JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._
JOURNAL
OF
A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,
WITH
COMPARATIVE REMARKS
ON THE
ANCIENT AND MODERN GEOGRAPHY
OF THAT COUNTRY.
BY
WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE,
F.R.S. &c.
_ACCOMPANIED BY A MAP._
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
1824.
PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,
SHOE-LANE.
PREFACE.
To the traveller who delights in tracing vestiges of Grecian art and
civilization amidst modern barbarism and desolation, and who may thus
at once illustrate history and collect valuable materials for the
geographer and the artist—there is no country that now affords so fertile
a field of discovery as Asia Minor. Unfortunately, there is no province
of the Ottoman empire more difficult to explore in detail. In European
Turkey, the effects of the Mahometan system are somewhat tempered by its
proximity to civilised Europe, by its conscious weakness, and by the
great excess of the Christian population over the Turkish: but the Turk
of Asia Minor, although he may be convinced of the danger which threatens
the whole Ottoman empire, from the change that has taken place in the
relative power of the Musulman and Christian world, since his ancestors
conquered the favoured regions of which their successors have so long
been permitted to remain in the undisturbed abuse—derives, nevertheless,
a strong feeling of confidence and security, from his being further
removed from the Christian nations which he dreads; and sensible that
European Turkey must be the first to fall before the conqueror, he feels
no restraint in the indulgence of his hatred to the Christian name,
beyond that which may arise from the dictates of his religion, or from
the native hospitality of the people of the East.
In Asia Minor, among the impediments to a traveller’s success may be
especially reckoned the deserted state of the country, which often
puts the common necessaries and conveniences of travelling out of his
reach; the continual disputes and wars among the persons in power; the
precarious authority of the government of Constantinople, which rendering
its protection ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success depend upon the
personal character of the governor of each district; and the ignorance
and the suspicious temper of the Turks, who have no idea of scientific
travelling; who cannot imagine any other motive for our visits to that
country, than a preparation for hostile invasion, or a search after
treasures among the ruins of antiquity, and whose suspicions of this
nature are of course most strong in the provinces which, like Asia
Minor, are the least frequented by us[1]. If the traveller’s prudence or
good fortune should obviate all these difficulties, and should protect
him from plague, banditti, and other perils of a semibarbarous state
of society, he has still to dread the loss of health, arising from the
combined effects of climate, fatigue, and privation; which seldom fails
to check his career before he has completed his projected tour.
Asia Minor is still in that state in which a disguised dress, an
assumption of the medical character, great patience and perseverance,
the sacrifice of all European comforts, and the concealment of pecuniary
means, are necessary to enable the traveller thoroughly to investigate
the country, when otherwise qualified for the task by literary and
scientific attainments, and by an intimate knowledge of the language and
manners of the people.
Among modern travellers, two only have yet traversed Asia Minor in
various directions for exploratory purposes; Paul Lucas in the years
1705, 1706, and 1715, and Capt. Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and
1814. The rest have merely followed a single route in passing through the
country; even the travels of the two persons just named, amount only to a
description of several routes instead of one; the state of the provinces
and the mode of travelling having rendered it impossible to make any of
those excursions from the main road, without which the geography of an
unknown country cannot possibly be ascertained. It even appears from the
journal of Mr. Kinneir, that the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor
have rather increased of late years than diminished. And hence he was
unsuccessful in all his attempts to explore particular sites interesting
to ancient history, and was unfortunate in his collection of the surest
tests of ancient geography,—inscriptions.
The principality of Tshappán-Oglu, which offered some security to the
traveller, has been broken up by his death; and that of the family
of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, the mildness and equity of whose government over
the greater part of Æolis, Ionia and Lydia, had attracted thither
great numbers of Greeks from Europe, has been put an end to by the
same impolitic jealousy of Sultan Mahmud which is undermining his own
security and threatens the destruction of his empire. There remain
only a few dispersed chieftains, most of them in a state of doubtful
allegiance to the Porte, in whose districts, by good management and
previous preparation, the traveller might perhaps be allowed to explore
the country in safety. In no other parts can he, unless with all the
requisites above stated, and a great sacrifice of time, hope to effect
more than a rapid passage along the principal roads, take a transient
view of some of the remains of antiquity, and note the distances of
places, and the general bearings of the route, together with the relative
situations of a few hills or other remarkable objects on either side of
the road.
Under such circumstances, it is obvious that the geography of Asia
Minor can only be improved by collecting and combining the information
contained in the journals of modern travellers; by which means an
approximation to a detailed map of the country may progressively be made.
It was with the view of contributing to this object that I published the
journal of two routes through the central parts of Asia Minor, in the
second volume of the Rev. R. Walpole’s Collection of Memoirs on Greece
and Asia Minor.
Having, since that publication, extended over the whole peninsula the
comparative inquiry into its ancient and modern geography, which was
there confined to the parts forming the subject of the journals, the
result has been, the map which accompanies the present volume; the
volume itself containing, together with the substance of the memoir in
Mr. Walpole’s Collection, the additional remarks suggested by the more
enlarged geographical inquiry.
As the _remarks_ have become considerably more voluminous than the
_journal_, I cannot flatter myself that the work in its present form
will possess much attraction for the general reader. It can only pretend
to contain, when accompanied by the map, all the existing information
upon Asia Minor most essential to the exploring traveller; at the same
time that it cannot fail to offer some interest to the reader of ancient
history.
The modern authorities which have served in the construction of the map
are of two kinds—the maritime, and those relating to the interior of the
country: the former derived from celestial observations, or nautical
surveys on the sea coast; the latter, from the routes of travellers. The
maritime being the most certain, and giving accuracy of position to the
two ends of some of the principal routes, and consequently in a great
degree to the entire lines—may be considered as the foundation of the
work.
The positions of Constantinople and Smyrna are assumed from the
concurrence of several good observations. The entire southern coast, from
the Gulf of Iskenderún to that of Mákri, together with several parts of
the coast between Mákri and Smyrna, has been laid down from the Survey
of Captain Beaufort, which was made in the years 1811 and 1812, by order
of the Admiralty, during the administration of Mr. Yorke; and which was
published in the year 1820, by direction of the Lords Commissioners.
The principal points and the general outline of the Pontic coast of the
peninsula have been adopted from the recently-published chart of the
Black Sea by Capt. Gauttier, of the Royal Navy of France[2]. The western
coast, from the Gulf of Elæa to the mouth of the Hellespont, has been
laid down from Truguet and Racord, officers of the French Navy, who
accompanied Count Choiseul Gouffier in his Embassy to the Porte in 1784;
and the result of whose labours is published in the second volume of M.
Choiseul’s _Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce_.
In the interior of the peninsula the latitude of some important points,
as Kesaría, Kónia, Afiom Karahissár, Kutáya, Manissa, Brusa, Isnik, have
been observed by Niebuhr, Browne, or by Messrs. Chavasse and Kinneir: the
remaining construction is nothing more than the result of a comparison
of the ancient geographers and historians with the routes of modern
travellers, and with the descriptions of two Turkish geographers, who
lived about the middle of the seventeenth century—Mustafa Ben Abdalla
Kalib Tsheleby, commonly called Hadji Khalfa, and Abubekr Ben Behrem of
Damascus. Though little is to be derived from these authors with regard
to the exact situation of towns, their evidence on the orthography
of names, and their information on the political geography, are of
considerable utility.
The elder travellers, whose routes have served in the construction of
the Map, may be confined to Tavernier, Tournefort, Paul Lucas, Otter, and
Pococke; for Bertrandon de la Brocquière, de la Mottraye, and Le Bruyn,
afford no geographical matter that is not contained in the others.
Tavernier informs us, in his introduction, that he began his travels by
a visit to England, in the reign of James the First; he died in 1685.
Although he crossed Asia Minor several times, in the way to Persia, where
his commercial speculations carried him, he has left us nothing more
than a very brief description of two caravan routes to Tokât: the one
from Constantinople, by Bóli, Tósia, and Amasía; the other from Smyrna,
by Kassabá, Allah-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Buhwudún, and across the Salt
country to the Kizil-Ermak, which he passed at Kesre Kiupri.
