CHAPTER V.

OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE SOUTHERN COAST OF ASIA MINOR.

Although the _Karamania_ of Captain Beaufort has anticipated all that is

most interesting in regard to the southern coast, the publication which

has recently been made of his minute and accurate delineation of this

coast, induces me to enter into an examination of its ancient geography

at greater length than was consistent with the plan of the _Karamania_:

for poor and deserted as this country now is, the numerous remains of

antiquity which it possesses, attest that it was formerly one of the most

populous and flourishing regions of the ancient world. It is remarkable

that in Strabo, and in the anonymous Periplus, entitled the Stadiasmus

of the Sea (σταδιασμὸς τῆς θαλάσσης), a fragment of which is preserved

in the Madrid library, we have a more ample description of this coast

than of any other that has been distinguished by Grecian civilization:

and thus at the same time that history has preserved an abundance of

information concerning its ancient places, the survey of Capt. Beaufort

furnishes us with a most correct representation of its real topography.

The most convenient mode of putting the reader in possession of the

ancient authorities on the sea coast of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia,

in order that he may compare them with the actual delineation, will be

to give a translation of its description by Strabo, subjoining in the

notes the collateral information of other ancient authors, together with

a few remarks suggested by a comparison of them. The passages of the

Stadiasmus I shall cite at length in the original language, because they

are found only in a scarce work. So minute is the description which this

coasting pilot has given, that nothing short of the detailed accuracy of

Captain Beaufort’s survey could have been sufficient to explain it, or to

detect and rectify the numerous errors which have been left in it by the

negligence and ignorance of the copier[212].

As Captain Beaufort’s survey begins at the gulf anciently called

Glaucus, and now the gulf of Mákri, I shall also begin the extract from

Strabo[213] at the same point, omitting all the passages which do not

assist in elucidating the geography.

“Beyond Dædala, which is the last place in Peræa of the Rhodii(1), is

a mountain of the same name, from whence begins the coast of Lycia,

which is 1720 stades in circum-navigation, rugged and dangerous, but

provided with good harbours.... Near Dædala, a mountain of the Lycii, is

Telmissus, a small city of the Lycii, and Cape Telmissis with a harbour.

Next is Anticragus, a very steep mountain, under which is Carmylessus,

situated in a narrow valley: beyond it is Cragus, which has eight capes

and a city of the same name. It is to these mountains that the fables

related of the Chimæra are applied, and in the vicinity there is a ravine

called Chimæra opening to the sea. Under Mount Cragus in the interior

is Pinara, one of the largest cities in Lycia. Then occurs the river

Xanthus, formerly called Sirbe. It may be ascended in small boats to the

temple of Latona, which is situated ten stades above its mouth: sixty

stades above the temple is the city of the Xanthii, the greatest in

Lycia(2). Beyond the Xanthus is Patara, also a great city, and having

a port and a temple of Apollo, founded by Patarus(3).... Then occurs

Myra(4), situated twenty stades above the sea on a commanding hill;

then the mouth of the river Limyrus; and twenty stades inland from it,

the small town of Limyra. On the coast just mentioned are many harbours

and islands: of the latter, the largest is called Cisthene(5), and has

a town of the same name. In the interior are Phellus, Antiphellus(6),

and Chimæra, of which last we have already spoken. Beyond the mouth of

the Limyrus is the Sacred Promontory(7), and the three rugged islands

called the Chelidoniæ, equal in size, and distant from each other

about five stades, and from the continent six stades; one of them has

an anchorage. From hence it is generally thought that Mount Taurus

has its beginning.... But in truth the mountains are uninterrupted

from Peræa of the Rhodii, as far as the parts about Pisidia; and the

whole of this range also bears the name of Taurus.... From the Sacred

Promontory to Olbia there is a distance of 367 stades(8), in which space

occurs Crambusa(9) and Olympus: the latter is a large city, and has a

mountain of the same name, which is also called Phœnicus(10); next to

it is the coast named Corycus(11); and then Phaselis, a large city with

three harbours and a lake. Above Phaselis is Mount Solyma. Termessus,

a Pisidian city, is situated at the straits of Mount Solyma, where is

the ascent into Milyas. Alexander destroyed Termessus, because he was

desirous of opening those passes. Near Phaselis is the defile on the

sea-shore through which Alexander led his army. The mountain is called

Climax; it borders upon the Pamphylian sea, leaving a narrow passage

along the shore, which, when the sea is calm, is dry and practicable

to travellers, but when swollen, is, for the most part, covered by the

waves. The road over the mountain is circuitous and difficult, for

which reason the passage along the shore is preferred in fair weather.

Alexander happening to be here in the winter season, and trusting to

fortune, attempted to pass before the waves had subsided; the soldiers

in consequence had to march the whole day up to the middle in water(12).

Phaselis is a city of Lycia on the confines of Pamphylia; it does not,

however, belong to the community of the Lycians, but has a separate

government of its own. In like manner Homer considers the Solymi as

separate from the Lycians.... Next to Phaselis is Olbia(13), a great

fortress, and the beginning of Pamphylia; then the Catarrhactes, a

large and rapid river, which falls from a lofty rock, with a sound

heard at a great distance(14). Next is the city Attaleia, so named from

its founder Attalus Philadelphus, who having also introduced a colony

into the neighbouring town of Corycus, comprehended them within a wall,

which inclosed a space of ground of no great extent(15). It is said that

Thebe and Lyrnessus[214] are to be seen between Phaselis and Attaleia;

for Callisthenes informs us that a part of the Cilices of Troas being

driven out of the plain of Thebe, came into Pamphylia. Next is the river

Cestrus(16), navigable for sixty stades to Perge; near Perge, in a lofty

situation, is the temple of Diana Pergæa, where a religious assembly is

held every year. Then, at a distance of forty stades from the sea, is a

lofty city, conspicuous from Perge; then a lake of considerable size,

called Capria; and next the river Eurymedon; and a navigable ascent of

sixty stades to the populous city of Aspendus, which was a colony from

Argus. Higher up lies Pednelissus. Beyond (the Eurymedon) is another

river, with many small islands lying before it(17). Then occurs Side(18),

a colony from Cyme, and having a temple of Minerva. Near it is the coast

of the lesser Cibyra; then the river Melas(19), and a station for ships;

and then the city Ptolemais(20), beyond which are the boundaries of

Pamphylia and Coracesium, which is the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The

whole circumnavigation of Pamphylia is 640 stades.

“Of Cilicia, beyond Taurus, a part is called Tracheia (rugged), and a

part Pedias (plain). Of the rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has

very little or no level country; the part which the Taurus overhangs

is equally mountainous, and is thinly inhabited as far as the northern

flanks near Isaura, and the Homonadenses, and as far as Pisidia. Hence

the country is called Tracheiotis, and the inhabitants Tracheiotæ.

Cilicia Pedias extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus; and includes

all the country as far as the part of Cappadocia which is adjacent to the

northern flank of Taurus. This division of Cilicia consists for the most

part of plains, and a fertile land.

“Having spoken of the parts (of Cilicia) within Taurus[215], we shall now

proceed to speak of those without Taurus, beginning with Tracheiotis. The

first fortress of the Cilicians is Coracesium, built upon a precipitous

rock(21). Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, made use of it as an arsenal,

when, with varying success, he headed an insurrection of Syria against

its kings, and at length was forced to put an end to his own life, upon

being blockaded in a certain fortress by Antiochus the son of Demetrius.

Tryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians, &c.

“After Coracesium is Syedra(22), then Hamaxia(23), a small inhabited

place upon a rock, with a station for vessels below it, to which

ship-timber is brought down from the mountains. This consists chiefly of

cedar, a wood apparently very abundant in these parts; for which reason

Antonius gave this region to Cleopatra, as being well suited for fitting

out her fleets. Next occurs Laertes(24), a fortress situated upon a hill

shaped like a woman’s breast, and having an anchorage below it; then the

river Selinus; then Cragus, a rock rising from the sea, and precipitous

on every side; and then the castle of Charadrus, which has an anchorage

below it. The mountain Andriclus rises above Charadrus, beyond which is

a rugged shore called Platanistus, and the promontory Anemurium. Here

the continent lies nearest to the coast of Cyprus, at the promontory

Crommyon, the distance being 350 stades. From the frontier of Pamphylia

to Anemurium, the length of the coast of Cilicia is 820 stades; the

remainder, as far as Soli, is 500 stades(25). In this space Nagidus(26)

is the first city which occurs after Anemurium; then Arsinoe(27),

having a station for ships before it; then the place called Melania,

and Celenderis, a city with a harbour(28). Some consider this place,

and not Coracesium, as the beginning of Cilicia.... Next occurs Holmi,

where the people of Seleuceia first dwelt, but who after the erection

of Seleuceia upon the Calycadnus emigrated to that place. Immediately

after turning the shore which forms a promontory, called Sarpedon, is

the mouth of the Calycadnus; near the Calycadnus is Zephyrium, also a

promontory; the river is navigable up to Seleuceia, which is a populous

city(29).... Beyond the Calycadnus is the rock Pœcile(30), cut into steps

leading to Seleuceia. Then occurs Anemurium, a cape, of the same name as

the former, and the island Crambusa, and the promontory Corycus(31), 20

stades above which is the Corycian cave.... Next to Corycus is Elæussa,

an island near the shore(32). The town was founded by Archelaus, and

became his residence when he took all Cilicia Tracheia, except Seleuceia,

in the same manner as Amyntas had it before him, and still earlier

Cleopatra.... The boundary of Cilicia Tracheia is between Soli and

Elæussa, at the river Lamus, where is a town of the same name.... Beyond

Lamus is the important city of Soli, the beginning of Cilicia Issensis:

it was founded by the Achæans, and the Rhodii of Lindus. To this place,

being in a deserted state, Pompey the Great removed such of the pirates

as he thought most worthy of clemency and protection, and named the place

Pompeiopolis(33).... Next occurs Zephyrium, of the same name as that at

the Calycadnus(34); then Anchiale, situated at a short distance from the

shore(35).... Above it is the fortress Cyinda, where the Macedonians

formerly kept their treasures, which Eumenes seized, rebelling against

Antigonus. Above this place and Soli are mountainous districts, where

is the city Olbe, with a temple of Jupiter, founded by Ajax the son of

Teucer.... Next to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus, near the place

called Rhegma. This place, which resembles a lake, preserves some remains

of the naval arsenal, which it formerly contained; it is now the port of

Tarsus. The river Cydnus, which rises in the part of Mount Taurus above

Tarsus, flows through the middle of that city, and into the lake(36)....

