest which we grant to the
ideas of a great philosopher, a great mathematician, or a great
reformer, is that burning interest which settles on the great poets
who have made themselves necessary to the human heart; who have first
brought into consciousness, and have clothed in words, those grand
catholic feelings that belong to the grand catholic situations of life
through all its stages; who have clothed them in such words that human
wit despairs of bettering them! Mighty were the powers, solemn and
serene is the memory, of Archimedes; and Apollonius shines like "the
starry Galileo" in the firmament of human genius; yet how frosty is
the feeling associated with these names by comparison with that which,
upon every sunny lawn, by the side of every ancient forest, even in the
farthest depths of Canada, many a young innocent girl, perhaps at this
very moment--looking now with fear to the dark recesses of the infinite
forest, and now with love to the pages of the infinite poet, until the
fear is absorbed and forgotten in the love--cherishes in her heart for
the name and person of Shakspere!
The English language is travelling fast towards the fulfilment of
its destiny. Through the influence of the dreadful Republic[102]
that within the thirty last years has run through all the stages of
infancy into the first stage of maturity, and through the English
colonies--African, Canadian, Indian, Australian--the English language
(and, therefore, the English literature) is running forward towards its
ultimate mission of eating up, like Aaron's rod, all other languages.
Even the German and the Spanish will inevitably sink before it; perhaps
within 100 or 150 years. In the recesses of California, in the vast
solitudes of Australia, _The Churchyard amongst the Mountains_, from
Wordsworth's "Excursion," and many a scene of his shorter poems, will
be read, even as now Shakspere is read amongst the forests of Canada.
All which relates to the writer of these poems will then bear a value
of the same kind as that which attaches to our personal memorials
(unhappily so slender) of Shakspere.
[102] Not many months ago, the blind hostility of the Irish
newspaper editors in America forged a ludicrous estimate of the
Irish numerical preponderance in the United States, from which it
was inferred, as at least a possibility, that the Irish Celtic
language might come to dispute the pre-eminence with the English.
Others anticipated the same destiny for the German. But, in the
meantime, the unresting career of the law-courts, of commerce, and
of the national senate, that cannot suspend themselves for an
hour, reduce the case to this dilemma: If the Irish and the
Germans in the United States adapt their general schemes of
education to the service of their public ambition, they must
begin by training themselves to the use of the language now
prevailing on all the available stages of ambition. On the other
hand, by refusing to do this, they lose in the very outset every
point of advantage. In other words, adopting the English, they
renounce the contest--_not_ adopting it, they disqualify
themselves for the contest.
Let me now attempt to trace, in a brief outline, the chief incidents
in the life of William Wordsworth, which are interesting, not only in
virtue of their illustrious subject, but also as exhibiting a most
remarkable (almost a providential) arrangement of circumstances, all
tending to one result--that of insulating from worldly cares, and
carrying onward from childhood to the grave, in a state of serene
happiness, one who was unfitted for daily toil, and, at all events,
who could not, under such demands upon his time and anxieties, have
prosecuted those genial labours in which all mankind have an interest.
* * * * *
William Wordsworth was born[103] at Cockermouth, a small town of
Cumberland, lying about a dozen miles to the north-west of Keswick,
on the high road from that town to Whitehaven. His father was a
solicitor, and acted as an agent for that Lord Lonsdale, the immediate
predecessor of the present,[104] who is not unfrequently described by
those who still remember him, as "the bad Lord Lonsdale." In what was
he bad? Chiefly, I believe, in this--that, being a man of great local
power, founded on his rank, on his official station of Lord-Lieutenant
over two counties, and on a very large estate, he used his power at
times in a most oppressive way. I have heard it said that he was mad;
and, at any rate, he was inordinately capricious--capricious even to
eccentricity. But, perhaps, his madness was nothing more than the
intemperance of a haughty and a headstrong will, encouraged by the
consciousness of power, and tempted to abuses of it by the abject
servility which poverty and dependence presented in one direction,
embittering the contrast of that defiance which inevitably faced him in
another, throughout a land of freedom and amongst spirits as haughty
as his own. He was a true feudal chieftain; and, in the very approaches
to his mansion, in the style of his equipage, or whatever else was
likely to meet the public eye, he delighted to express his disdain of
modern refinements, and the haughty carelessness of his magnificence.