Tournefort traversed Asia Minor only in one direction, from Erzrúm
by Tokát to A´ngura, from whence he passed a little to the north of
Eski-shehr, to Brusa.
Paul Lucas was sent out in the year 1704, by the same minister of Louis
XIV. who employed Tournefort on a similar expedition in the Archipelago,
the Black Sea, and Armenia. But, unfortunately for our geographical
knowledge of Asia Minor, Lucas’s qualifications were very inferior to
those of his contemporary; nor does he appear to have been well adapted,
by previous study, even for those branches of investigation to which
his attention was particularly directed by his employers; namely, the
collecting of coins and inscriptions.
By assuming the medical character, he secured a good reception at several
of the provincial towns, and protection from the governors, as far as
their authority extended; but the banditti which at that period infested
every part of the country, obliged him always to travel in haste, and
often in the night; and he was not qualified to derive as much advantage
from journeys made under such circumstances as a more experienced and
more enlightened traveller might have done. He was generally careful in
noting the time employed in each stage; but the names of places are often
disfigured by his careless mode of writing. His ignorance and credulity
made him delight in repeating the absurd tales which the traveller so
often hears in these half-civilised countries; at the same time that he
omitted the insertion of many useful observations which he could not have
failed to make. In some instances he has repeated the fabulous accounts
of the natives as if he had himself witnessed them, and has thus rendered
himself liable to the suspicion of having wilfully imposed upon his
readers. There can be no doubt, however, that his itinerary, abstracted
from his narrative, is as correct as he was capable of making it. The
geographical results, when connected and compared with those of other
travellers, are a sufficient proof of this fact; and Lucas, with all
his faults, has furnished us with a greater number of routes than any
other traveller in Asia Minor. In 1705 he went from Constantinople to
Nicomedia, Nicæa, and Brusa; from Brusa to Kutaya, Eski-shehr, A´ngura,
Kir-shehr, Kesaría; from Kesaría to Nigde, Bor, Erkle, and Kónia; from
Kónia to A´ngura, Beibazár, Kíwa, Nicomedia, and Constantinople, to
which city he returned in February 1706. In the autumn of the same year,
after a long journey in Greece, he set out on a second tour in Asia Minor
from Smyrna, travelling by Sardes, to Allah-shehr, Alan-kiúi, Burdur,
Susu, and Adália; from Adália to Susu, Isbarta, Egerder, Serkiserai, and
Kónia; from Kónia to Erkle, and over Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to
A´dana, Tarsus, and thence into Syria. In a third journey in Asia Minor,
in the year 1715, Lucas went from Smyrna to Ghiuzel Hissár by Tire; from
thence by the valley of the Mæander to Denizlú; and from Denizlú by
Burdur to Isbarta, from whence he travelled the same road as before to
Kónia. He states also, but without giving any particulars of his route,
that he again visited Kesaría; and that, after having returned to to
Kónia, he once more proceeded by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to A´dana and into
Syria.
Next to Lucas, Otter is the most useful of the earlier travellers. He was
a Swede, sent to Persia by the Court of France in 1734. He crossed Asia
Minor by the way of Iznimid, Lefke, Inoghi, Eski-shehr, Ak-shehr, Kónia,
Erkle, and A´dana; and returned from Persia by the route of Amasía and
Boli. His narrative is chiefly valuable from his knowledge of the Turkish
language, and from his having previously consulted some manuscript works
in the Royal Library at Paris, especially that of Ibrahim Effendi,
who first established a Turkish press at Constantinople, and whose
information seems to accord with that of Hadji Khalfa, and of Abubekr of
Damascus.
Among our own countrymen, Pococke is the only traveller of the last
century who has published his route with sufficient precision to be of
any use to the geographer; but he has been extremely negligent in noting
bearings and distances: his narrative is very obscure and confused; and
his journey in Asia Minor is consequently of much less importance than
it might have been made by so enlightened, learned, and persevering a
traveller. In the year 1740, after visiting a great part of Ionia and
Caria, he ascended the valley of the Mæander and its branches to Ishekli
and Sandukli, from whence he crossed to Beiad, Sevrihissár, and A´ngura.
From A´ngura he crossed to the northward into the great eastern road
from Constantinople, and returned to that capital by the way of Boli and
Nicomedia.
Niebuhr traversed Asia Minor in the year 1766, on his return from India
by the way of Baghdad, Mosúl, and Aleppo. From Iskenderún he passed by
Bayas to Adana, and from thence by Erkle to Kónia, Karahissár, Kutaya,
and Brusa[3].
In the year 1797, Browne returned from the interior of Africa by the way
of Asia Minor. From Aleppo and Aintab, he traversed the range of Taurus
to Bostán, Kesaría, A´ngura, Sabanje, and Nicomedia. Mr. M. Bruce[4]
travelled the same route in 1812, and has given us a diary of names and
distances not to be found in Browne’s printed book of travels.
It was in the year 1797, also, that Olivier passed through Asia Minor,
from Celenderis by Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár,
Kutaya, Yenishehr, Nicæa, and Nicomedia.
Seetzen traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople to Smyrna, and from
Smyrna to Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Láranda, Ibrala, and across
Mount Taurus to Karaduar (anciently Anchiale, the port of Tarsus), from
whence he passed by sea to Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, now Suadíeh.
The distances and the names of the places which he passed through,
written with great care, have been preserved; but it is feared that the
rest of his valuable manuscripts are irretrievably lost[5].
In the year 1801, Browne again traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople,
by Nicomedia, Brusa, Kutaya, Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Erkle,
Tarsus.
Among recent travellers, Capt. M. Kinneir has furnished us with the
greatest number of routes. These are; 1. from Constantinople, by Nicæa,
Eski-shehr, Seid-el-Ghazi, and Germa, to A´ngura; from A´ngura, by Uskát,
to Kesaría; and from Kesaría, by Nigde, Ketch-hissar[6], and over Mount
Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ, to Tarsus, Adana, and Iskenderún. 2. From
Celenderis to Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya,
Brusa, Mudánia. 3. From Constantinople, by Nicomedia, Sabanje, Turbali,
Boli, Kastamni[7], Samsún, Tarabizún, to Erzrúm.
Mr. Kinneir was also one of the many persons who, during the late war,
crossed the northern part of Asia Minor, to or from Persia by the way of
Boli, Amasía, and Tokát.
Another road, which has been still more followed, is from Brusa or
from Mikhalitza, by Ulubad and Magnesia, to Smyrna, or in the opposite
direction: the latitudes of all the principal places on it have been
determined by Browne[8]. Of this and of several other routes in
the ancient provinces of Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, we have
descriptions in Smith, Wheler, Spon, Chishull, Pococke, Picenini,
Chandler, and Choiseul Gouffier.
The authorities upon which our knowledge of the _ancient_ geography of
Asia Minor is chiefly founded, are the works of Strabo, Ptolemy[9],
Pliny, Stephanus Byzantinus, the curious table or map of roads called
the Peutingerian Table, the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries[10], the
Synecdemus of Hierocles, and the following historical narratives of some
celebrated military expeditions:—1. The Journal by Xenophon[11], of the
route of Cyrus from Sardes to Celænæ, and from thence to Iconium; and
through Lycaonia and part of Cappadocia, and over Mount Taurus to Tarsus.
2. Arrian’s history of the conquest of Asia Minor by Alexander; in which
the part more particularly worthy of the geographer’s attention is the
march from Lycia into Pamphylia and Pisidia, and thence to Gordium in
Phrygia, and to Ancyra, and through Cappadocia and the Pylæ Ciliciæ to
Tarsus[12]. 3. The history of the Roman wars in Asia by Polybius, Livy,
and Appian; especially the description by Livy of the marches of Cn.
Manlius, in Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and thence into Gallogræcia,
and to Ancyra[13]. 4. The march of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, from
Constantinople to Iconium, in an expedition against the Turks, as related
by his daughter Anna Comnena.