Beyond the Cydnus is the Pyramus, flowing from Cataonia(37). Artemidorus

says that the distance from this river to Soli, in a direct line, is

500 stades. Near it is Mallus, situated upon a height; it was founded

by Amphilochus and Mopsus, who, having slain one another in single

combat, were buried so that the tomb of one should not be visible from

that of the other:—the sepulchres are now shown near Magarsa and the

Pyramus.... Above this coast is the plain called Aleium, through which

Philotas led the cavalry of Alexander, while the king himself conducted

the phalanx from Soli by the sea-coast and the Mallotis to Issus(38)....

Beyond Mallus is the town Ægææ, which has an anchorage below it, and

then the gates (Pylæ) Amanides. Here also is an anchorage; and here

Mount Amanus terminates, which joins to Taurus, and bounds Cilicia on

the East. Next to Ægææ is the small town of Issus, where the battle was

fought between Alexander and Darius. The gulf is called Issic: in it are

the towns Rhosus and Myriandrus, and Alexandreia, and Nicopolis, and

Mopsuestia(39): and the gates (Pylæ) as they are called, which are the

boundary of Cilicia and Syria.”

NOTES.

(Note 1.) Peræa (from Πέρα) was the name of the coast of Caria opposite

to Rhodus, which for several centuries formed a dependency of that

opulent republic. In the time of Scylax, the Rhodii possessed only the

peninsula immediately in face of their island. As a reward for their

assistance in the Antiochian war, the Romans gave them a part of Lycia

and all Caria as far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent

policy in the second Macedonic war, they lost it all, including Caunus,

the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before it was restored

to them, together with the small islands near Rhodus; and from this time

Peræa retained the limits which Strabo has described, namely, Dædala on

the east, and Mount Loryma on the west, both included. Vespasian finally

reduced Rhodus itself into the provincial form, and joined it to Caria.

Liv. l. 38. c. 39.—l. 45. c. 20, 25. Cicero, Ep. ad Fratrem. l. 1. c. 1.

Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8.

(2) The names and distances on this part of the coast, in the anonymous

Periplus or Stadiasmus, which proceeds in a contrary direction to Strabo

(or from east to west), are as follows:

Ἀπὸ Πατάρων ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν ὑπέρκειται πόλις Ξάνθος σταδ. ξ.

(60.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ξάντου εἰς Πύδνας ἐπ’ ἐπευθείας σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἀπὸ Πύδνων ἕως τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας εἰς Καλαβαντίαν σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ Καλαβαντίων εἰς Περδικίας σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Περδικίων εἰς Κισσίδας σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Κισσίδων εἰς νῆσον Λάγουσαν σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ Λαγούσων εἰς Τελεμενσὸν σταδ. εʹ. (5.)

Here it may be observed, that, reckoning about ten stades to the

geographical mile, the total coasting distance of 355 stades between

Telmissus and the Xanthus is not incorrect when applied to the map; that

the 140 stades from the Xanthus to Cape Hiera, carries us to the most

projecting point of the Efta Kávi, or _Seven Capes_, as the _eight_

promontories of Mount Cragus mentioned by Strabo are now called; and

that the 130 stades from Cape Hiera to Cissides, and the 85 stades from

Cissides to Telmissus,—concur in showing that Cissides was the name of

the peninsular promontory, on the south side of which is the island and

harbour of St. Nicholas. As the ruins upon this cape and island, which I

visited in coasting from Castel Rosso to Mákri, indicate a late period

of the Roman Empire, it is probable that the town did not exist in the

time of Strabo; for the position will not answer to that of Carmylessus,

which, according to the Geographer, was in a φάραγξ, or narrow valley,

of Mount Anticragus. The exact situation of Carmylessus, therefore,

still remains unknown; as well as that of the cities of Cragus, of

Pinara at the foot of Mount Cragus, and of Tlos at the passage of the

mountains leading from the sea-coast into the Cibyratis[216]. According

to Artemidorus,—Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Xanthus, Myra, and Olympus were the

six great cities of Lycia: so that Telmissus, which is styled a πολίχνη,

probably had not in the time of Artemidorus reached that importance

which its theatre shows that it afterwards enjoyed. The ruins remarked

by Captain Beaufort under Mount Cragus, at the northern extremity of

the sandy beach which extends to the river Xanthus, seem to answer to

the Pydnæ of the Stadiasmus: it is perhaps the same as the Cydna, which

Ptolemy places among the cities of Mount Cragus.

(3) The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the allied fleet

of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under the command of L.

Æmilius Regillus in the Antiochian war[217], is now entirely choked up by

encroaching sands. The ruins of the city are extensive; consisting of the

town-walls, and of numerous sepulchres on the outside; and within, of the

remains of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good

preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus; it is 295

feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats, and a proscenium, upon

which a long inscription shows that the theatre was built by Q. Velius

Titianus, and dedicated by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth

consulate of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (A.D. 145). Appian remarks, that

Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears from Strabo and

the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of the river Xanthus, eight or

nine miles above Patara. Ruins are known to exist in this situation, but

they have not yet been described by any modern traveller. According to

Arrian[218], it seems to have been on the left bank of the river; for

Alexander crossed the river Xanthus from Telmissus, before he took the

cities Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara. Hence, also, we have some light on

the site of Pinara.

(4) Myra still preserves its ancient name, together with the ruins of a

theatre 355 feet in diameter; the remains of several public buildings,

and numerous inscribed sepulchres, on some of which are the Lycian

characters, found also at Limyra, Telmissus, and Cyana. The distance

of the ruins of Myra from the sea corresponds very accurately with the

twenty stades of Strabo.

Andriace, described as the port of Myra by Appian[219], and which is

named also by Pliny and Ptolemy, is still called Andráki. On the banks of

the river by which Lentulus ascended to Myra, after breaking the chain

which closed the port, are the ruins of a large building, which appears

by an inscription to have been a granary of Hadrian. Here are also

several other remains of antiquity.

(5) There is no variation in the MSS. of Strabo in this place, and

Isocrates also names Κισθήνη in a manner which leads one to believe

that he is speaking of a place on this coast[220]. Later writers,

however, make no mention of Cisthene; and Ptolemy[221], Pliny[222],

and Stephanus[223], agree in showing that Megiste and Dolichiste were

the two principal islands on the coast of Lycia: the former word

(_greatest_) well describing the island of Kastelóryzo, or Castel Rosso,

as the latter word (_longest_) does that of Kákava. Nor is Scylax less

precise in pointing out Kastelóryzo as Megiste; which name is found in an

inscription copied by Mr. Cockerell from a rock at Castel Rosso[224]. It

would seem, therefore, that this island was anciently known by both names

(Megiste and Cisthene), but in later times perhaps chiefly by that of

Megiste. Its convenience to maritime war and commerce must have secured

its importance in every age; whence its mention in the narrative, by

Livy[225], of the transactions of the Rhodian fleet against Antiochus,

would alone perhaps have been sufficient, without other evidence, to

identify Castel Rosso with Megiste, although the historian describes

Megiste as a port only, not as an island. The anonymous Periplus, or

Stadiasmus, has accurately enumerated the islands between Antiphellus

and Patara, in the passage cited in a following Note. His Rhope and

islands of Xenagoras are evidently the Rhoge and Enagora of Pliny. Rhoge

is now called St. George. The two islands of Xenagoras, now named Volo

and O’khendra, are situated at the mouth of the bay of Kalamáki; the

situation of which harbour, two miles eastward of the ruins of Patara,

accords, no less than its steep rocky shore, with the description of Port

Phœnicus, from whence, in the course of the operations against Antiochus,

C. Livius made an unsuccessful attempt upon Patara[226].

(6) Strabo is inaccurate in placing Antiphellus among the inland towns,

ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, in contradiction to Ptolemy, Pliny, and the author

of the Stadiasmus. There can be no doubt of the ruins on the coast

opposite to Castel Rosso being those of Antiphellus: the ancient name

is still preserved in the corrupted form of Andífilo; at which place I

distinguished on many of the ancient tombs the word Ἀντιφελλείτης, which

is found to be the ethnic adjective in Stephanus of Byzantium.

(7) The name of the Chelidoniæ insulæ has been transferred to Cape Hiera,

or the Sacred Promontory, which is now called Cape Khelidhóni. The

following is the description of the coast between Patara and the Sacred

Promontory in the Stadiasmus, which, as I have already observed, travels

in an opposite direction to Strabo, or from east to west:—

Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας ἐν Μελανίππη σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης εἰς Γάγας σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης ἐπὶ Ταμὸν (leg. ποταμὸν) ἀλμυρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

ὑπὲρ σταδ. ξ. (60.) κεῖται πόλις Ἀλμυρὰ καλουμένη.

Ἀπὸ Μελανίππης (τοῦ Λιμύρου?) εἰς πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον

σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσίου πύργον εἰς Ἀδριακὴν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀδριακὴς εἰς Σόμηναν σταδ. δ. (4.)