The coach in which he used to visit Penrith, the nearest town to his
principal house of Lowther, was old and neglected; his horses fine, but
untrimmed; and such was the impression diffused about him by his gloomy
temper and his habits of oppression, that the streets were silent as
he traversed them, and an awe sat upon many faces (so, at least, I
have heard a Penrith contemporary of the old despot declare), pretty
much like that which may be supposed to attend the entry into a guilty
town of some royal commission for trying state criminals. In his park
you saw some of the most magnificent timber in the kingdom--trees that
were coeval with the feuds of York and Lancaster, yews that possibly
had furnished bows to Coeur de Lion, and oaks that might have built
a navy. All was savage grandeur about these native forests: their
sweeping lawns and glades had been unapproached, for centuries it might
be, by the hand of art; and amongst them roamed--not the timid fallow
deer--but thundering droves of wild horses.
[103] 7th April 1770.--M.
[104] "_The present_":--This was written about 1835, when the
present Earl of Lonsdale meant the late Earl.
Lord Lonsdale went to London less frequently than else he might have
done, because at home he was allowed to forget that in this world
there was any greater man than himself. Even in London, however, his
haughty injustice found occasions for making itself known. On a court
day (I revive an anecdote once familiarly known), St. James's Street
was lined by cavalry, and the orders were peremptory that no carriages
should be allowed to pass, except those which were carrying parties
to court. Whether it were by accident or by way of wilfully provoking
such a collision, Lord Lonsdale's carriage advanced; and the coachman,
in obedience to orders shouted out from the window, was turning down
the forbidden route, when a trooper rode up to the horses' heads,
and stopped them; the thundering menaces of Lord Lonsdale perplexed
the soldier, who did not know but he might be bringing himself into
a scrape by persisting in his opposition; but the officer on duty,
observing the scene, rode up, and, in a determined tone, enforced the
order, causing two of his men to turn the horses' heads round into
Piccadilly. Lord Lonsdale threw his card to the officer, and a duel
followed; in which, however, the outrageous injustice of his lordship
met with a pointed rebuke; for the first person whom he summoned to
his aid, in the quality of second, though a friend, and, I believe,
a relative of his own, declined to sanction by any interference so
scandalous a quarrel with an officer for simply executing an official
duty. In this dilemma (for probably he was aware that few military men
would fail to take the same disapproving view of the affair) he applied
to the present[105] Earl of Lonsdale, then Sir William Lowther. Either
there must have been some needless discourtesy in the officer's mode
of fulfilling his duty, or else Sir William thought the necessity of
the case, however wantonly provoked, a sufficient justification for
a relative giving his assistance, even under circumstances of such
egregious injustice. At any rate, it is due to Sir William, in mere
candour, to suppose that he did nothing in this instance but what his
conscience approved; seeing that in all others his conduct has been
such as to win him the universal respect of the two counties in which
he is best known. He it was that acted as second; and, by a will which
is said to have been dated the same day, he became eventually possessed
of a large property, which did not necessarily accompany the title.
[105] Who must now (1854) be classed as the _late_ Earl.
Another anecdote is told of the same Lord Lonsdale which expresses,
in a more eccentric way, and a way that to many people will be
affecting--to some shocking--the moody energy of his passions.
He loved, with passionate fervour, a fine young woman, of humble
parentage, in a Cumberland farmhouse. Her he had persuaded to leave
her father, and put herself under his protection. Whilst yet young and
beautiful, she died: Lord Lonsdale's sorrow was profound; he could not
bear the thought of a final parting from that face which had become so
familiar to his heart: he caused her to be embalmed; a glass was placed
over her features; and at intervals, when his thoughts reverted to her
memory, he found a consolation (or perhaps a luxurious irritation) of
his sorrow in visiting this sad memorial of his former happiness.