To these may be added, with regard to the southern coast, an anonymous
Periplus, entitled, “σταδιασμὸς τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης,” which was
extracted from a manuscript in the Royal Library of Madrid, and published
in a volume called Regiæ Bibliothecæ Matritensis Codices Græci MSS. by
the librarian Iriarte, in the year 1769. But the best and most numerous
evidences of ancient geography are those which still exist in the country
itself, in the ruins of the ancient cities, and in the inscriptions
and other monuments which may be found there. When these remains of
antiquity shall be thoroughly explored, and the results compared with the
geographers, with the itineraries and with the passages of history just
referred to, they will probably lead to a system of Ancient Geography in
Asia Minor, much more correct than we at present possess[14]. For while
we are still ignorant of the exact position of such important points as
Gordium, Pessinus, Synnada, Celænæ, Cibyra, Sagalassus, Aspendus, Selge,
Antioch of Pisidia and Isaura, it is almost a vain attempt to form any
satisfactory system; as the several parts of it must depend so much upon
one another, and upon an accurate determination of the principal places.
After this remark, the reader will not be surprised, upon consulting the
map, to find that not only the boundaries of the provinces or districts
are indistinctly marked, but that even the names of places, both ancient
and modern, are often inserted without the usual note of exact locality.
The ancient provincial divisions are distributed according to the
description of Strabo; or, in other words, according to their usual
acceptation at the time of the establishment of the Roman Empire, when,
as they ceased to have any political use, their boundaries became, as
they had always in some degree been, extremely uncertain.
The appellations of the Turkish districts are either derived from the
principal town of each district, or from the names of those chieftains
who, together with the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, shared Asia Minor
among them, on the breaking up of the Seljukian kingdom of Iconium, at
the death of Aladin the Second, about the year 1300 of the Christian æra.
These chieftains were, Karamán, Kermián, Teke, Aidín, Sarukhán, Sassan or
Sagla, and Karasi. Múntesha, the appellation of the southwestern corner
of Asia Minor, is supposed to be a corruption of Myndesia, or the country
of Myndus; and this is the only district, therefore, the name of which
the Turks adopted from the conquered people.
All the north-eastern part of the peninsula fell to the share of Amur and
his sons, but its divisions were not distinguished by their names.
Osman, who inherited the country around Shughut from his father Ertogrul,
soon increased his territory by the country to the northward and westward
of that town, as far as the Propontis and the Black Sea. This part of
the peninsula still retains the appellation of Khodja-Ili, or the country
of Khodja, given to it in honour of Aktshe Khodja, the officer of Osman,
who effected the conquest.
Khodavenkiar[15], which was the surname of Murad, son of Orkhan son of
Osman, has been attached to the district of Brusa ever since Orkhan,
having conquered that country from the Greeks, confided the government of
it to his son.
Kermián-oglu, or the successor of Kermian[16], was the first of the
Turkish princes of Asia Minor who resigned a part of his dominions to
the house of Osman, and who put his family under their protection, by
the marriage of his daughter with the son of Murad, the celebrated
Bayazid. During the three subsequent reigns, those princes were generally
tributary to, but not otherwise dependent on, the Ottoman monarchs, whom
they often resisted in the field; and it was not until the family of
Isfendiar, who governed in Heracleia Pontica, Castamon, and Sinope, was
reduced by Mahomet the Second, and the kingdom of Karaman by Bayazid the
Second, in the year 1486, that the whole of Asia Minor became an Ottoman
province.
Thus much it seemed necessary to recall to the reader’s recollection, in
explanation of the Turkish provincial names in the map.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Journey from Constantinople to Kónia 1
CHAPTER II.
Illustration of the Ancient Geography of the Central Part of Asia
Minor 51
CHAPTER III.
Continuation of the Journey—From Kónia to Cyprus, Alaia, and Shughut 93
CHAPTER IV.
Of the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shughut, including
remarks on the comparative geography of the adjacent country 144
CHAPTER V.
Of the ancient places on the southern coast of Asia Minor 171
CHAPTER VI.
Some remarks on the comparative geography of the western and
northern parts of Asia Minor 219
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
1. On the military operations of the first Crusade in Asia Minor 313
2. Another error in Xenophon’s march of Cyrus 319
3. On Cilicia and the position of Claudiopolis 319
4. On the Theatres of Telmissus and Patara 320
5. On the distinction between the Greek and Roman Theatre.
Peculiarities of the Asiatic Greek theatre. Dimensions
of the principal Greek theatres 321
6. On a Latin inscription at Stratoniceia, relating to the
prices of various commodities 329
7. On a Greek inscription at Mylasa 328
8. Two Greek inscriptions, proving the site of Tralles 339
9. Plans of the Theatre and Palæstra of Hierapolis. On the
Plutonium at the same place 340
10. A description of the antiquities of Sardes, by Mr. Cockerell 342
11. On the principal Temples of Asia Minor 346
12. On the description of the battle of Magnesia by Appian 352
[Illustration: ESSAY of a MAP of ASIA MINOR, Ancient and Modern
By W. M. Leake, 1822.
_Published as the act directs Febʸ. 1824, by John Murray Albermarle Street
London._
J. Walker sculpt.]
JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._
CHAPTER I.
JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO KÓNIA.
_Departure from Constantinople—Kartal—Ghebse—Kizderwént—Lake
Ascanius—Nicæa—Site of the ancient Towns between Constantinople
and Nicæa—Ruins of Nicæa—Lefke—Shughut—Eski-shehr, the
ancient Dorylæum—Seid-el-Ghazi—Doganlú, probably the ancient
Nacoleia—Kosru-Khan—Bulwudún—Isaklú—Ak-shehr—Ilgún—Ladík—Ruins of
Laodiceia—Kónia._
On the 19th of January 1800, I quitted Constantinople, on my way to
Egypt, in company with the late Brigadier General Koehler, the late
Sir Richard Fletcher, the late Archdeacon Carlyle, Arabic professor
at Cambridge, and Mr. Pink, of the corps of Royal Military Surveyors,
and Draftsmen. We were well armed, and dressed as Tatár Couriers; and
the whole party, including servants, baggage, Turkish attendants, and
postillions, formed a caravan of thirty-five horses. At this time, there
were two roads across Asia Minor, used by messengers and other persons,
travelling post between the Grand Vizier’s army, and the capital; the one
meeting the south coast at Adália, the other at Kelénderi. We deferred
deciding as to which we should follow, until we should arrive at the
point of separation.
We left Iskiodár (in Greek, Σκουτάριον, Skutári) at 11 A.M., and
travelled for four hours along the borders of the sea of Marmora, through
one of the most delightful tracts in the neighbourhood of Constantinople;
its beauty heightened by the mildness of the weather and the clearness
of the atmosphere. On our right was the tranquil expanse of the sea of
Marmora, as far as the high woody coast on the south side of Nicomedia,
surmounted by the majestic summits of the Bithynian Olympus. In the
midst of this magnificent basin were seen immediately before us the
Princes Islands, with their picturesque villages and convents, amidst
pine groves and vineyards. The road led sometimes through rich pastures,
covered with sheep, but, for the most part, through the gardens which
supply a large proportion of the vegetables consumed in the city and its
suburbs. Already the beans, and other productions of the spring, were in
a forward state. The road was in some places muddy, but in general very
good. Kartal, where we arrived at the end of four hours, is a small place
upon the edge of the gulf, in the midst of a fertile and well cultivated
district, and has a harbour for small vessels. Half an hour further is
a Greek village, which preserves unaltered the ancient name Παντίχιον,
pronounced Pandíkhi.