Ἀπὸ Σόμηναν εἰς Ἀπέρλας σταδ. ξ. (60.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀκρωτηρίου εἰς Ἀντίφελλον σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀντιφέλλου εἰς νῆσον Μεγέστην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Μεγέστης εἰς νῆσον Ῥόπην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Ῥόπης εἰς τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσους σταδ. τ. (300.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσων εἰς Πάταραν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

The greater part of the distances towards the beginning of this extract

are quite unintelligible. Melanippe, however, seems to accord with

the bay on the north side of Cape Khelidhóni. This place may possibly

have been the port of Gagæ, which was a city of some celebrity[227],

and appears from Scylax to have been near the coast, between Limyra

and the Chelidoniæ. Being also named by Pliny[228] as near Olympus and

Corydalla,—which last place, according to the Peutinger Table, was

29 miles from Phaselis on the road to Patara,—the site of Gagæ will

accord very well with the ruins marked in Captain Beaufort’s survey at

Aladjá, five miles from the centre of the Bay of Fínika. Following the

same direction into the interior, we ought to meet with the remains of

Corydalla, coins of which city are still extant. Rhodiopolis, also,

called Rhodia by Stephanus and Ptolemy, which Pliny names next to

Corydalla, and which Ptolemy enumerates together with Corydalla, among

the cities adjacent to Mount Masicytus,—would also probably be found in

the neighbouring part of the interior of Lycia[229]. And here it may

be observed, that the position of several of the towns which Ptolemy

enumerates around Mount Masicytus[230], are now determined with a degree

of accuracy sufficient at least to show the situation and extent of that

mountain, a very lofty projection of which separates the bays of Fínika

and Myra, under the name of Cape Fínika.

Following the Stadiasmus to the westward, we cannot doubt that his river

Almyrus is a corruption of Limyrus, mentioned, together with the town

of Limyra, by Pliny and Stephanus, as well as by Strabo. The remains of

Limyra are found at Fínika, on the river which enters the bay of Fínika

at its western angle: not, however, at a distance of sixty stades

from the river’s mouth, as the Stadiasmus indicates, but, as Strabo

remarks, at twenty. Some of the curious sepulchres inscribed in the

Lycian character and dialect, which Mr. Cockerell found here, have been

published by him in the 2d volume of Walpole’s Collection (p. 524). A

stream which joins the sea close to the mouth of the Limyrus, seems to

be the Arycandus of Pliny[231], which name we learn to have been that of

a Lycian city, from Hierocles, from Stephanus, and from the Scholiast

of Pindar[232], who speaks also of a sacred place called Embolus in

its vicinity. That Arycanda was in this part of the country, might be

presumed likewise from an inscription found by Mr. Cockerell[233] at

Limyra, in honour of a person who had acquired the rites of citizenship

at Arycanda and Olympus. Some vestiges of Arycanda, therefore, might

possibly be found on the banks of the river above mentioned. I am

inclined to think that the name of a town near Mount Masicytus, which in

some of the copies of Ptolemy is Τριβένδα, and in others Ἀρένδαι, ought

to be Ἀρυκάνδαι. Pliny places Arycanda (perhaps improperly) in Milyas.

In Captain Beaufort’s survey, we find the beach of Myra bounded to the

west by a small rocky cape, called Pýrgo. This seems to be the tower

named Isium (εἰς Πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον) in the Stadiasmus; though in

arriving at that conjecture we must overlook the distance from Andriace

there stated. As to the distance of the same tower from Melanippe, I

take that word to have been a mistake of the copier of the Stadiasmus

for Limyrus: the repetition of Melanippe a second time was necessary,

because Gagæ being an inland place, the Periplus was obliged to revert

to Melanippe: and this second repetition may have led to an erroneous

repetition a third time; for it is to be observed that the total distance

from Cape Hiera to Andriace _minus_ that from Melanippe to Gagæ is

correct. And so is the distance (120 stades) from Limyrus to Andriace,

assuming the correction which I have mentioned.

To the westward of Andriace we have two ancient sites determined by

inscribed sepulchres, which record the name of the city, and the

inscriptions upon which have been copied by Mr. Cockerell:—that of Cyana,

or the city τῶν ΚΥΑΝΕΙΤΩΝ, at the head of Port Trístomo, as the inner

part of the bay behind the island of Kákava, is now called ——; and that

of Aperlæ, or the city τῶν ΑΠΕΡΛΕΙΤΩΝ at the head of Assar Bay. In our

copies of Pliny, the former name is written Cyane; in Hierocles and

the Notitiæ Episcopatuum it is Cyaneæ. The Stadiasmus has omitted it,

probably because it is at a considerable distance from the open sea.

Aperlæ is erroneously written by Ptolemy Aperræ, by Pliny Apyræ; in the

Notitiæ the bishopric is styled Ἀπριλλῶν: in Hierocles and the Stadiasmus

we find the orthography correct. The Somena of the Stadiasmus we can

hardly doubt to be the same place as the Simena mentioned as a Lycian

city by Pliny (l. 5. c. 27.), and by Stephanus. Simena is placed by the

Stadiasmus at four stades to the westward of Andriace, precisely in

which situation we find some sepulchres marked in the survey of Captain

Beaufort. A further examination of these monuments might perhaps discover

the name of Simena as that of the ancient town which stood here.

(8) The Stadiasmus describes the places between Attaleia and Cape Hiera

as follows:—

Ἀπὸ Ἀτταλείας ἐπὶ χωρίον Τένεδον σταδ. κ. (20.)

Ἀπὸ Τενέδου εἰς Λύρναντα χωρίον σταδ. ξ. (60.) ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως

ὄρος μέγα ὑπέρκειται Φασίλις ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ.

(_deest_.)

Ἀπὸ Κωρύκου ἐπὶ τὸν Φοινικοῦντα σταδ. λ. (30.) ὑπὲρ μέγα ὄρος

ὑψηλὸν κεῖται Ὄλυμπος καλούμενον. Ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος ἐπ’ εὐθείας εἰς

Κράμβουσαν σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ Κραμβούσης ἐπὶ χώρας Ποσιδαρισοῦντος σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ Ποσιδαρισοῦντος ἐπὶ Μωρὸν ὕδωρ καλούμενον σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ Μωροῦ ὕδατος ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἱερὰν καὶ νῆσον Χελιδονίαν σταδ. ν.

(50.)

Captain Beaufort discovered the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash, and those

of Phaselis at Tékrova; the inscriptions at either place leaving no doubt

of the identity. The ὄρος μέγα, in the second paragraph of the above

passage of the Stadiasmus, is Mount Solyma, which extends 70 miles to

the northward, but the highest part of which, now called Taghtalu, is

immediately above the ruins of Phaselis. From the third paragraph of the

preceding passage of the Stadiasmus compared with Strabo, it appears

that the names Phœnicus and Olympus were applied indifferently, both

to the city which stood at Deliktash and to the mountain above it. In

the inscriptions, however, and in the coins of this city, Olympus only

occurs. In several of the inscriptions found at Deliktash, the name of

the people is written ΟΛΥΝΠΗΝΟΙ, in others, as well as on the existing

coins, it is ΟΛΥΜΠΗΝΟΙ, and thus also we find the name in the ancient

authors. Scylax, in the place of Olympus, names the cape and harbour of

Siderus[234]; and it cannot be doubted that he meant the bay of Deliktash

or Olympus; for he adds that in the mountain above there was a temple

of Vulcan, at which there was a perpetual fire issuing from the earth,

exactly as Captain Beaufort discovered it, at a short distance above the

ruins of Olympus.

(9) Crambusa is an island still known by its ancient name, slightly

corrupted. It is probably the same as the Dionysia of Scylax and Pliny.

(10) Strabo in a subsequent passage (p. 671) remarks, that all Lycia,

Pamphylia, and Pisidia, were visible from Mount Olympus; and that upon it

was the fortress of a celebrated pirate named Zenicetus.

(11) The Corycus of the Stadiasmus corresponds exactly in situation with

that which Strabo describes as a coast (Κώρυκος αἰγαλός) between Olympus

and Phaselis; and Lyrnas is evidently the representative of Lyrnessus;

which Homer mentions together with Thebe. According to Strabo, Thebe and

Lyrnessus were supposed to have been between Phaselis and Attaleia.

(12) Arrian (l. 1. c. 26.) relates the same occurrence in the following

manner: “Alexander moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army through

the mountain to Perge, the Thracians pointing out the road, which was

difficult, but not long. Those attached to his person, were led by

himself along the sea-side. This road cannot be used, except when the

wind is northerly; when the south wind blows, it is impracticable. When

Alexander arrived there, a north wind succeeding to violent south winds,

rendered the passage short and easy; an accident which, by Alexander and

his court, was considered as having happened by the interposition of some

deity.”

The incident is well illustrated by the actual geography; for the whole

coast, from the ruins of Phaselis to the western corner of the plain of

Attaleia, consists of a lofty mountain, rising abruptly from the shore.

Arrian, in saying that the passage was not long through the mountains

from Phaselis into the plains where Perge was situated, shows that there

was a pass in Mount Solyma not far from Attaleia; for Alexander was not

yet in possession of Termessus, which commanded the principal pass of

Mount Solyma, and the detour that way instead of being short would have

been very long.

(13) The position of Olbia is still uncertain; but as Strabo and Ptolemy

agree in placing it at the beginning of Pamphylia, between Attaleia

and the Lycian frontier, I am inclined to think that its remains may

still be found (especially if Strabo has truly described it as a great

fortress) in some part of the plain which extends for seven miles from

the modern Adália to the foot of Mount Solyma. Stephanus, who states

that the name is properly Olba, not Olbia, adds that it did not belong

to Pamphylia, but to the country of the Solymi—a strong presumption that

it stood upon or at the foot of Mount Solyma. As the Stadiasmus was a

Periplus, the omission of Olbia is at once explained, if we suppose it

to have been situated at some distance from the coast: and as Captain

Beaufort’s survey was equally a Periplus, the same circumstance would

account for the site of Olbia having eluded his researches. The following

is the description of the coast between Coracesium and Attaleia in the

Stadiasmus:

Ἀπὸ Κορακησίου εἰς Αὔνησιν ἐπὶ χωρίον Ἀνάξιον σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀναξίων εἰς χωρίον καλούμενον Αὐγὰς σταδ. ο. (70.)

Ἀπὸ Αὐγῶν ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον Λευκόθειον σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Λευκοθείου εἰς Κύβερναν σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Κυβέρνης ἐπὶ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν Μέλανον σταδ. θ. (9.)