This story, which I have often heard repeated by the country-people
of Cumberland, strengthened the general feeling of this eccentric
nobleman's self-willed character, though in this instance complicated
with a trait of character that argued nobler capacities. By what rules
he guided himself in dealing with the various lawyers, agents, or
stewards whom his extensive estates brought into a dependency upon
his justice or his moderation--whether, in fact, he had no rule, but
left all to accident or caprice--I have never learned. Generally, I
have heard it said that in some years of his life he resisted the
payment of all bills indiscriminately which he had any colourable plea
for supposing to contain overcharges; some fared ill, because they
were neighbours, and his lordship could say that "he knew them to be
knaves"; others fared worse, because they were so remote that "how
could his lordship know what they were?" Of this number, and possibly
for this reason left unpaid, was Wordsworth's father. He died whilst
his four sons and one daughter were yet helpless children, leaving
to them respectable fortunes, but which, as yet, were unrealized and
tolerably hypothetic, as they happened to depend upon so shadowy a
basis as the justice of Lord Lonsdale. The executors of the will,
and trustees of the children's interests, in one point acted wisely:
foreseeing the result of a legal contest with so potent a defendant
as this leviathan of two counties, and that, under any nominal award,
the whole estate of the orphans might be swallowed up in the costs
of any suit that should be carried into Chancery, they prudently
withdrew from all active measures of opposition, confiding the event
to Lord Lonsdale's returning sense of justice. Unfortunately for that
nobleman's reputation, and also, as was thought, for the children's
prosperity, before this somewhat rusty quality of justice could have
time to operate, his lordship died.
However, for once the world was wrong in its malicious anticipations:
the successor to Lord Lonsdale's titles and Cumberland estates was
made aware of the entire case, in all its circumstances; and he very
honourably gave directions for full restitution being made. This
was done; and in one respect the result was more fortunate for the
children than if they had been trained from youth to rely upon their
expectations: for, by the time this repayment was made, three out of
the five children were already settled in life, with the very amplest
prospects opening before them--_so_ ample as to make their private
patrimonial fortunes of inconsiderable importance in their eyes; and
very probably the withholding of their inheritance it was, however
unjust, and however little contemplated as an occasion of any such
effect, that urged these three persons to the exertions requisite
for their present success. Two only of the children remained to whom
the restoration of their patrimony was a matter of grave importance;
but it was precisely those two whom no circumstances could have made
independent of their hereditary means by personal exertions--viz.
William Wordsworth, the poet, and Dorothy, the sole daughter of the
house. The three others were:--Richard, the eldest: he had become a
thriving solicitor, at one of the inns of court in London; and, if
he died only moderately rich, and much below the expectations of his
acquaintance, in the final result of his laborious life, it was because
he was moderate in his desires, and, in his later years, reverting
to the pastoral region of his infancy and boyhood, chose rather to
sit down by a hearth of his own amongst the Cumberland mountains, and
wisely to woo the deities of domestic pleasures and health, than to
follow the chase after wealth in the feverish crowds of the capital.
The third son (I believe) was Christopher (Dr. Wordsworth), who, at an
early age, became a man of importance in the English Church, being made
one of the chaplains and librarians of the Archbishop of Canterbury
(Dr. Manners Sutton, father of the late Speaker, Lord Canterbury). He
has since risen to the important and dignified station--once held by
Barrow, and afterwards by Bentley--of Master of Trinity in Cambridge.
Trinity in Oxford is not a first-rate college; but Trinity, Cambridge,
answers in rank and authority to Christ Church in Oxford; and to be the
head of that college is rightly considered a very splendid distinction.
Dr. Wordsworth has distinguished himself as an author by a very useful
republication, entitled, "Ecclesiastical Biography," which he has
enriched with valuable notes. And in his own person, besides other
works more professional, he is the author of one very interesting
work of historical research upon the difficult question of "Who wrote
the 'Eicon Basilike'?" a question still unsettled, but much nearer
to a settlement, in consequence of the strong presumptions which Dr.
Wordsworth has adduced on behalf of the King's claim.[106]
[106] "_Eicon Basilike_":--By the way, in the lamented Eliot
Warburton's "Prince Rupert," this book, by a very excusable
mistake, is always cited as the "Eicon Basili_con_": he was
thinking of the "Doron Basilicon," written by Charles's father:
each of the nouns _Eicon_ and _Doron_, having the same terminal
syllable--_on_--it was most excusable to forget that the first
belonged to an imparisyllabic declension, so as to be feminine,
the second not so; which made it neuter. With respect to the great
standing question as to the authorship of the work, I have myself
always held that the natural freedom of judgment in this case has
been intercepted by one strong prepossession (entirely false) from
the very beginning. The minds of all people have been pre-occupied
with the notion that Dr. Gauden, the reputed author, obtained his
bishopric confessedly on the credit of that service. Lord
Clarendon, it is said, who hated the Doctor, nevertheless gave him
a bishopric, on the sole ground of his having written the "Eicon."