Jan. 20.—From Kartal to Ghebse[17] five hours, passing through Pandíkhi;
and at the end of three hours Tuzla, so called from the salt-works
belonging to it. The road winds along the side of the gulf, which, as
it narrows, presents a great variety of beautiful landscapes. The soil
affords a fine pasture, in some parts of which appear rocks of blue
and white marble, projecting above the surface; and several remains of
ancient quarries. We met a Mollah travelling in a Taktreván, lounging
upon soft cushions, smoking his Narghilé[18], and accompanied by
splendidly-dressed attendants on horseback. His baggage-horses were
loaded with mattresses and coverings for his sofas; with valises
containing his clothes; a large assortment of pipes; tables of copper;
cauldrons; saucepans; and a complete _batterie de cuisine_. Such a mode
of travelling is undoubtedly very different from that which was in use
among the Turks of Osman, and Orkhan. The articles of the Mollah’s
baggage are, probably, for the most part, of Greek origin, adopted from
the conquered nation in the same manner as the Latins borrowed the arts
of the Greeks of a better age. In fact, it is in a great degree to Greek
luxuries, with the addition of coffee and tobacco, that the present
imbecile condition of these barbarians is to be ascribed; and “Græcia
capta ferum victorem cepit” applies as well to the Turk as it once did to
the Roman; for though Grecian art in its perfection may be degraded by
a comparison with the arts of the Byzantine Greeks, yet in the scale of
civilization, the Turks did not bear a higher proportion to these than
the Romans did to the ancient Greeks.
Ghebse, called by the Greeks Gívyza[19] (Κίβυζα), is a Turkish town,
having a few Greek houses. The only remarkable object in it is a fine
mosque of white marble, surrounded by a grove of large cypresses, both
of the pointed kind and of that of which the branches are looser and
more spreading. This mosque, and some good baths, were built by Mustafá
Pasha, who was Grand Vizier to Sultán Selím the First at the time of the
conquest of Egypt. An imperfect Greek inscription was the only indication
which I observed of Ghebse being on the site of a Greek city.
Jan. 21.—From Ghebse to Kizderwént, nine hours. Our route for the
first three hours was parallel to the shore of the gulf, which here
presents, on either side, a beautiful scenery of abrupt capes and
woody promontories, with villages upon the sides of the mountains, and
corn-fields and vineyards to their very tops. The road then descends to
the water-side under the small village of Malsúm, where a long tongue
of land, projecting from the opposite shore, affords a convenient ferry
of about two miles across, to the south side of the gulf. It is called
the ferry of the Dil (tongue), and being much frequented, is well
supplied with large boats and constant attendance. The persons employed
in it are lodged in tents by the water-side. We write to our friends at
Constantinople by a huntsman of the Sultan, who is returning from the
chace loaded with pheasants, partridges, and other game, which he has
been killing for the Imperial table in the woods near the gulf. It takes
us two hours to unload, cross the ferry, and reload. We then ride three
miles along the Dil before we gain the line of coast. Leaving the town
of Ersek at no great distance on our right, we proceed up a beautiful
valley, watered by a river which joins the gulf near the Dil. This river
we cross more than twenty times; passing through the water, or over good
stone bridges. In many places the river falls in cascades over the rocks.
The sky is without a cloud; and the temperature that of England in April
or May. The ground is covered with violets, crocusses, and hyacinths.
The road being excellent, we travel nearly at the rate of four miles
and a half an hour, and complete our computed journey of nine hours in
seven. We passed a ruined castle of the lower Greek empire, with many
towers. On the slopes on either side are seen flocks of sheep and goats;
in the valley the peasants are at plough, and we meet long caravans of
camels tied together, and preceded by an ass. As we approach Kizderwént,
which is situated in a retired part of the valley, near the source of
the river which we have been following, we enter an extensive mulberry
plantation, this being one of the numerous villages in the neighbourhood
that supply Brusa with the excellent silk for which it is noted in the
commercial world. Vineyards, on the slopes of the hills around, furnish
also a tolerable wine. Kizderwént (the pass of the girls) having the
misfortune to lie upon the great road from Constantinople to Brusa,
Kutáya, and Kónia, is exposed to a thousand vexations from passengers,
notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions which have been granted
to it by the Porte. It is inhabited solely by Greeks. Upon our arrival
we found our konakjí, or Tatár courier, who has the charge of riding
forward to procure lodgings (konák), seated over a blazing fire in a neat
cottage, which formed a favourable contrast to the meanness and want of
comfort seen amidst the pretended magnificence of some of the Turkish
houses which we had seen. To judge from what we have hitherto observed,
the lower order of Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor
than the same class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey
have some advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their
numbers over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing
that the Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are
themselves; and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally
milder, more religious, and better principled than those of Europe.
Jan. 22.—We travel in a fine valley, continually ascending. At the end of
an hour we come suddenly upon a view of the lake Ascanius. It is about
ten miles long, and four wide; surrounded on three sides by steep woody
slopes, behind which rise the snowy summits of the Olympus range. A
forest of Ilex, and other evergreens, mixed with oaks, cover the nearer
hills; while on the left, along the head of the lake, we perceive a rich
cultivated plain, at the extremity of which, soon afterwards appears, on
the edge of the lake, the entire circuit of the ancient walls of Nicæa,
with their massy towers and gates. Nothing is more striking in this
magnificent prospect, than that clearness of atmosphere, and brilliancy
of colouring, which is so seldom seen in our northern scenery. We make
the circuit of the northern end of the lake; passing for ten miles
through the plain, and traversing plantations of olives, mulberries, and
vines: the almond-trees were already in blossom. At about two miles on
our left, we saw an ancient triangular obelisk, standing single in the
middle of the plain. It bears an inscription, which has been published
by Pococke, and which proves that the obelisk was erected in honour of
C. Cassius Philiscus. Having passed through one of the ancient gates
of Nicæa, and through the garden ground now inclosed within its walls,
we arrive at the wretched Turkish town of Isnik, distant five complete
hours, or about twenty miles, from Kizderwént.
Among the ancient places situated between Constantinople and Nicæa,
there is sufficient evidence of the situation of Scutarium[20] and
Pantichium[21], in the preservation of their ancient names. Gívyza has
generally been supposed a corruption of Libyssa, the name of a small
maritime town, celebrated as having been the burying-place of Hannibal;
but Gívyza is more probably a corruption of Dacibyza; being, when
written in Greek (Κίβυζα), no other than the ancient Δακίβυζα, with the
loss of the first syllable. The thirty-six or thirty-nine Roman miles,
moreover, placed in the itinerary, between Chalcedonia and Libyssa, will
not agree so well with the nine hours from Skutári to Gívyza, as with
the twelve hours to Malsúm; which place, therefore, I take to stand on
the site of Libyssa. Plutarch appears to confirm this supposition, for
in mentioning Libyssa[22], he speaks of a sandy place near it on the
sea-side, answering to the promontory of Dil, which, as we have seen, is
immediately below Maldysem or Malsum. Dacibyza is mentioned by several
of the historians of the Lower Empire, as a place where, by order of the
Arian Emperor Valens, eighty priests of the opposite sect were burned,
with the ship wherein they were embarked[23]. The river descending from
Kizderwént to the Dil, can be no other than the Draco, which joined the
sea at Helenopolis, a small town, so named by Constantine in honour of
his mother: for it seems evident, upon comparing Procopius with Anna
Comnena, that Helenopolis was at or near Ersek. The Dil has been formed
by the alluvial deposition of the Draco; whose impetuosity has been well
described by Procopius, as well as its winding course[24]. In riding
from the Dil to Kizderwént, I remarked that we traversed the river about
twenty times, without being aware that Procopius has made precisely
the same remark with regard to the Draco[25].—In the first crusade,
the passes of this stream were fatal to many of the followers of Peter
the Hermit; who, after having by the assistance of the Emperor Alexius
crossed the sea from Constantinople, encamped at Helenopolis. From thence
they proceeded to ravage the country around Nicæa, which city was then
in the possession of the Turks of Kilidj Arslan; and they occupied the
fortress of Xerigordus. But this place was soon retaken by the Sultan;
who slew many of the Franks, captured others, and destroyed a still
greater number by means of an ambuscade, which he stationed in the passes
of the Draco[26].