Λοιπὸν Παμφυλία.

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ εἰς Σίδην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Σίδης εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς ποταμὸν πλωτὸν καλούμενον Εὐρυμέδοντα σταδ. ρ.

(100.)

Ἀπὸ Κυνοσθρίου ἐπὶ ποταμὸν καλούμενον Κεστρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)

ἀναπλεύσαντι τὸν ποταμὸν πόλις ἐστὶ Πέργη τοῦ Κέστρου ἐπὶ

Ῥουσκόποδα.

Ἀπὸ Ῥουσκόποδος ἐπὶ Μάσουραν καὶ τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Μασούρας εἰς Μυγδάλην σταδ. ο. (70.)

Ἀπὸ Μυγδάλων εἰς Ἀττάλειαν σταδ. ι. (10.)

(14) Pomponius Mela gives a similar description of the

Catarrhactes:—“Deinde duo validissimi fluvii, Cestros et Catarrhactes:

Cestros navigari facilis, hic quia se præcipitat ita dictus. Inter

eos, Perga est oppidum.” The Stadiasmus affords a still more accurate

allusion to its present state, by using the plural τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας,

the Cataracts. The river on approaching the coast divides itself into

several branches, which in falling over the cliffs that border the coast

from Laara to Adália, form upon their upper part a mass of calcareous

deposition, projecting considerably beyond the perpendicular line of the

cliffs. Through the calcareous crust, the water makes its way to the sea;

and being thus separated into several streams by a natural process, which

has been rapidly increasing in its operation in the course of time, the

river has now no determinate mouth (as it may perhaps have had in former

ages), unless it be after heavy rains, when, as I saw it in passing along

the coast, it precipitates itself copiously over the cliffs near the most

projecting point of the coast a little to the west of Laara. Besides this

natural peculiarity which divides the Catarrhactes into many branches,

its main stream is further diminished by the derivations which turn the

mills and supply water to the gardens and town of Adália.

(15) I am aware that this passage has been differently interpreted. The

words of Strabo are these: Εἶτα πόλις Ἀττάλεια, ἐπώνυμος τοῦ κτίσαντος

Φιλαδέλφου καὶ οἰκίσαντος εἰς Κώρυκον πολίχνιον ἄλλην κατοικίαν ὅμορον

καὶ μικρὸν περίβολον περιθέντος. That the meaning of the geographer was

that which I have given, seems confirmed by Demetrius, as quoted by

Stephanus in the following words, in which, however, he has misnamed

Cilicia for Pamphylia: Ἀττάλεια ... οἱ δὲ τὴν Κιλικίας Κώρυκον οὕτω

φασὶ λέγεσθαι, ὡς Δημήτριος· ἀπὸ Ἀττάλου Φιλαδέλφου κτίσαντος αὐτήν. It

seems, therefore, that Attalus sent a colony to occupy the shore of the

harbour of Adália, near a small town then called Corycus; that Corycus

also received a part of the colony, and that he inclosed that town and

his new settlement within the same walls. The passage of Strabo is

further illustrated by Suidas, (in Κωρυκαῖος,) who says that Corycus was

a cape of Pamphylia, where Attaleia was built: Κώρυκος γὰρ τῆς Φαμφυλίας

ἀκρωτήριον παρ’ ᾧ πόλις Ἀττάλεια.

Captain Beaufort expresses his conviction that the modern Adália stands

on the site of Olbia; and he places Attaleia at some ancient ruins, which

he discovered at Laara, to the eastward of the Catarrhactes. D’Anville,

as well as M. Gosselin (See the new French translation of Strabo, l. 14.

c. 4.), are of a similar opinion. This opinion is founded entirely upon

the order of names in Strabo, though he is contradicted by the evidence

of Ptolemy[235], of the Stadiasmus, and of the modern name of Adália.

To me it appears that the ruins at Laara, whose position possesses no

advantages adapted to the seat of a colony, are too inconsiderable

for those of a city, the importance of which may be traced from the

time of its Pergamenian founder, through the history of the Greeks,

Romans, Crusaders, and Byzantines, down to the Turkish conquest of

Constantinople, without any indication or probability of a change of

situation. Adália possesses all the natural advantages likely to have

made it the chief settlement of the adjacent country, when the power of

Asia became embodied under the successors of Alexander. The walls and

other fortifications—the magnificent gate or triumphal arch, bearing an

inscription in honour of Hadrian—the aqueduct—the numerous fragments of

sculpture and architecture—the inscribed marbles found in many parts of

the town—the Episcopal church, now converted into a mosque—the European

coats of arms seen upon this church and upon the city walls—and lastly,

the bishopric of Attaleia (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), of which Adália is still the

see—appear to me incontrovertible evidences of identity[236]. In regard

to the names Adália and Satalía applied to the place by the Turks and

Italians respectively, it may not be unworthy of observation that they

are both taken immediately from the Greek; the former from the nominative

or accusative case (ἡ Ἀττάλεια, or στὴν Ἀττάλειαν), which were the forms

most frequently used by the Greeks in speaking of the town itself; the

latter from the genitive case (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), this being perhaps the

case which the Italian navigators are chiefly in the habit of hearing the

Greeks employ in speaking of the gulf or port (of the κόρφος or πόρτος

τῆς Ἀτταλείας). The great difference of sound in the two modern words has

been the necessary consequence of the difference between the accent of

the gen. case of the Greek word, and that of the nom. or acc. The Turkish

name Adália is precisely the Greek, except that the Turks have hardened

the tt into d.

The vestiges of an ancient town and port, which Captain Beaufort

observed at Laara, answer to the Magydus of Ptolemy, a place which

flourished under the Byzantine Empire, and was a bishopric of the

province of Pamphylia[237]. The Masura of the Stadiasmus, and the Μάσηδος

of Scylax, appear to be the same place as Magydus.

(16) Although the ancient geography of the coast of Pamphylia cannot be

thoroughly illustrated until the position of its chief towns is examined

and ascertained, there seems little doubt that the four rivers mentioned

by Strabo,—namely the Cestrus, the Eurymedon, a third river not named

with islands before it, and the Melas,—are accurately fixed by the

survey of Captain Beaufort and the route of General Koehler, confronted

with Strabo, the Stadiasmus, Zosimus[238], and Pomponius Mela[239]. The

Cestrus is that which General Koehler crossed at two hours to the west of

Stavros, and the ruins which he had on his left hand in crossing it seem

to be those of Perge. The Eurymedon is called Kápri-su, a name derived

from the ancient city of Capria, which, as well as can be understood from

the imperfect text of Strabo, stood at the distance of about two miles

from the sea, upon the banks of a lake of the same name, which occupies a

part of the maritime region between the Eurymedon and Cestrus. The name

of Kápri has, by a process not uncommon, been transferred from the lake

or city to the neighbouring river Eurymedon. The remains of Aspendus

ought to be found at six or eight miles from the mouth of the Eurymedon,

on a lofty precipitous height on the banks of the river[240]. Higher up

was Pednelissus. But the most interesting discovery in this part of the

country would be Selge, a colony from Laconia, situate on the frontiers

of Pisidia and Pamphylia, in a very fertile district, difficult of

approach, in the upper regions of Mount Taurus, near the sources of the

Cestrus and Eurymedon[241].

(17) There can be little doubt that the river without a name here

mentioned, is that which is marked on the map between Side and the

Eurymedon, although instead of any islands before it, nothing is now seen

but some rocks below or even with the water’s surface. In proceeding by

sea from Alaya to Castel Rosso, I remained for two or three days in the

mouth of this river, in a two-masted vessel of Alaya of about 50 tons. It

is the only river which affords shelter, or even entrance to a boat; the

Cestrus and Eurymedon, although much larger streams, being now closed by

_bars_. It is very probable that the remains of Sylleium would be found

upon the banks of this river, for which we have no name either ancient

or modern; for Sylleium appears both from Scylax and Arrian[242] to have

been situate between Side and the Eurymedon; and as it continued to be a

place of importance under the Byzantine empire, and became the principal

bishopric of the province of Pamphylia upon the decline of Perge, and

superior even in rank to Attaleia[243], I have little doubt that its

site might be ascertained. According to the Stadiasmus, there stood

also between Side and the Eurymedon one of the numerous places named

Seleuceia. This may perhaps have been the port of Sylleium. The relative

distances of the Stadiasmus, which are tolerably correct on this part

of the coast, would place Seleuceia in the bay to the eastward of the

nameless river. At the mouth of that river I did not observe any remains

of antiquity.

(18) The fine ruins of Side have been described by Captain Beaufort. Its

site is decisively fixed by the inscriptions found there. The extensive

moles and artificial harbours, of which the remains still exist,

illustrate the remark of Strabo, that Side was the chief port and place

of construction of the piratic fleets; and its magnificent theatre, 400

feet in diameter, indicates that under the more civilised government of

the Romans it still continued to be the chief city of this coast. Though

the Turks are so ignorant as to give it the name of Eski Adália (Old

Attaleia), the name of Side was not unknown to their geographers 150

years ago, being mentioned by Hadji Khalfa. The Greeks give the name of

Παλαιὰ Ἀττάλεια to the ruins of Perge.

(19) There can be no doubt that the Melas is the river now called

Menavgát-su, for Zosimus and Mela[244] agree in showing its proximity to

Side. Strabo, Mela, and the Stadiasmus, all place it to the eastward of

Side; and the distance of 50 stades in the Stadiasmus between the Melas

and Side, is precisely that which occurs between the ruins of Side and

the mouth of the river of Menavgát.

Cape Karáburnu being the most remarkable projection upon this coast,

seems to be the promontory Leucotheius of the Stadiasmus, although the

modern name implies _black_ and the ancient _white_. The situation of

Karáburnu relatively to Coracesium and the Melas, agrees also with that

of Leucotheius with regard to the same places in the Stadiasmus. It is

probably the same as the Cape Leucolla of Pliny[245].