The inference therefore is that the Prime Minister, who gave so
reluctantly, must have given under an irresistible weight of proof
that the Doctor really had done the work for which so unwillingly
he paid him. Any shade of doubt, such as could have justified Lord
Clarendon in suspending this gift, would have been eagerly
snatched at. Such a shade, therefore, there was not. Meantime the
whole of this reasoning rests upon a false assumption: Dr. Gauden
did _not_ owe his bishopric to a belief (true or false) that he
had written the "Eicon." The bishopric was given on another
account: consequently it cannot, in any way of using the fact, at
all affect the presumptions, small or great, which may exist
separately for or against the Doctor's claim on that head.--[So
far De Quincey; but let not the reader trust to him too much in
this matter. The evidence is overwhelming that Clarendon gave
Gauden his bishopric after the Restoration because he believed
Gauden to have been the author of the _Eikon Basilike_ and dared
not face Gauden's threats of revelations on the subject if
promotion were refused him; and the evidence is conclusive, all
Dr. Wordsworth's arguments notwithstanding, that Gauden _was_ the
real author of the book.--M.]
The fourth and youngest son, John, was in the service of the East India
Company, and perished most unhappily, at the very outset of the voyage
which he had meant to be his last, off the coast of Dorsetshire, in the
Company's ship _Abergavenny_. A calumny was current in some quarters,
that Captain Wordsworth was in a state of intoxication at the time
of the calamity. But the printed report of the affair, revised by
survivors, entirely disproves this calumny; which, besides, was in
itself incredible to all who were acquainted with Captain Wordsworth's
most temperate and even philosophic habits of life. So peculiarly,
indeed, was Captain Wordsworth's temperament, and the whole system of
his life, coloured by a grave and meditative turn of thought, that
amongst his brother officers in the Company's service he bore the
surname of "The Philosopher." And William Wordsworth, the poet, not
only always spoke of him with a sort of respect that argued him to have
been no ordinary man, but he has frequently assured me of one fact
which, as implying some want of sincerity in himself, gave me pain
to hear--viz. that in the fine lines entitled "The Happy Warrior,"
reciting the main elements which enter into the composition of a hero,
he had in view chiefly his brother John's character. That was true, I
daresay, but it was inconsistent in some measure with the note attached
to the lines, by which the reader learns that it was out of reverence
for Lord Nelson, as one who transcended the estimate here made, that
the poem had not been openly connected with his name, as the real
suggester of the thoughts. Now, privately, though still professing a
lively admiration for the mighty Admiral, as one of the few men who
carried into his professional labours a real and vivid genius (and thus
far Wordsworth often testified a deep admiration for Lord Nelson), yet,
in reference to these particular lines, he uniformly declared that Lord
Nelson was much below the ideal there contemplated, and that, in fact,
it had been suggested by the recollection of his brother. But, if so,
why should it have been dissembled? And surely, in some of the finest
passages, this cannot be so; for example, when he makes it one trait of
the heaven-born hero that he, if called upon to face some mighty day of
trial--
"To which Heaven has joined
Great issues, good or bad, for human kind--
Is happy as a lover, and attired
With sudden brightness, like a man inspired"--
then, at least, he must have had Lord Nelson's idea predominating in
his thoughts; for Captain Wordsworth was scarcely tried in such a
situation. There can be no doubt, however, that he merited the praises
of his brother; and it was indeed an idle tale that he should first of
all deviate from this philosophic temperance upon an occasion where
his utmost energies and the fullest self-possession were all likely
to prove little enough. In reality it was the pilot, the incompetent
pilot, who caused the fatal catastrophe;--"O pilot, you have ruined
me!" were amongst the last words that Captain Wordsworth was heard to
utter--pathetic words, and fit for him, "a meek man and a brave," to
use in addressing a last reproach to one who, not through misfortune
or overruling will of Providence, but through miserable conceit and
unprincipled levity, had brought total ruin upon so many gallant
countrymen. Captain Wordsworth might have saved his own life; but the
perfect loyalty of his nature to the claims upon him, that sublime
fidelity to duty which is so often found amongst men of his profession,
kept him to the last upon the wreck; and, after _that_, it is probable
that the almost total wreck of his own fortunes (which, but for this
overthrow, would have amounted to twenty thousand pounds, upon the
successful termination of this one voyage), but still more the total
ruin of the new and splendid Indiaman confided to his care, had so much
dejected his spirits that he was not in a condition for making such
efforts as, under a more hopeful prospect, he might have been able to
make. Six weeks his body lay unrecovered; at the end of that time,
it was found, and carried to the Isle of Wight, and buried in close
neighbourhood to the quiet fields which he had so recently described
in letters to his sister at Grasmere as a Paradise of English peace,
to which his mind would be likely oftentimes to revert amidst the
agitations of the sea.