In the evening we found time to walk among the ruins of Nicæa. The
ancient walls, towers, and gates are in tolerably good preservation.
Their construction resembles that of the walls of Constantinople, with
which they are coæval. In most places they are formed of alternate
courses of Roman tiles, and of large square stones, joined by a cement
of great thickness. In some places have been inserted columns, and
other architectural fragments, the ruins of more ancient edifices. Of
the towers, those on the edge of the lake, and on either side of the
different gates, are the largest and most perfect. We remark, also,
the remains of two walls which projected from the main inclosure
into the water, and which were undoubtedly intended to exclude, when
necessary, all communication under the walls, along the edge of the
lake. Some of the towers, like those of Constantinople, have Greek
inscriptions; these have been published in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ
of Pococke. The ruins of mosques, baths, and houses, dispersed among
the gardens and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of the space
within the Greek fortifications, show that the Turkish Isnik, though
now so inconsiderable, was once a place of importance, as indeed its
history under the early Ottomans, before they were in possession of
Constantinople, gives sufficient reason to presume. But it never was so
large as the Grecian Nicæa, and it seems to have been almost entirely
constructed of the remains of that city; the walls of the ruined mosques
and baths being full of the fragments of Greek temples and churches.
Jan. 23.—From Isnik to Lefke, six hours, and from Lefke to Vezir-Khan,
four hours. We rise at two in the morning; but as it takes near three
hours for the whole party to breakfast, pack up the baggage, and load
the horses, we are not ready till five, and have then to wait an hour
and a half for horses. We soon leave the borders of the beautiful lake
of Isnik, and proceed up a valley, which we quit after three or four
miles, and suddenly ascend to the left a hill of moderate height. Soon
losing sight of the lake, we advance along an elevated barren country,
until we enter a deep ravine formed by towering cliffs on either side,
where a great variety of luxuriant evergreens spring from among the
rocks. The ravine leads into a valley, where the same kind of scenery
receives additional beauty from the contrast which opens upon us of
a fine valley, watered by the Sakaría, a name corrupted from the
ancient Sangarius, although this river is not the main branch of the
Sangarius, but that which was anciently called Gallus[27]. Lefke, a
neat town built of sun-baked bricks, is situated in the middle of this
beautiful valley near the river, which we crossed by a handsome stone
bridge a little before we entered the town. We find the cultivation in
this valley as perfect as that of some of the most civilized parts of
Europe. The fields are separated by neat hedges and ditches. Extensive
plantations of mulberry-trees, mixed with vineyards and corn-fields,
occupy the lower grounds, while cultivated patches are seen to a great
height in the hills, which in other parts furnish a fine pasture to
sheep and goats. This delightful region exhibits a most picturesque
contrast with the unevenness and grandeur of the surrounding mountains.
We were told there had lately been an insurrection, with the design of
expelling an obnoxious Kadi, but we did not perceive the least symptom
of disturbance. We follow the valley, passing many villages on either
hand, for four hours more, to Vezir-Khan. Since leaving the gulf of
Nicomedia we have seen no marks of wheel-carriages, and we met with
scarcely any person on the road during this day’s journey, except a party
of Turkish horsemen with their dogs, in search of hares. The Turks of
this part of the country are an extremely handsome race: they have a
great variety of head-dresses, most of which are highly becoming to their
fine countenances. The women who appear abroad are invariably dressed in
the shapeless ferijé, and the veil so often described by travellers. At
Vezir-Khan we were lodged in a small mud-built house, and had to wait a
considerable time before our attendants could prevail upon the people to
kill the fowls intended for our dinner, and to send men to the river to
catch some fish. The valley around is covered with extensive plantations
of mulberry-trees, and with orchards, vineyards, and corn-fields,
inclosed with hedges; but to these signs of neatness and comfort there is
a great contrast in the misery of the houses.
Jan. 24.—From Vezir-Khan to Shughut, eight hours: the weather still
delightfully clear and mild. For the first two hours we continue to
pursue the valley, and then ascend a lofty ridge, a branch of Olympus. It
incloses on the east the valleys watered by the branches of the Sangarius
which we have passed, as the heights between Isnik and Lefke do on the
opposite side. Our road across the mountain presents some wild scenery of
broken rocks and barren downs with little or no wood, and occasionally
the view of extensive valleys on either side. At the summit of the ridge
we pass a Karakol-hané (guard-house), and at the foot of the mountain
on the east side we enter some pleasant valleys, conducting into an
open expanse of undulated ground, well cultivated with corn. It gives
a favourable idea of Asiatic husbandry; but there is little appearance
of inhabitants, only three or four small villages being in sight in the
whole of our day’s journey. The weather being dry the road is excellent;
but in seasons of rain it must be quite the reverse, on account of the
rich deep soil. At the further end of this champaign country we perceive
the town of Shughut, and upon an adjacent hill the tomb of Ali Osman,
founder of the Ottoman dynasty. Shughut was bestowed upon Ertogrul, the
father of Osman, by the Sultan of Kónia, for his services in war; and
became the capital of a small state, which included the adjacent country
as far as A´ngura on the east, and in the opposite direction all the
mountainous district lying between the valleys of the Sangarius and those
of the Hermus and Mæander. From hence Osman made himself master of Nicæa
and Prusa, and gradually of all Bithynia and Phrygia, and thus laid the
foundations of the Turkish greatness. There is another tomb of Osman
at Brúsa, the most important of the places which he conquered from the
Greeks. But the Turks of this part of Asia Minor assert that the monument
at Brúsa is a cenotaph, and that the bones of Osman were laid by the side
of those of his father Ertogrul in his native town. The tomb is built
like some of the handsomest and most ancient of the Turkish sepulchres at
Constantinople, and is situated in the midst of a grove of cypresses and
evergreen oaks.
The town is said to contain 900 houses, but now exhibits a wretched
appearance, chiefly in consequence of a late insurrection of the
inhabitants, a party of 300 of whom have put to death, within three
months, three different Ayáns sent here by the Porte. At present the
government of Constantinople has the upper hand, and the insurgents have
been obliged to fly to the mountains; but we find the new governor with
all his troops still on the _alerte_ to prevent the place from being
once more surprised and pillaged. Our situation is rendered still more
uncomfortable by the discovery we now make, that our travelling firmahn,
in consequence of an intrigue at Constantinople, of which we too well
know the original mover, is drawn up in such a manner as to leave it in
the power of any of the Turks to obstruct our progress; and the Ayán of
Shughut accordingly takes advantage of it to extort a present before
he will give us the smallest assistance. We are wretchedly lodged in
a ruinous apartment over a stable occupied by the Ayán’s cavalry; and
cannot prevent the soldiers from coming into the room, or from examining
our arms and baggage. There are large plantations of mulberries around
the town, and every house manufactures a considerable quantity of raw
silk.
Jan. 25.—It is nine o’clock before we can procure any horses, and then
find none to be had but some wretched animals covered with sores, and
almost skeletons. At first setting out they are hardly able to walk;
but to our surprise we find, before we have travelled many miles, that
most of them have a very easy and rapid pace; they performed a journey
of ten hours’ distance with only a few short halts, and arrived at our
konák at Eski-shehr apparently in better travelling condition than when
they set out. Our road indeed is dry and level, and the weather still
fine. Half the route was over mountains, and woody; the latter half over
an extensive plain not less than 30 miles in length and 10 in breadth,
but very thinly peopled and not above one-third cultivated. Seven or
eight miles short of Eski-shehr are some ancient Greek ruins upon a
rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great number of scattered fragments
of columns, and other remnants of architecture, we find several square
pedestals or στήλαι of a clumsy construction, with some almost-defaced
fragments of Greek inscriptions, in which we endeavoured in vain to
discover the name of the city, though the word πόλις was visible.
The ruins are called Besh-Kardash (the five brothers); the number of
pedestals standing, however, is more than five, but five is a favourite
number with the Turks: the generality of whom, having little idea of
numerical accuracy, confine themselves in common conversation to a few
numbers, which they particularly affect. These numbers are 5, 15, 40,
100, and 1001.