If the Κύβερνα of the Stadiasmus is the same as the Little Cibyra of

Strabo, as we can hardly doubt, there is a manifest disagreement between

the two authorities in regard to the position of its territory. It is

probable that the text of Strabo is in fault, and that in the order of

names the coast of Lesser Cibyra should follow instead of preceding the

Melas; for it is difficult to believe that any other territory should

have been interposed between that of so large a city as Side and a river

which was only four miles distant from it. The vestiges of Cibyra are

probably those observed by Captain Beaufort upon a height which rises

from the right bank of a considerable river about 8 miles to the eastward

of the Melas, about 4 miles to the westward of Cape Karáburnu, and nearly

2 miles from the shore. Ptolemy[246] places Cibyra among the inland

towns of Cilicia Tracheia; Scylax names it as a city of Pamphylia, near

Coracesium.

The 200 stades of the Stadiasmus between Coracesium and Leucotheius,

accord tolerably well with the 16 G. M. of the map between Alaya

Coracesium and Karáburna: and although the relative distances of the

two ancient ruins which occur in this interval do not very accurately

agree with the two places mentioned in that Periplus, I am inclined to

consider the easternmost of the ruins as Anaxia, and the westernmost

(which is on a cape) as Augæ. The meaning of the Stadiasmus seems to

be, that Anaxia was not on the coast, and that it had a port called

Aunesis,—circumstances which exactly agree with the ruins nearest to

Alaya. I greatly suspect also that the Anaxia of the Periplus is the

Hamaxia of Strabo, and that the geographer has erroneously placed that

town to the eastward of Coracesium.

(20) As no other author makes mention of this Ptolemais, and as its name

is not found in the Stadiasmus, it may be conjectured that Ptolemais did

not stand upon the coast, but occupied, perhaps, the situation of the

modern town of A´lara, where is a river, and upon its banks a steep hill

crowned with a Turkish castle.

(21) The testimonies of Strabo, Ptolemy, Scylax, and the Stadiasmus,

concur in placing Coracesium at Alaya, the extraordinary situation of

which town upon a rocky promontory, precipitous on one side and on the

other extremely steep, is well suited to that fortress, which alone held

out against Antiochus the Great, when all the other places on the coast

of Cilicia had submitted to his arms[247]. Coracesium was one of the

positions which particularly assisted in supporting the spirit of piracy

upon this coast; and it was the last at which the pirates ventured to

make any united resistance to the fleet of Pompey, before they separated

and retired to their strong holds in Mount Taurus. For the history of the

pirates the reader may consult Strabo, the Mithridatic war of Appian,

(who gives an account of their reduction by Pompey,) and Plutarch’s

life of the same Roman commander. Their long success was owing to the

commodious ports and strong positions of the coast, to the strength of

Mount Taurus behind, and to the frequent disputes of the kings of Cyprus,

Egypt, and Syria, among one another and with the Romans; which made it

occasionally the interest of every party to support the Cilician cities

in piracy and independence. Thus, like the Barbary states in the present

day, the opportunity was afforded them of collecting plunder and captives

from every vessel and shore that was unable to resist them. The sacred

island of Delus became the entrepôt of their trade; and the increasing

luxury of the Romans gave encouragement to their commerce in slaves.

(22) Lucan[248] calls Syedra a port. Floras describes it as a desertum

Ciliciæ scopulum; yet its copper-coins are not uncommon[249]; it probably

shared with Coracesium a fertile plain which here borders the coast, and

stretches for ten miles to the eastward of the latter place.

(23) I have already observed that I am inclined to prefer the testimony

of the Stadiasmus, as to the site of Hamaxia, to that which Strabo

has here given: for notwithstanding the frequent interruptions, false

spellings, and false distances in the Periplus, the order of names in

a work of that description is more to be depended upon than in Strabo.

Unfortunately, Hamaxia is not mentioned by any other author.

(24) The following is the description in the Stadiasmus of the coast

between Anemurium and Coracesium.

Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀνεμουρίου εἰς Πλατανοῦντα σταδ. τν. (350). Error.

Ἀπὸ Πλατανοῦντος εἰς χωρίον Χάραδρον σταδ. τν. (350). Error.

Ὑπὲρ δὲ Χαράδρου κεῖται ὄρος μέγα Ἄνδροκος καλούμενος ἀπὸ σταδ.

λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαράδρου ἐπὶ χωρίον Κράγον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100).

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κράγου ἐπὶ χωριὸν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης, Ζεφελίους (lege Νεφέλεως)

σταδ. κε. (25).

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφελίου ἐπὶ ἄκραν Νησιαζούσης σταδ. π. (80).

Ἀπὸ Νησιαζούσης ἄκρας εἰς Σελινοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100).

* * * * *

Ἀπὸ Λαερτοῦ εἰς Κορακήσιον σταδ. ρ. (100).

The distance between Selinus and Laertes is wanting; which, as it

deprives us also of the whole number of stades between Anemurium and

Coracesium, deducts very largely from the information contained in this

passage of the Stadiasmus, where, moreover, there are great errors in

some of the separate distances. Neither Syedra nor Hamaxia are mentioned;

but the other names are the same as in Strabo and in the same order,

with the addition of Cape Nesiazusa, which is not mentioned by any other

author, and of Cape Nephelis, which according to Livy[250] was the

station of the fleet of Antiochus the Great, when having reduced the

cities of Cilicia as far as Selinus inclusive, he was employed in the

siege of Coracesium, and where he received the ambassadors of the Rhodii.

The preservation of the ancient names of Selinus, Charadrus, and

Anemurium, renders it easy to fix the principal places on the line of

coast between Alaya and Anamúr. If we allow any weight to the evidence

of the distances in the preceding passage of the Stadiasmus, the site of

Laertes was at some ruins on a hill near the shore, 9 G. M. direct from

Alaya, and 13½ from the ruins of Selinus, or Trajanopolis, at Selinti.

Cragus, the Antiocheia super Crago of Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 8.), who places

it next to Selinus eastward, is found about half way between Selinus

and Charadrus on a steep hill rising from the shore, which exactly

corresponds with the description of Cragus by Strabo. Nephelis appears

from the distance in the Stadiasmus to have been the promontory two or

three miles to the westward of the same place. But in this case Ptolemy

has improperly inserted Nephelis between Antiocheia and Anemurium. It

seems not improbable that Antiocheia was founded or named by Antiochus,

when he chose the bay of Nephelis for the station of his fleet in his

operations against the Cilician fortresses. According to Appian (Mithrid.

c. 96.) there was a fortress of Anticragus, as well as of Cragus. In

regard to Platanus, Captain Beaufort remarks, that “between the plain of

Selinti and the promontory of Anamúr, a distance of 30 miles, the ridge

of bare rocky hills forming the coast is interrupted but twice by narrow

valleys which conduct the mountain torrents to the sea. The first of

these is Kháradra; the other is half way between that place and Anamúr.”

The latter seems therefore to be the Platanus of the Stadiasmus: in

comparing which authority with Strabo and with the map, it would appear

that Platanus gave the name of Platanistus to the whole coast between

Charadrus and Anemurium, and that the distance of Platanus from either

place in stades should be ρν (150) instead of τν (350).

(25) These two numbers, namely, 820 stades from Coracesium to Anemurium,

and 500 stades from Anemurium to Soli, are obviously incorrect; nor

would they be very accurate if they were to change places, the distance

from Coracesium to Anemurium being about 50 geographical miles in direct

distance, and that from Anemurium to Soli near 100.

(26) Nagidus, a colony of the Samii[251], appears from its silver

coins[252] to have been anciently one of the chief cities upon this

coast: it probably declined in proportion as the neighbouring position of

Anemurium (which was better adapted to be one of the fortresses and ports

of the pirates) rose into importance. The two theatres, the aqueduct, and

other ruins at Anemurium, all show that it chiefly flourished under the

Romans. The site of Nagidus appears to have been on the hill above the

castle of Anamúr.

The river Arymagdus, placed by Ptolemy between Anemurium and Arsinoe,

seems to be the same as the Lalassis, which, according to Pliny, flowed

from Isauria into the sea of Anemurium[253]. The name of Lalassis was

applied also to the country on the banks of this river. Ptolemy mentions

Nineia, as the only town which it contained. The river is now called the

Direk-Ondasi; it joins the coast at the castle of Anamúr, five miles

north-eastward of Cape Anamúr.

The following are the places between Celenderis and Anemurium according

to the Stadiasmus:

Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100).

Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπ’ ἀκρωτήριον Ποσείδιον καλούμενον σταδ. ζ. (7).

Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Διονυσιοφάνους σταδ. λ. (30).

Ἀπὸ Διονυσιοφάνους εἰς Ρυγμάνους (qu. Ἀρυμάγδους?) σταδ. ν. (50).

Ἀπὸ Ρυγμανῶν εἰς Ἀνεμούριον σταδ. ν. (50).

Notwithstanding the distortion of names in this passage, yet as the two

extreme places preserve their ancient appellations, and the amount of

distance 237 stades corresponds with the 26 G. M. of the map, we may

place some confidence in the intermediate positions. The fifty stades

of the Stadiasmus between Rhygmana and Anemurium accord with the real

distance between the cape of Anamúr and the castle of Anamúr, which

stands at the mouth of the Arymagdus: it is probable therefore that

Ρύγμανα is an error for Ἀρύμαγδος. Nor can it well be doubted that the

promontory Poseidium is the cape now called Kizlimán, this being the

only remarkable headland between Anemurium and Celenderis, and the

distances in the Stadiasmus according very accurately with the reality.

According to an emendation of Saumaise, who was not acquainted with this

corroborating passage of the Stadiasmus, Scylax also makes mention of the

promontory of Poseidium.