Such were the modes of life pursued by three of the orphan children:
such the termination of life to the youngest. Meantime, the one
daughter of the house was reared liberally, in the family of a relative
at Windsor; and she might have pursued a quiet and decorous career, of
a character, perhaps, somewhat tame, under the same dignified auspices;
but, at an early age, her good angel threw open to her a vista of
nobler prospects, in the opportunity which then arose, and which she
did not hesitate to seize, of becoming the companion, through a life
of delightful wanderings--of what, to her more elevated friends, seemed
little short of vagrancy--the companion and confidential friend, and,
with a view to the enlargement of her own intellect, the pupil, of a
brother, the most original and most meditative man of his own age.
William had passed his infancy on the very margin of the Lake district,
just six miles, in fact, beyond the rocky screen of Whinlatter, and
within one hour's ride of Bassenthwaite Water. To those who live in the
tame scenery of Cockermouth, the blue mountains in the distance, the
sublime peaks of Borrowdale and of Buttermere, raise aloft a signal,
as it were, of a new country, a country of romance and mystery, to
which the thoughts are habitually turning. Children are fascinated and
haunted with vague temptations, when standing on the frontiers of such
a foreign land; and so was Wordsworth fascinated, so haunted. Fortunate
for Wordsworth that, at an early age, he was transferred to a quiet
nook of this lovely district. At the little town of Hawkshead, seated
on the north-west angle of Esthwaite Water, a grammar-school (which, in
English usage, means a school for classical literature) was founded, in
Queen Elizabeth's reign, by Archbishop Sandys, who belonged to the very
ancient family of that name still seated in the neighbourhood. Hither
were sent all the four brothers; and here it was that Wordsworth passed
his life, from the age of nine until the time arrived for his removal
to college. Taking into consideration the peculiar tastes of the
person, and the peculiar advantages of the place, I conceive that no
pupil of a public school can ever have passed a more luxurious boyhood
than Wordsworth. The school discipline was not by many evidences very
strict; the mode of living out of school very much resembled that of
Eton for Oppidans; less elegant, no doubt, and less costly in its
provisions for accommodation, but not less comfortable, and, in that
part of the arrangements which was chiefly Etonian, even more so; for
in both places the boys, instead of being gathered into one fold, and
at night into one or two huge dormitories, were distributed amongst
motherly old "dames," technically so called at Eton, but not at
Hawkshead. In the latter place, agreeably to the inferior scale of the
whole establishment, the houses were smaller, and more cottage-like,
consequently more like private households: and the old lady of the
_ménage_ was more constantly amongst them, providing, with maternal
tenderness and with a professional pride, for the comfort of her young
flock, and protecting the weak from oppression. The humble cares to
which these poor matrons dedicated themselves may be collected from
several allusions scattered through the poems of Wordsworth; that
entitled "Nutting," for instance, in which his own early Spinosistic
feeling is introduced, of a mysterious presence diffused through the
solitudes of woods, a presence that was disturbed by the intrusion of
careless and noisy outrage, and which is brought into a strong relief
by the previous homely picture of the old housewife equipping her young
charge with beggar's weeds, in order to prepare him for a struggle
with thorns and brambles. Indeed, not only the moderate rank of the
boys, and the peculiar kind of relation assumed by these matrons,
equally suggested this humble class of motherly attentions, but the
whole spirit of the place and neighbourhood was favourable to an old
English homeliness of domestic and personal economy. Hawkshead, most
fortunately for its own manners and the primitive style of its habits
even to this day, stands about six miles out of the fashionable line
for the "Lakers."