Eski-shehr is about the same size as Shughut, and is advantageously
situated on the root of the hills which border on the north the great
plain already mentioned. The town is divided into an upper and lower
quarter; and is traversed by a small stream, which at the foot of the
hills joins the Pursek, or ancient Thymbres. This river rises to the
south of Kutáya, passes by that city, and joins the Sangarius a few hours
to the north-east of Eski-shehr. This place is now celebrated for its
natural hot-baths: we were unable to ascertain whether it preserves any
remains of antiquity[28]; but there can be little doubt that it stands
upon the site of Dorylæum. The plain of Dorylæum is often mentioned by
the Byzantine historians as the place of assembly of the armies of the
Eastern empire in their wars against the Turks, and it is described by
Anna Comnena[29] as being the first extensive plain of Phrygia after
crossing the ridges of Mount Olympus from Nicæa, and after passing Leucæ.
As we have the strongest evidence of the position of Leucæ in the name of
the village Lefke, which is exactly the modern pronunciation of the Greek
Λεύκαι, there cannot be any doubt that the plain of Dorylæum is that
which surrounds Eski-shehr.
The site of the ancient town is not less decisively fixed at Eski-shehr.
Athenæus speaks of the hot waters of Dorylæum, and remarks that they
are very pleasant to the taste. Cinnamus mentions the hot baths, the
fertile plain, and the river of Dorylæum[30]; and the site is indicated
with equal certainty by the ancient itineraries[31]: for from Dorylæum
diverged roads, to Philadelphia; to Apameia Cibotus; to Laodiceia
Combusta, and Iconium; to Germa, and to Pessinus: a coincidence of lines
which (their remote extremities being nearly certain) will not apply to
any point but Eski-shehr, or some place in its immediate neighbourhood.
The position of Eski-shehr accords also with the Antonine and Jerusalem
itineraries, inasmuch as we observe in these tables, that the road from
Nicæa to Ancyra did not pass through Dorylæum, but to the northward of
it; and Eski-shehr is about thirty miles to the southward of a line drawn
from Isnik to A´ngura.
The Aga of Eski-shehr was formerly in the government of a town six hours
distant, the name of which we neglected to note. He had long been at
war with the governor of Eski-shehr, and at length having acquired the
preponderancy so far as to carry off all his opponent’s sheep and cattle,
he followed up his successes last year with such increased energy that
he added his rival’s head to the other spoils, and has since been in
undisturbed possession of both places, and confirmed in his authority by
the Porte.
Jan. 26.—From Eski-shehr to Seid-el-Gházi, a computed distance of nine
hours. We have a sharp wind at east. Our road for the first half of
the journey continues to cross the same wide uncultivated plains; but
towards the end they are more broken into hill and dale, and appear less
wild and desolate. Scarcely a tree is to be seen through the whole day’s
journey. Upon the edge of the plains we observe in many places sepulchral
chambers excavated in the rocks. In these, and in the fragments of
ancient architecture dispersed in different parts of the plains, we have
undoubted proofs of their ancient cultivation and populousness. At about
half way we found, near a fountain, several inscribed stones. The annexed
is the only inscription I could decypher:
ΔΗΜΑΣΚΑΙ
ΓΑΙΟΣΥΠΕΡ
ΒΟΩΝΙΔΙΩΝΠΑ
ΠΙΑΔΙ ΙΣΩΤΗ
ΡΙΕΥΧΗΝΚΑΙ
ΗΡΑΚΛΗΑΝΙΚ
ΗΤ.
It appears to be a dedication of thanks to Jupiter Papias, the Saviour,
and Hercules, the Invincible, for their care of the oxen of Demas and
Gaius.
This inscription is upon a flat slab, surmounted with a pediment, in the
middle of which is a _caput bovis_, with a festoon. Here also is a square
stele, with an ornamented cornice; on one of its sides is an obliterated
inscription, in the centre of a garland.
[Illustration: _To face Page 21._
_Inscription at a...b._
ΙΑΕϜΑϜΑΚΕΝΑΝΟΓΑϜΟΣ:ΜΙΔΑΙ:ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ:ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ:ΕΔΑΕ
_Inscription at c...d._
ΒΑΒΑ:ΜΕΜΕϜΑΙΣ:ΠΡΟΙΤΑϜΟΣ:ΚΦΙͿΑΝΑϜΕͿΟΣ:ΣΙΚΕΜΕΜΑΝ:ΕΔΑΕΣ
_G. Scharf Lithog: London. Pub: by J. Murray. Albemarle Sᵗ. 1824. Printed
by C: Hullmandel_]
The latter part of our journey is over low ridges; the road throughout
is excellent, and fit for wheel-carriages. Seid-el-Gházi is a poor
ruined village, but it bears marks of having once been a place of more
importance, even in Turkish times; upon the side of a hill which commands
the village, there is a fine mosque dedicated to the Mussulman saint from
whom the place derives its name. There are also several fragments of
architecture which fix it as the site of an ancient Greek city.
Jan. 27.—From Seid-el-Gházi to Kósru Pasha-Khany, the distance is seven
hours; but we made a détour to the right of the direct road, for the
sake of viewing some monuments of antiquity, which were reported to us
at Seid-el-Gházi. We first ascend for some distance, and pass over an
elevated stony heath, in a direction to the westward of south; we then
enter a forest of pine-trees, from many of which they had been extracting
the turpentine, by making an incision at the foot of the tree, and then
lighting a fire under it. By these means the resin descends rapidly, and
is soon collected in large quantities, but the tree is killed; and it
sometimes happens that the fire communicating destroys large tracts of
the forest. We saw several remains of these conflagrations as we passed
along. After traversing the forest for an hour, we came in sight of
a beautiful valley, situated in the midst of it. Turning to the left,
after we had descended into the valley, we found it to be a small plain,
about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, embosomed in the forest,
and singularly variegated with rocks, which rise perpendicularly out
of the soil, and assume the shape of ruined towers and castles. Some
of these are upwards of 150 feet in height, and one or two, entirely
detached from the rest, have been excavated into ancient catacombs, with
doors and windows, and galleries, in such a manner that it required a
near inspection to convince us that what we saw were natural rocks, and
not towers and buildings. We found the chambers within to have been
sepulchres, containing excavations for coffins, and niches for cinerary
vases. Following the course of the valley to the S.E., we came in
sight of some sepulchral chambers, excavated with more art, and having
a portico with two columns before the door, above which a range of
dentils forms a cornice. But the most remarkable of these excavations,
is that which will best be understood by the annexed sketch of it,
taken by General Koehler, while Mr. Carlyle and myself were employed
in copying two inscriptions engraved upon the face of the rock. In the
upper inscription a few letters are deficient at the beginning and end;
the lower appeared to us to be complete. The letters of the first are
larger and wider asunder than those of the second. Both are written
from left to right, but in the lower inscription the letters are written
_downwards_, along the edge of the monument, so that to place the eyes
upon the same line with the inscription, the head must be held sideways.
The rock which has been shaped into this singular monument rises to a
height of upwards of one hundred feet above the plain; and at the back,
and on one of the sides, remains in its natural state. The ornamented
part is about sixty feet square, surmounted by a kind of pediment, above
which are two volutes. The figures cut upon the rock are no where more
than an inch deep below the surface, except towards the bottom, where the
excavation is much deeper, and resembles an altar. It is not impossible,
however, that it may conceal the entrance into the sepulchral chamber,
where lie the remains of the person in whose honour this magnificent
monument was formed; for in some other parts of Asia Minor, especially
at Telmissus, we have examples of the wonderful ingenuity with which the
ancients sometimes defended the entrance into their tombs. There can be
little doubt that the monument was sepulchral; the crypts and catacombs
in the excavated rocks around it prove that the valley was set apart for
such purposes, to which its singularly retired position and romantic
scenery, amidst these extensive forests, rendered it peculiarly well
adapted.