(27) The Arsinoe here mentioned by Strabo is the only place in Ptolemy

between the mouth of the Arymagdus and Celenderis: it is named also by

Pliny, Stephanus, and the geographer of Ravenna, the last of whom in

giving the names in this order, Anemurium, Arsinoe, Sicæ, Celenderis,

corroborates Strabo and Ptolemy, and justifies us in placing Arsinoe at

or near the ruined modern castle called Sokhta Kálesi, below which is a

port such as Strabo describes at Arsinoe, and a peninsula on the east

side of the harbour covered with ruins. The relative distances in the

Stadiasmus place Dionysiophanæ at the same spot. Possibly this may have

been the name of the harbour or peninsula, and Arsinoe may have stood

upon the hill of Sokhta Kálesi. The name of Syce or Sycea, the Sicæ of

the geographer of Ravenna, is found as a Cilician town in Athenæus[254]

and Stephanus of Byzantium; and if the emendation of Scylax by Gronovius

may be followed, it was very near the promontory Poseidium.—Perhaps it

possessed the fertile valley lying on the east side of the hills which

end in Cape Kizliman.

One cannot but suspect at first sight that the Mandane of the Stadiasmus

is the same place as the Melania of Strabo. The seven stades however of

the Stadiasmus place Mandane very near Poseidium to the eastward. On the

other hand there is a small bay only two or three miles to the westward

of Kelénderi, where Captain Beaufort remarked some vestiges of antiquity:

it remains doubtful therefore whether the distance in the Stadiasmus is

correct, and whether Melania and Mandane were the same, or different

places.

(28) As the Stadiasmus does not mention any distance between the Gulf of

Berenice and Celenderis, there is reason to think that Berenice was the

name of the _bay_ to the eastward of the little _port_ of Kelénderi. The

following are the names and distances of the places in the Stadiasmus

between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the Gulf of Berenice:

Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (scil. Καλυκάδνου) ἐπὶ ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν

Σαρπεδονίαν καλουμένην. σταδ. π. (80.)

Ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἀνατεινὸν τὰ βραχέα ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας σταδ. κ.

(20.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἔγγιστα πρὸς τὴν Κύπρον εἰς πόλιν Καρπασίου

νεωτάτου σταδ. υʹ. (400.)

Ἀπὸ Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) ὁμοίως καὶ

εἰς Σώλους (leg. Ὁρμοὺς sive Ὁλμοὺς) σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ὁρμῶν ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ κώμην καλουμένην Μύλας σταδ. μ.

(40.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ λιμένα Νησούλιον καὶ ἄκραν ἐπινήσιαν σταδ. ξ.

(60.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ χωρίον Φιλαίαν σταδ. κ. (20.) Οἱ πάντες ἀπὸ

Μυλαίων τὸν ἐπίτομον, σταδ. φ. (500.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλαίας ἐπὶ νῆσον Πιτυοῦσαν σταδ. ρλ. (130.) Ἀπέχει ἡ

Πιτυοῦσα ἀπὸ Χεῤῥονήσου τῇ πρὸς τὴν Μύλη σταδ. κ. (20.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῆς Πιτυούσης πρὸς τὴν Ἀφροδισιάδην σταδ. μεʹ. (45.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ὑμῶν εχον’ τὴν Πιτυοῦσαν ἐπὶ

πύργον κείμενον πρὸς ἄκραν ἡ προσονομάζεται Ζεφύριον σταδ. μ.

(40.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφυρίου ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ πόλιν Ἀφροδισιάδα σταδ. μ. (40.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Ἀφροδισιάδα ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὴν κα

... δέθιν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) Ἡ δὲ Ἀφροδισιὰς κεῖται ἔγγιστα τῆς

Κύπρου πρὸς τὴν Αὐλιῶνα ἄκτην κατὰ πρύμναν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὰ μέρη

τῆς ἄρκτου σταδ. φ. (500.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Κίφισον σταδ. λεʹ. (35.)

Ἀπὸ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ ἄκραν Κραύνους σταδ. μ. (40.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν Κραύνων ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια εὐώνυμα ἔχοντα τὴν Κράμβουσαν

σταδ. με. (45.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν Πισουργίων εἰς κόλπον Βερνίκην (leg. Βερενίκην) σταδ. ν.

(50.)

Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100.) &c.

(29) Although there is not much to be learnt from the preceding passage

of the Stadiasmus, one very important point is settled by it. The long

sandy promontory of Lissan El Kahpeh is so accurately described by

the words ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν, as to leave no doubt of its identity

with Sarpedonia, celebrated as being the place beyond which the ships

of Antiochus the Great were forbidden to sail by his treaty with the

Romans[255]. Strabo has therefore justly described the mouth of the

Calycadnus as occurring after turning Cape Sarpedon to the eastward;

and the same relative situation of the places is indicated as well

by the Stadiasmus, as by Ptolemy, whose names are in the following

order: Celenderis, Aphrodisias, Sarpedon, the mouth of the Calycadnus,

Zephyrium, Corycus. Although Ptolemy here describes the mouth of the

Calycadnus and Zephyrium as separate places, I believe them to have been

the same, and that Cape Zephyrium was nothing more than the remarkable

projection of the sandy coast at the mouth of that river; for Polybius,

Livy, and Appian, all speak of Calycadnus as a cape, and the two latter

as a cape different from Sarpedon: it can hardly be doubted therefore

that the projection at the mouth of the river was meant by them. In

corroboration of this opinion, it is to be observed that the Stadiasmus

does not notice any Zephyrium on this part of the coast, but names only

the mouth of the Calycadnus at 80 stades to the east of Sarpedonia,

which is nearly the distance of the mouth of the Ghiuk Su from Lissan El

Kahpeh. Pliny[256] in like manner omits Cape Zephyrium, stating the order

of names (from E. to W.) as follows: “Corycus eodem nomine oppidum et

portus et specus; mox flumen Calycadnus, promontorium Sarpedon, oppida

Holme, Myle promontorium et oppidum Veneris, a quo proxime Cyprus insula.”

The Aphrodisias or city of Venus which Ptolemy here names, although

unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by Stephanus, by Diodorus[257], and by

Livy[258]; from the last of whom it appears to have ranked in the time

of Antiochus the Great among the chief towns of the coast. Its position,

as indicated by Pliny, agrees with that ascribed to it by Ptolemy and

the Stadiasmus; and it appears from their joint authority to have been

situated between Celenderis and Sarpedon, on or very near a promontory,

also called Aphrodisias, which lay about north of Cape Aulion the

north-eastern extremity of Cyprus. These data, however precise, are not

sufficiently so to decide the question between two adjacent capes on

the coast westward of Sarpedon; and the confused account of the places

in the Stadiasmus does not inspire much confidence in that authority.

We perceive, however, that the Stadiasmus accords with Strabo and Pliny

in naming Holmi as the first place to the westward of Cape Sarpedon,

and Pliny confirms the Stadiasmus in placing Mylæ between Holmi and

Aphrodisias. Mylæ in the Stadiasmus is called a Cape and Chersonese, a

description precisely applicable to Cape Cavaliere, which is a peninsula

connected with the continent by a very narrow isthmus. I am inclined to

think, therefore, that cape Cavaliere was Mylæ, that the cape near the

Papadúla rocks was the promontory of Venus, and that some vestiges of

the town of Aphrodisias would be found near the harbour behind the cape.

Captain Beaufort informs us that he did not observe many remains of

Grecian antiquity on this part of the coast; they were probably converted

into new buildings by the Crusaders, many marks of whose residence

are found here, and among others the names of Cavaliere and Provençal

attached to the most remarkable cape and island[259]. The island of

Provençal, called by the Turks Menavát, is probably the Pityussa of

the Stadiasmus; for the Papadúla islands, consisting of several small

rocks, would hardly have been described by a Greek word in the singular.

Holmi, the ancient residence of the people of Seleuceia before the time

of its foundation by Seleucus Nicator[260], was probably at Aghalimán,

the modern port of Seléfke. The observation of the Stadiasmus, that the

distances were equal between Cape Sarpedonia and Seleuceia, and between

the same promontory and Holmi, will be found accurate when applied to

Aghalimán and Seléfke, relatively to the extreme point of the sandhills

above the low sandy cape of Lissan el Kahpeh: for it may easily be

credited that the point of the sandhills was the extreme cape at the

date of the Stadiasmus; at which time the long low spit may have been

the shoals which that authority notices as extending twenty stades

beyond Sarpedonia. The distance, however, of 120 stades from Sarpedon to

Seleuceia and to Holmi will be found too great, when measured from the

point of the sandhills to Seléfke and Aghaliman.

The river which joins the sea at the bottom of the Bay of Papadúla,

being the largest stream on the part of the coast under consideration,

seems to be the Melas of the Stadiasmus; and the cape which lies midway

between that stream and Celenderis may possibly be the Crauni of the same

authority. The other places mentioned in the Stadiasmus, I shall not

pretend to determine, but proceed to extract from it the names of the

places on the whole extent of the coast of Cilicia Campestris, with their

respective distances. As this authority proceeds in a contrary direction

to Strabo, it will be found more convenient to examine the entire passage

relating to the coast of Cilicia before we continue the immediate

reference to the text of Strabo, followed in the numbers attached to

these Notes.

Ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας σταδ. σ. (200.) ὁμοῦ οἱ

πάντες ἀπὸ Πάλτου ἕως τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν σταδ. β͵φ. (2500.)

Λοιπὸν Κιλικία.

Ἀπὸ τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν εἰς τὸ Ἱερὸν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) τοῦτο ἐστὶν

ὑπερβῆναι εἰς τὸν τόπον εἰς πόλιν.

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ εἰς πόλιν Ἀμινσὸν σταδ. ψ. (700.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀμινσοῦ εἰς τὰς Ἀμμωνιακὰς (leg. Ἀμανικὰς) πύλας ἐντ’

κοιλοτάτου τοῦ κόλπου σταδ. ϛ. (6.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς κώμην Ἄλλην σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου οὐριοδρομοῦντος σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλλων εἰς πόλιν Αἰγαίας σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου εἰς Αἰγαίας εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ

νότου σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ Αἰγαίων ὁ παράπλους Κρημύωδος ἐπὶ κώμην Σερετίλην σταδ. ρν.

(150.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ Ῥωσοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τὴν Σερετίλην ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ

νότου σταδ. σν. (250.) κατὰ δὴ τὴν Σερετίλην κώμη ἐπάνω Πύραμος

καλεῖται· καὶ ὑπεράνω αὐτοῦ ὄρος καλούμενον Πάριον ἀπὸ σταδ. ξ.