Esthwaite, though a lovely scene in its summer garniture of woods,
has no features of permanent grandeur to rely upon. A wet or gloomy
day, even in summer, reduces it to little more than a wildish pond,
surrounded by miniature hills: and the sole circumstances which restore
the sense of a romantic region and an Alpine character are the towering
groups of Langdale and Grasmere fells, which look over the little
pastoral barriers of Esthwaite, from distances of eight, ten, and
fourteen miles. Esthwaite, therefore, being no object for itself, and
the sublime head of Coniston being accessible by a road which evades
Hawkshead, few tourists ever trouble the repose of this little village
town. And in the days of which I am speaking (1778-1787) tourists were
as yet few and infrequent to _any_ parts of the country. Mrs. Radcliffe
had not begun to cultivate the sense of the picturesque in her popular
romances; guide-books, with the sole exception of "Gray's Posthumous
Letters," had not arisen to direct public attention to this domestic
Calabria; roads were rude, and, in many instances, not wide enough to
admit post-chaises; but, above all, the whole system of travelling
accommodations was barbarous and antediluvian for the requisitions of
the pampered south. As yet the land had rest; the annual fever did
not shake the very hills; and (which was the happiest immunity of
the whole) false taste, the pseudo-romantic rage, had not violated
the most awful solitudes amongst the ancient hills by opera-house
decorations. Wordsworth, therefore, enjoyed this labyrinth of valleys
in a perfection that no one can have experienced since the opening
of the present century. The whole was one paradise of virgin beauty;
the rare works of man, all over the land, were hoar with the grey
tints of an antique picturesque; nothing was new, nothing was raw and
uncicatrized. Hawkshead, in particular, though tamely seated in itself
and its immediate purlieus, has a most fortunate and central locality,
as regards the best (at least the most interesting) scenes for a
pedestrian rambler. The gorgeous scenery of Borrowdale, the austere
sublimities of Wastdalehead, of Langdalehead, or Mardale--these are too
oppressive, in their colossal proportions and their utter solitudes,
for encouraging a perfectly human interest. Now, taking Hawkshead
as a centre, with a radius of about eight miles, one might describe
a little circular tract which embosoms a perfect network of little
valleys--separate wards or cells, as it were, of one larger valley,
walled in by the great leading mountains of the region. Grasmere,
Easedale, Great and Little Langdale, Tilberthwaite, Yewdale, Elter
Water, Loughrigg Tarn, Skelwith, and many other little quiet nooks, lie
within a single division of this labyrinthine district. All these are
within one summer afternoon's ramble. And amongst these, for the years
of his boyhood, lay the daily excursions of Wordsworth.
I do not conceive that Wordsworth _could_ have been an amiable boy;
he was austere and unsocial, I have reason to think, in his habits;
not generous; and not self-denying. I am pretty certain that no
consideration would ever have induced Wordsworth to burden himself
with a lady's reticule, parasol, shawl, or anything exacting trouble
and attention. Mighty must be the danger which would induce him to
lead her horse by the bridle. Nor would he, without some demur, stop
to offer her his hand over a stile. Freedom--unlimited, careless,
insolent freedom--unoccupied possession of his own arms--absolute
control over his own legs and motions--these have always been so
essential to his comfort, that, in any case where they were likely to
become questionable, he would have declined to make one of the party.
Meantime, we are not to suppose that Wordsworth the boy expressly
sought for solitary scenes of nature amongst woods and mountains with
a direct conscious anticipation of imaginative pleasure, and loving
them with a pure, disinterested love, on their own separate account.
These are feelings beyond boyish nature, or, at all events, beyond
boyish nature trained amidst the selfishness of social intercourse.
Wordsworth, like his companions, haunted the hills and the vales
for the sake of angling, snaring birds, swimming, and sometimes of
hunting, according to the Westmoreland fashion (or the Irish fashion
in Galway), on foot; for riding to the chase is quite impossible,
from the precipitous nature of the ground. It was in the course of
these pursuits, by an indirect effect growing gradually upon him, that
Wordsworth became a passionate lover of nature, at the time when the
growth of his intellectual faculties made it possible that he should
combine those thoughtful passions with the experience of the eye and
the ear.