The valley bears the name of Doganlú, from a neighbouring village which
we did not see, but where, according to the information we received, are
remains of an ancient fortification, called by the Turks Pismésh Kálesi.
I am inclined to think they mark the site of Nacoleia[32], named by
Strabo among the cities of Phrygia Epictetus, together with Cotyaeium,
Dorylæum, and Midaeium; the first of which places (now Kutáya) is within
twenty geographical miles, in direct distance, to the north-westward of
Doganlú; the second, Dorylæum (Eski-shehr), is at nearly that distance
to the north of Doganlú; and Midaium was to the north-eastward, distant
about 35 G. M. direct. But a still closer argument, in favour of this
situation of Nacoleia, is derived from a comparison of the several routes
leading from Dorylæum, as stated in the ancient itineraries, with their
directions on the map. These roads are five in number; and though little
reliance can be placed upon the distances between the several places, the
order of names furnishes evidence that cannot be very erroneous, and the
positions of the places at the extremity of each route are known with
tolerable accuracy. The first of the roads, as they are arranged in the
subjoined note[33], led by Midaium to Pessinus; the second by Archelaium
to Germa, now Yerma; the third conducted south-eastward to Synnada,
Philomelium, and Laodiceia Combusta (now Yorgán Ladík); the fourth by
Nacoleia and Eumenia to Apameia Cibotus; and the fifth south-westward, by
Cotyaium to Philadelphia (Allah-Shehr). Now, although the site neither
of Apameia Cibotus, Synnada, nor Pessinus, has yet been explored, their
situations are very nearly certain. Apameia was at the source of the
Mæander, and bore a little westward of south from Eski-shehr. Nacoleia,
therefore, bore in about that direction from Dorylæum; it lay between the
roads conducting from that city to Synnada and Laodiceia, and to Cotyaium
and Philadelphia; and it was the first town which occurred on the road to
Apameia: all which circumstances accurately accord with the position of
Doganlú in respect of Eski-shehr.
On first beholding the great sculptured rock of the valley of Doganlú,
and on remarking the little resemblance which it bears to the works of
the Greeks, our idea was, that it might have been formed by the ancient
Persians, when in possession of this country; and that the lower part,
resembling an altar, might have had some reference to their worship of
fire; but, upon further reflection, there appeared several objections
to such a supposition. In the first place, none of the great monuments
of the Persians are likely to be found at so great a distance from
Susa and Persepolis, in a part of the country of which they had only
a temporary possession, and which could never have been considered by
them otherwise than as a conquered foreign country, of doubtful tenure.
Secondly, the style of ornament does not exactly resemble any known
monument of the ancient Persians; and, thirdly, the characters of the
inscriptions, which have every appearance of being coeval with the rest
of the work, bear so close a resemblance to the letters of the Greek
alphabet, in their earliest form, that the most reasonable conjecture
seems to be that this monument is the work of the ancient Phrygians,
who, like the Ionians[34], Lydians, and other nations of Asia Minor, who
were in a state of independence before the Persian conquest, made use
of an alphabet differing slightly from the Greek, and derived from the
same oriental original. While the form of the characters, as well as the
vertical ranges of points for noting the separation of the words, bear a
marked resemblance to the archaic Greek: on the other hand, some of the
words agree with the semibarbarous style of the sculptured ornaments of
this monument, in indicating that the inscriptions are not in pure Greek.
Both in the resemblance and dissimilitude, therefore, they accord with
what we should expect of the dialect of the Phrygians, whose connexion
with Greece is evident from many parts of their early history; at the
same time, that the distinction between the two nations is strongly
marked by Herodotus, who gives to the Phrygians the appellation of
barbarians.
It is further remarkable that the sculpture of the monument of Doganlú,
though unlike any thing of Greek workmanship, is very much in the same
style as the elaborate ornaments (equally remote from Grecian taste)
which covered the half columns formerly standing on either side of the
door of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenæ[35], a building said to have
been erected by the Cyclopes, who were supposed to have been artisans
from Asia[36].
Upon comparing the alphabet of the monument of Doganlú with the archaic
Greek, and with the Etruscan, it is observable that there is no greater
difference between the three than might be expected in distant and
long-separated branches of the same family. It may be remarked, however,
that the Greek alphabet, and that of Doganlú, resemble each other much
more than they resemble the Etruscan, as well in the form of the letters,
as in the important circumstance of their being written from left to
right, instead of from right to left, as the Etruscan always continued to
be[37].
It may seem a vain attempt to endeavour to explain inscriptions, written
in a language or dialect of which we have no other remains; yet as the
characters are themselves a proof that there was a great resemblance
between this dialect and the Greek, it is not impossible that some light
may be thrown upon ancient history by the monument of Doganlú, if other
inscriptions in the same dialect should hereafter be discovered. Upon
this subject one or two remarks occur which may not be unimportant.
It has already been observed, that the lower inscription beginning ΒΑΒΑ
is complete, and it may be assumed that the upper, though incomplete
at either end, has lost but a few letters. This seems evident, as well
from its occupying the whole length of a sort of outer pediment, as
from its concluding word, which wants only one letter of being the
same as the concluding word of the lower inscription. This concluding
word is very remarkable; written in Greek it is ΕΔΑΕ, or ΕΔΑΕΣ. Now
ἔδαε from δαίω, to divide or cut with a sharp instrument, is precisely
such a Greek word as one might have expected to find in a very ancient
_Greek_ inscription upon a monument, all the apparent merit of which
is the cutting of squares, lozenges, and other regular figures, upon
the smoothed surface of a rock. In examining the other words, we find
further resemblances of the Greek. The 2d, 3d, and 4th words of the
lower inscription, and the first word of the upper inscription (if it
be a single word), all seem to end in sigma, and three of them in ος,
thus rendering it not improbable that the words 1, 2, 3, 4, of the lower
inscription, contained the name and title of the person who engraved that
inscription; that the fifth word Σικεμεμαν may have indicated some such
distinction, as the place from whence he came; and that the long word,
No. 1. of the upper inscription, was the name of the person who placed
that inscription. But the most remarkable words of all are the second
and fourth of the upper inscription, which, written in Greek, are ΜΙΔΑΙ
ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, “to King Midas;” and which furnish an immediate presumption
that the monument was erected in honour of one of the Kings of Phrygia
of the Midaian family. The situation of the place is no less favourable
to this supposition than the construction of the monument, the tenor of
the inscription, and the form of the letters; for it cannot be doubted
that the valley in which the monument stands is precisely in the heart of
the country which formed the ancient kingdom of Phrygia. Strabo remarks,
that the royal families of Gordius and Midas possessed the countries
adjacent to the river Sangarius, on the banks of which stood the cities
of Midaeium and Gordium[38]. We learn from Pausanias[39] that Ancyra
was founded by Midas, and that in his time there was a fountain in that
city, called the fountain of Midas; and both these authors concur in the
testimony[40] that a tribe of Gauls, in seizing the country adjacent to
Ancyra and Pessinus, occupied a part of the ancient dominions of the
Gordian dynasty. The fertile valleys of the Sangarius, and its branches,
seem, therefore, to have formed the central part of the dominions of the
kings of Phrygia. According to this supposition, the date of the monument
of Doganlú is between the years 740 and 570 before the Christian æra;
for that such was nearly the period of the Gordian dynasty appears from
Herodotus[41], who informs us that Midas, son of Gordius, was the first
of the Barbarians who sent offerings to Delphi, and that his offerings
were earlier than those of Gyges, king of Lydia, who began his reign
B.C. 715. Phrygia lost its independence, when all the country to the
west of the Halys was subdued by Crœsus, king of Lydia, in or about the
year 572 B.C. A few years afterwards Atys, son of Crœsus, was killed
accidentally by Adrastus, who was of the royal family of Phrygia, and son
of the Gordius who had been rendered tributary to Crœsus. As this Gordius
was son of a Midas[42], and the first Midas was son of a Gordius, it is
probable that several of the intermediate monarchs of the dynasty, during
the two centuries of their independence, bore the same names.