(60.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς Σερετίλλεως εἰς κώμην ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰανουαρίαν σταδ. α͵.

(1000.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰανουαρίας ἄκρας ἐπὶ τὰς Διδύμους νήσους σταδ. λ. (30.)

Ἀπὸ τῶν Διδύμων νήσων εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Μάλλον σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ Μάλλου εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπὶ Πύραμον ποταμὸν σταδ. ρν. (150.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ἣν νῦν Κέφαλον καλοῦσι σταδ.

ο. (70.) παρὰ τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ποταμός ἐστι πλωτὸς Πύραμος καλεῖται.

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Σκοπέλου (scil. Ῥωσσικοῦ[261]) δὲ μὴ κατακολπίζοντι, ἀλλ’

ἐπ’ εὐθείας πλέοντι εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἔπειτα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τῆς

Ἠπείρου νότῳ τὰ εὐώνυμα μάκρον διαφάλλω σταδ. τν. (350.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι εἰς Σώλους ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς

ἑσπέραν μέρη τῆς ἄρκτου νότῳ μίκρᾳ παρέλκας σταδ. φ. (500.)

Ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Πυράμου ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Ἄρειον σταδ. ρκ.

(120.)

Ἀπὸ Ἀρείου ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ στόματος λίμνης, ὃ καλεῖται Ῥηγμοὶ σταδ.

ο. (70.)

Ἀπὸ Ῥηγμῶν εἰς Τάρσον σταδ. οʹ. (70.) ῥέει δὲ μέσης τῆς πόλεως

ποταμὸς Κύδνος.

Ἀπὸ Τάρσου ἐπὶ χωρίον Ζεφύριον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων ἐπὶ κώμην Καλάνθιαν σταδ. ν. (50.)

Ἀπὸ Καλανθίας κώμης εἰς Ἐλαιοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ Σεψαούσης (qu. Σεβάστης?) εἰς κώμην καλουμένην Κώρυκον σταδ.

κ. (20.)

Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. σπ. (280.) ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέχον ἐστὶν

ἀκρωτήριον Κωρύκιον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κωρυκίου ἐπὶ λιμένα καλούμενον καλὸν Κορακήσιον σταδ.

ρκε. (125.)

Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κορακησίου ἐπὶ τὴν Ποικίλην Πέτραν, ἥτις ἔχει κλίμακα δι’

ἧς ἐστιν ὁδὸς εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Λύκου σταδ. οʹ. (70.) (lege

Καλυκάδνου sive Καλύδνου[262]).

Ἀπὸ τῆς κλίμακος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Καλύδιον (lege Καλυδνον) σταδ.

μ. (40.)

The reader will think, perhaps, that this long passage was hardly worth

transcribing. Some of the distances indeed between the known points

give us not much confidence in its authority: the number of stades, for

instance, from Paltus on the coast of Syria to the Cilician pylæ is more

than double, and that across the Gulf of Issus from Myriandrus to Ægæ

is less than half the true distance. Nor will the shorter lines along

the coast bear much examination. I have thought it worth while, however,

to complete the comparison of this Periplus with the survey of Capt.

Beaufort, because its minute description can be illustrated only by a

delineation so detailed and accurate as that of Capt. B. In the part of

the Gulf of Issus which has not yet been surveyed, the names and their

order may be of use to future investigators of the comparative geography

of these countries: and the Periplus may throw some light upon ancient

topography, when it has itself received illustration from a correct

delineation.

There are two points at the head of the Gulf of Issus besides

Alexandreia, which have preserved the ancient name. These are Baiæ and

Ægæ, both which words are still used in the _Romaic_ form (the accusative

case), in which they were received by the Turks from the Byzantine

Greeks. Βαιαί is now called Bayás, and Αἰγαί or Αἰγαῖαι, Ayás. The former

stands in a small plain at the foot of Mount Amanus, which rises from

the extremity of the Gulf; the latter occupies a point on the north side

of the gulf, at the entrance of a bay, which is formed on the opposite

or western side by a low cape, at the mouth of the Djihún, or Ghihún—the

ancient Pyramus.

Strabo, Ptolemy[263], and the Stadiasmus agree in naming two pylæ, or

passes, fortified with a wall and gate at the head of the gulf; namely,

the gate of Amanus, which was in Cilicia, and the Cilician gate, which

formed the division between Syria and Cilicia. The position of both

these pylæ has been ascertained[264]; the northern or Amanic, between

Ayás and Bayás, at the northern or innermost extremity of the gulf, ἐν

τῷ κοιλοτάτῳ τοῦ κόλπου, as the Stadiasmus has well described it,——the

southern or Cilician, between Bayás and Iskenderún, not far from, if not

exactly at the place, where Pococke and other modern travellers observed

some ruins vulgarly known by the name of the Pillars of Jonas. The pass

of Beilan, leading from Iskenderún over the mountain into the plain of

Antioch, was a third pylæ[265], which has been well distinguished by

Ptolemy from the other two, and was justly called the Gate of Syria.

It will follow from the foregoing remarks, that I cannot agree with the

author of the Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus, in thinking

that Strabo, by the words Ἀμανίδες Πύλαι, and αἱ Πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον

Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων[266], meant one and the same pass; or that by either

of these pylæ he meant the pass of Beilan. For it is to be observed,

that his words Ἀμανίδες πύλαι occur in enumerating the places in their

order, thus: Mallus, Ægæ, Amanides Pylæ, Issus. At Issus, after observing

that the gulf took its name from that city, he suddenly breaks off from

his former order, mentions several cities in the neighbourhood of the

Gulf, and ends with naming the gate which formed the boundary of Syria

and Cilicia; which, it is to be observed, could not have been the Pass

of Beilan, because in that case Alexandria would have been included in

Cilicia: whereas we know that Issus was the last town of that province.

Nor is the meaning which Major Rennell gives to these words of Strabo

supported by the other passage which he cites (from p. 751); the words

of which are ... αἱ Πάγραι τῆς Ἀντιοχίδος, χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν κατὰ τὴν

ὑπέρθεσιν τοῦ Ἀμανοῦ τὴν ἐκ τῶν Ἀμανίδων πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν κείμενον.

Ὑποπίπτει μὲν οὖν ταῖς Πάγραις τὸ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πεδίον. The ruins of

Pagræ are found under their ancient name, in the usual modern form of

the accusative case (Pagras), on the southern slope of Mount Amanus

eight or nine miles below Beilan on the road to Antioch. Had Beilan been

the Amanic gate meant by Strabo, he would surely have described Pagræ

simply as being on the descent from the gates of Amanus into the plain

of Antioch, not as on the _passage over_ Mount Amanus, which leads from

the Pylæ Amanides into Syria; for thus the passage should be translated,

and not as Dr. Gillies has given it, “situate upon the _ascent_ of Mount

Amanus leading from the gates of Amanus into Syria.” Beilan certainly

was, as I have just observed, _a Pylæ_, and it was upon Mount Amanus,

or rather exactly at the point which separated Mount Amanus from Mount

Pieria; but it was not the Pylæ Amanides of Strabo, the position of

which, as already described, is exactly confirmed by the Stadiasmus,

as well as by Ptolemy. There was a fourth pass, as Major Rennell has

justly observed, which crossing Mount Amanus from the eastward, descended

upon the centre of the head of the gulf, near Issus. By this pass it

was that Dareius marched from Sochus, and took up his position on the

banks of the Pinarus; by which movement Alexander, who had just before

marched from Mallus to Myriandrus, through the two maritime pylæ, was

placed between the Persians and Syria. Cicero also alludes to this pass

when he observes, that “nothing is stronger than Cilicia on the side of

Syria, there being only two narrow entrances into it over the Amanus, the

ridge of which mountain divides the two provinces: “qui Syriam a Cilicia

aquarum divortio dividit[267].” The other pass to which he alludes was

that of Beilan.

With regard to the military operations of Alexander and of Cyrus on this

celebrated scene of action, I must be satisfied, until we have a more

detailed and accurate map, with referring the reader to Major Rennell,

who has ably confronted the various evidences upon the subject in his

illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus. The chief movements and the

general situation of the places are sufficiently clear, and I fully

subscribe to Major Rennell’s opinions, with the sole exception which I

have just stated.

Having ascertained the eastern extremity of the line of coast

comprehended between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the head of the gulf

of Issus, I shall now return to the western extremity, and, proceeding

according to the order of names in the extract from Strabo, examine how

far the text of the Geographer can be illustrated by other authorities,

particularly the Stadiasmus. The modern names of Kórgos, Lámas, and

Tersús, which would probably be still nearer the original Corycus,

Latmus, and Tarsus, when written by a Greek, are the principal landmarks,

and together with the ruins of Pompeiopolis at Mezetlu, they render it

not difficult, with the assistance of Captain Beaufort’s survey, to fix

most of the intermediate places.

(30) Here it will be observed that the Stadiasmus exactly confirms

Strabo’s description of the rock Pœcile, with its steps leading to

Seleuceia. Its distance of 40 stades from the Calycadnus, if correct,

will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern angle of the sandy

plain of the Calycadnus, where a sheltered bight between the sandy beach

and a projection of the mountains which constitute the coast from thence

as far as the Lámas, serves as the harbour of Selefke towards the east,

as Aghalimán is to the west. Instead of any steps in the rocks, Captain

Beaufort here found the “extensive ruins of a walled town, with temples,

arcades, aqueducts, and tombs built round a small level, which had some

appearance of having once been a harbour, with a narrow opening to the

sea.” An inscription copied by Captain Beaufort from a tablet over the

eastern gate of the ruins, accounts for the omission of any notice

of this _town_ by Strabo; for the inscription states it to have been

entirely built by Fluranius, archon of the Eparchia of Isauria, in the

reign of the Augusti Valentinian, Valens, and Gratianus[268]. It seems

probable that it is the same place called Pœcile Petra by Strabo; and

that being the eastern port of Seleuceia, it acquired under the Roman

emperors a share of the importance to which Seleuceia then attained,

and probably some new name, perhaps Zephyrium. As the Stadiasmus speaks

of the place in the same terms as Strabo, it may be inferred that this

Periplus is older than the ruins at Pershendi, or older than the 4th

century.