One of the most interesting among the winter amusements of the
Hawkshead boys was that of skating on the adjacent lake. Esthwaite
Water is not one of the deep lakes, as its neighbours of Windermere,
Coniston, and Grasmere are; consequently, a very slight duration
of frost is sufficient to freeze it into a bearing strength. In
this respect Wordsworth found the same advantages in his boyhood as
afterwards at the University; for the county of Cambridge is generally
liable to shallow waters; and that University breeds more good skaters
than all the rest of England. About the year 1810, by way of expressing
an interest in "The Friend," which was just at that time appearing in
weekly numbers, Wordsworth allowed Coleridge to print an extract from
the poem on his own life, descriptive of the games celebrated upon
the ice of Esthwaite by all who were able to skate: the mimic chases
of hare and hounds, pursued long after the last orange gleam of light
had died away from the western horizon--oftentimes far into the night;
a circumstance which does not speak much for the discipline of the
schools, or rather, perhaps, _does_ speak much for the advantages of a
situation so pure, and free from the usual perils of a town, as could
allow of a discipline so lax. Wordsworth, in this fine descriptive
passage--which I wish that I had at this moment the means of citing,
in order to amplify my account of his earliest tyrocinium--speaks of
himself as frequently wheeling aside from his joyous companions to
cut across the image of a star; and thus, already in the midst of
sportiveness, and by a movement of sportiveness, half unconsciously to
himself expressing the growing necessity of retirement to his habits
of thought.[107] At another period of the year, when the golden summer
allowed the students a long season of early play before the studies of
the day began, he describes himself as roaming, hand-in-hand, with
one companion, along the banks of Esthwaite Water, chanting, with one
voice, the verses of Goldsmith and of Gray--verses which, at the time
of recording the fact, he had come to look upon as either in parts
false in the principles of their composition, or, at any rate, as far
below the tone of high poetic passion; but which, at that time of life,
when the profounder feelings were as yet only germinating, filled them
with an enthusiasm
"More bright than madness and the dreams of wine."
Meanwhile, how prospered the classical studies which formed the main
business of Wordsworth at Hawkshead? Not, in all probability, very
well; for, though Wordsworth finally became a very sufficient master
of the Latin language, and read certain favourite authors, especially
Horace, with a critical nicety, and with a feeling for the felicities
of his composition, I have reason to think that little of this skill
had been obtained at Hawkshead. As to Greek, that is a language which
Wordsworth never had energy enough to cultivate with effect.
[107] The following is the passage to which De Quincey refers, as
it now stands in Wordsworth's autobiographical poem _The Prelude_;
which, though begun in 1799 and completed in 1805, was not
published till 1850:--
"All shod with steel,
We hissed along the polished ice in games
Confederate, imitative of the chase
And woodland pleasures,--the resounding horn,
The pack loud chiming, and the hunted hare.
So through the darkness and the cold we flew,
And not a voice was idle; with the din
Smitten, the precipices rang aloud;
The leafless trees and every icy crag
Tinkled like iron; while far distant hills
Into the tumult sent an alien sound
Of melancholy not unnoticed, while the stars
Eastward were sparkling clear, and in the west
The orange sky of evening died away.
Not seldom from the uproar I retired
Into a silent bay, or sportively
Glanced sideway, leaving the tumultuous throng,
To cut across the reflex of a star
That fled, and, flying still before me, gleamed
Upon the glassy plain."
M.
From Hawkshead, and, I believe, after he had entered his eighteenth
year (a time which is tolerably early on the English plan), probably
at the latter end of the year 1787, Wordsworth entered at St.
John's College, Cambridge. St. John's ranks as the second college
in Cambridge--the second as to numbers, and influence, and general
consideration; in the estimation of the Johnians as the first, or
at least as co-equal in all things with Trinity; from which, at any
rate, the general reader will collect that no such absolute supremacy
is accorded to any society in Cambridge as in Oxford is accorded
necessarily to Christ Church. The advantages of a large college are
considerable, both to the idle man, who wishes to lurk unnoticed in the
crowd, and to the brilliant man, whose vanity could not be gratified
by pre-eminence amongst a few. Wordsworth, though not idle as regarded
his own pursuits, was so as regarded the pursuits of the place. With
respect to them he felt--to use his own words--that his hour was not
come; and that his doom for the present was a happy obscurity, which
left him, unvexed by the torments of competition, to the genial
enjoyment of life in its most genial hours.
It will excite some astonishment when I mention that, on coming to
Cambridge, Wordsworth actually assumed the beau, or, in modern slang,
the "dandy." He dressed in silk stockings, had his hair powdered, and
in all things plumed himself on his gentlemanly habits. To those who
remember the slovenly dress of his middle and philosophic life, this
will furnish matter for a smile.