(31) Between Pœcile Petra and Corycus, Strabo places Cape Anemurium

and the island Crambusa; the Stadiasmus names only port Coracesium.

Κώρυκος still preserves its name; but instead of being a promontory as

described by Strabo, it is an island, upon which stands a castle similar

in structure to another larger castle on the neighbouring shore of the

continent. The castle on the island appears from the inscriptions which

it preserves, to have been of the time of the Armenians, who possessed

this country in the beginning of the 13th century. In 1432 Korgos

belonged to the king of Cyprus[269]. In 1471 it was taken from the Turks

of Mahomet the Second by the Venetians, who gave it up to the prince of

Karaman[270]. The castle on the shore stands on the site of a Greek town,

the ancient Corycus[271], which Strabo has not noticed. There does not

appear to be any cape on the four miles of coast between this point and

Pershendi that will readily identify itself with his cape Anemurium, nor

any harbour that will agree with the Coracesium of the Stadiasmus; and

the distances in the last authority are quite absurd. On the summit of

the mountain, above the ruins of Corycus, ought to be found the Corycian

cave, of which Strabo, Mela, and Solinus have related such wonders, that

with regard to the greatest part of them we may use the words applied

by Solinus himself to one of the circumstances reported of the cave—Qui

volunt, credunt.

(32) Elæussa is no longer an island; and it is remarkable that Stephanus,

though in one place[272] he calls it an island near Corycus, in

another[273] describes it as a Chersonese. A sandy plain now connects

Elæussa with the coast, and with the ruins of the city which derived

its importance and its name of Sebaste from having been the residence

of Archelaus king of Cappadocia[274]. These ruins consist of a temple,

theatre, numerous sepulchres, and three aqueducts, one of which is

derived from the river Lamus, six miles distant. The distance of Elæussa

as well as of Soli from Corycus is tolerably exact in the Stadiasmus;

consequently there must be some error either in the distance between Soli

and Calanthia, or in that between Calanthia and Elæussa: and hence, as

there are no conspicuous ruins upon this part of the coast, it becomes

impossible to fix Calanthia.

(33) Soli, which like Aspendus and Rhodus was a colony from Argus, was

at one time the chief city on the coast of Cilicia; but it had fallen

into decay, chiefly by the ill treatment of Tigranes, when Pompey,

having reduced Cilicia, rebuilt it and named it Pompeiopolis[275].

Captain Beaufort has published a plan of its ruins. The elliptical

mole and artificial port seem to have been a magnificent structure,

and may perhaps be only a repair of an ancient Greek work. The other

remains, the walls, aqueduct, theatre, temples, and the long colonnade

on either side of the main street, were probably erected by Pompey, as

they resemble the skeletons of Roman cities seen at Antinoe in Egypt, at

Gerasa in Syria, and less perfectly in many other places.

(34) The most projecting point between the ruins of Soli and the mouth

of the Tersús-tshai, or Cydnus, is the sandy cape at the mouth of the

river of Mersín. This cape, therefore, is probably the ancient Zephyrium,

though its distance from Tarsus is somewhat greater than that which

the Stadiasmus gives between these two places, namely 120 stades. The

Stadiasmus agrees with Hierocles in showing that there was a town as well

as a cape of Zephyrium.

(35) We naturally look for Anchiale, the port of Tarsus, at the nearest

part of the coast at which there is shelter for shipping, or at that

from whence the maritime traffic of Tarsus is now carried on. The shore

opposite to Kazalú and Karaduar is in both these predicaments; and

between these two villages is a river answering to the Anchialeus[276].

Anchiale boasted of an antiquity equal to that of Tarsus; but as early

as the time of Alexander the Great it retained only the vestiges of

its former importance, in its massy and extensive walls[277]. A large

mound, not far from the Anchialeus, with some other similar tumuli near

the shore to the westward, are the remains, perhaps, of the works of

the Assyrian founders of Anchiale, which probably derived its temporary

importance from being the chief maritime station of the Assyrian monarchs

in these seas.

(36) The Cydnus, instead of flowing through Tarsus, as in former

times[278], leaves the present city to the westward, and no longer forms

the lake towards its mouth, which once served as a naval arsenal to

Tarsus. The alluvion of the river itself has converted this lake into a

sandy plain.

Although Strabo has omitted to mention the Sarus in this place, there is

sufficient proof that it was the modern Sihún, which enters the sea at

a short distance to the S.E. of the Cydnus; for the town of A´dana, the

district of which adjoined to that of Tarsus, still retains its ancient

name and situation on the western bank of the Sihún[279]; the course of

which river is traced upwards through mount Taurus into the plains of

Cappadocia, exactly as Strabo describes the Sarus[280].

(37) It is equally evident that the Ghihún is the Pyramus, whose origin,

like the Sarus[281], was in Cappadocia, from whence it flowed through the

Taurus; for the Pyramus was the next river eastward of the Sarus[282];

and at Mensís, the Ghihún flows within 20 miles of the Sihún at Adana,

without any intermediate river of magnitude between them; from thence it

winds to the east, and joins the sea in the middle of the Issic gulf. The

Ghihún is larger than any other river in Cilicia, as Strabo describes

the Pyramus, and it has deposited a large tract of alluvial land at its

mouth, which, however, has not increased so rapidly as the ancients had

predicted.

(38) The great plain situated between the lower course of these two

rivers and the sea was called Aleium. The only hill which it contains

rises from the shore of the gulf of Iskenderun, and forms at its southern

extremity the northern cape of that gulf under the name of Karadash.

Here Captain Beaufort observed the vestiges of an ancient town. This I

believe to have been Megarsus, and that Mallus was situated on another

hill which rises from the eastern bank of the Pyramus near its mouth;

for these two situations accord perfectly with the evidence which the

ancients have left respecting the position of Megarsus and Mallus. 1.

Megarsus was a sea-beaten hill in the neighbourhood of Mallus and the

mouth of the Pyramus[283], and Karadash is the only hill near the Aleian

plain which borders the sea-coast. 2. Mallus was upon a height near the

Pyramus, as Euphorion[284], Scylax[285], Strabo, Stephanus[286], and

Mela[287], all indicate, and not far from the sea-coast, as appears

from its being noticed in the Periplus of Scylax, as well as in the

Stadiasmus. 3. Strabo and Ptolemy agree in naming the Pyramus before

Mallus in proceeding from west to east. 4. This position of Megarsus, the

Pyramus, and Mallus, agrees perfectly with the proceedings of Alexander,

as related by Strabo, Arrian, and Curtius[288]. Alexander having sent

his horse under Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the

Pyramus, marched the infantry from Soli along the sea-coast to Megarsus;

from whence, after having sacrificed to Minerva Megarsis, he proceeded

to Mallus, which it appears that his army did not enter until they had

thrown a bridge across the Pyramus.

It is further remarkable, in reference to the site of Mallus, that

the sailing distance in the Stadiasmus from Mallus to Soli, accords

precisely with that of Artemidorus[289] from the Pyramus to Soli, namely

500 stades, which is very near the truth; and that the description which

the Stadiasmus gives of the navigation is exactly confirmed by the

form of the intermediate coast, namely, that it trended first to the

southward, and then to the north-westward.

(39) Mopsuestia is represented to have stood on the Pyramus[290]. Its

name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to Mampsysta, or Mamista,

or Mansista[291]; of which names the modern Mensís appears to be a

further corruption. This town stands on the Ghihún, on the road from

Baiás to A´dana, nearly at the distance from each at which the Jerusalem

Itinerary places Mansista. The Peutinger Table, also, places Mopsuesta at

19 M. P. from A´dana. We cannot doubt, therefore, that Mensis occupies

nearly, if not exactly, the site of the ancient city of Mopsus.

Above this place, on the same river, stood Anazarba, or Cæsareia at Mount

Anazarbus, which has probably preserved some remains of antiquity, as it

was the capital of the second or eastern Cilicia about the fifth century,

Tarsus being at that time the metropolis of the western[292].

To the north-eastward of Ægæ was Epiphaneia[293], one day’s march from

Mount Amanus[294], on the road from Alexandria to Anazarbus[295], which

probably branched from the road to Mopsuestia, not far from the Amanic

gates. In the mountains above Epiphania and Anazarbus towards Cappadocia

were Pindenissus and Tibara, two strong towns of the Eleuthero-Cilices

which were taken by Cicero[296]. Castabalum, placed by the Itineraries

about 16 M. P. from Baiæ, and about 26 from Ægæ, appears from Curtius

to have been very near the Pylæ Amanides, on the northern side[297].

According to the Table, Issus was 5 M. P. to the southward of Castabalum.

Below Mopsuestia, between that place and Mallus, there appears to have

been a town upon the Pyramus called Antiocheia; for besides the evidence

which the Stadiasmus affords of this fact, we find it exactly confirmed

by Stephanus, who mentions it as one of ten cities of that name[298].

The Seretila, which the Stadiasmus places between Mallus and Ægæ, is

probably an error for Serrepolis, which name is inserted by Ptolemy[299]

in the same situation; and this conjecture is in some measure confirmed

by the genitive Σερετίλλεως, in which form the Stadiasmus afterwards

mentions the same name, and which nearly approaches to Σεῤῥεπόλεως.

I shall not pretend to explain the Stadiasmus any further, or to justify

its distances, some of which may, however, be found accurate, when a

better knowledge of the real geography and of the ancient sites shall

have illustrated its meaning. With such a multitude of verbal and literal

errors, we cannot be surprised at finding many of the numbers also

inaccurate. It may be observed, however, that of the three distances

which the author has drawn across the gulf of Issus,—namely, from

Myriandrus to Ægæ, from Rhosus to Serrepolis, and from the Rhosic rock

(now cape Hanzír) to Antiocheia on the Pyramus,—the two latter seem to be

tolerably near the truth.