The distinguishing appellation of the particular Midas to whom the
monument was dedicated, seems to be contained in the word of the upper
inscription, which occurs between Μίδᾳ and ἄνακτι[43]; but as we possess
no details of the history of independent Phrygia, it is impossible to
determine to what period in the two centuries the monument of Doganlú
is to be ascribed. In regard to the word ΒΑΒΑ, which begins the lower
inscription, it was probably the highest title of honour at that period.
Papas, or Papias, derived from ΠΑΠΑ, nearly the same word as ΒΑΒΑ, and
meaning _father_, was a common epithet of Jupiter in this part of Asia
Minor at a subsequent period. The dedication to Jupiter Papias, mentioned
in a preceding page, was copied from a marble found at no great distance
from Doganlú: and we are informed by an ancient author, that Papas was
the name of the Bithynian Jupiter[44]. In another part of the country
we find the title applied, by a natural descent, to the magistrate of a
city[45]; and it was a common name among the Etruscans, the kinsmen of
the Phrygians[46].
Close by this magnificent relic of Phrygian art is a very large
sepulchral chamber with a portico, of two columns, excavated out of the
same reddish sandstone of which the great monument and other rocks are
formed. The columns have a plain plinth at the top, and are surmounted
by a row of dentils along the architrave. They are of a tapering form,
which, together with the general proportions of the work, give it an
appearance of the Doric order, although, in fact, it contains none of
the distinctive attributes of that order. It is an exact resemblance
of the ordinary cottages of the peasants, which are square frames of
wood-work, having a portico supported by two posts made broader at either
end. The sepulchral chambers differ only in having their parts more
accurately finished; the dentils correspond to the ends of the beams,
supporting the flat roof of the cottage.
I cannot quit the subject of this interesting valley without expressing
a wish that future travellers, who may cross Asia Minor by the routes
of Eski-shehr or Kutáya, will employ a day or two in a more complete
examination of it than circumstances allowed to us; as it is far from
improbable that some inaccuracy or omission may have occurred in our copy
of the inscriptions, from the singularity of the characters, the great
height of one of the inscriptions above the ground, and the short time
that was allowed us for transcribing and revising them.
After leaving the great sculptured rock, we followed the valley for a
short distance, and then passed through a wild woody country, having met
scarcely any traces of habitations till we reached our konák, at the
little village which receives its appellation from the Khan built there
by a Pasha of the name of Kosru; and where we arrived at five in the
evening, having, according to our calculation, made a circuit of nine
or ten miles more than the direct distance from Seid-el-Gházi. We had a
sharp shower of hail as we galloped through the wood, but the weather
soon cleared again.
Jan. 28.—From Kosru Khan to Bulwudún, twelve hours. We rose at two in
the morning: the baggage set off at five, ourselves at six. The road
lay through several small woody valleys, and towards the latter part
of our journey across a ridge of hills, with a fine soil, containing a
few cultivated patches of ground, but for the most part overgrown with
brushwood; at intervals we saw a few flocks of sheep and goats, and in
one place a large herd of horned cattle. We saw many sepulchral chambers
excavated in the rocks, some of which were ornamented on the exterior;
others were plain. In several parts of our route, also, were appearances
of extensive quarries, from some of which was probably extracted the
celebrated Phrygian marble, called Synnadicus, or Docimitis, from the
places where it was found.
This marble was so much esteemed that it was carried to Italy[47]; and
such was the force of fashion or prejudice, that Hadrian placed columns
of it in his new buildings at Athens[48], where the surrounding mountains
abound in the finest marble. At about ten miles from Bulwudún we came
in sight of that town with a lake beyond it: to the southward was the
high range of mountains called Sultán-dagh, and parallel to it, on the
northern side of the plain of Bulwudún, the Emír-dagh.
From hence we descended by a long slope to Bulwudún, which is situated in
the plain. It is a place of considerable size, but consists chiefly of
miserable cottages. There are many remains of antiquity lying about the
streets, and around the town, but they appeared to be chiefly of the time
of the Constantinopolitan empire. At Bulwudún we had to make choice of
two roads to the coast; one leading to Satalía, the other, by Kónia and
Karaman, to Kelénderi. We prefer the latter on account of the uncertainty
of the long passage by sea from Satalía to Cyprus at this season of the
year; and we are informed that all the Grand Vizier’s Tatárs now take the
Kónia road.
Jan. 29.—From Bulwudún to Ak-shehr, eleven hours. For the first two
hours the road traversed the plain which lies between Bulwudún and the
foot of Sultán-dagh; towards the latter a long causeway traverses a
marshy tract, through the middle of which runs a considerable stream.
This river comes from the plains and open country, which extend on our
right as far as Afiom Karahissár, and joins the lake which occupies the
central and lowest part of the plain lying between the parallel ranges
of Sultán-dagh and Emír-dagh. Our road continues in a S.E. direction
along the foot of Sultán-dagh; it is perfectly level, and, owing to the
dry weather, in excellent condition. On our left were the lake and plains
already mentioned. The ground was every where covered with frost, and
the hills on either side of the valley with snow; but these appearances
of winter vanished as the day advanced, and from noon till three P.M.
the sun was warmer than we found agreeable; our faces being exposed to
it by that most inconvenient head-dress, the Tatar Kalpak. Our Surigis
(postillions) wore a singular kind of cloak of white camels’ hair felt,
half an inch thick, and so stiff that the cloak stands without support
when set upright upon the ground. There are neither sleeves nor hood;
but only holes to pass the hands through, and projections like wings
upon the shoulders for the purpose of turning off the rain. It is of the
manufacture of the country. At the end of six hours we passed through
Saakle or Isaklú, a large village surrounded with gardens and orchards,
in the midst of a small region well watered by streams from Sultán-dagh,
and better cultivated than any place we have seen since we left the
vicinity of Isnik and Lefke. Yet the Aga of Isaklú is said to be in a
state of rebellion; and this is not the first instance we have seen of
places in such a state being more flourishing than others; whence we
cannot but suspect that there is a connexion in this empire between the
prosperity of a district and the ability of its chieftain to resist the
orders of the Porte. This is nothing more than the natural consequence
of their well-known policy of making frequent changes of provincial
governors, who, purchasing their governments at a high price, are obliged
to practise every kind of extortion to reimburse themselves, and secure
some profit at the expiration of their command. It seems that the Aga
of Isaklú, having a greater share of prudence and talents than usually
falls to the lot of a Turk in office, has so strengthened himself that
the Porte does not think his reduction worth the exertion that would be
required to effect it, and is, therefore, contented with the moderate
revenue which we are told he regularly remits to Constantinople. In the
mean time he has become so personally interested in the prosperity of the
place, that he finds it more to his advantage to govern it well than to
enrich himself rapidly by the oppressive system of the other provincial
governors. The territory of Isaklú contains several dependent villages to
which fertility is ensured by the streams descending from Sultán-dagh.
We here observe a greater quantity and variety of fruit-trees than in
any place in Asia Minor we have yet seen. Their species are the same as
those which grow in the middle latitudes of Europe, as apples, pears,
walnuts, quinces, peaches, grapes; no figs, olives, or mulberries[49].
The climate, therefore, though now so mild, and exposed undoubtedly to
excessive heat in summer, is not warmer upon the whole than the interior
of Greece and Italy.
We follow the level grounds at the foot of Sultán-dagh until we come in
sight of Ak-shehr (white city), a large town, situated, like Isaklú, on
the foot of the mountains, and furnished with the same natural advantages
of a fertile soil, and a plentiful supply of water. It is surrounded with
many pleasant gardens, but in other respects exhibits the usual Turkish
characteristics of extensive burying-grounds, narrow dirty streets,
and ruined mosques and houses. At a small distance from the western
entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin Hoja, a Turkish
saint, whose tomb is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone
monument of the usual form, surrounded by an open colonnade supporting
a roof; the columns have been taken from some ancient Greek building.
The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture converted
into Turkish tomb-stones, and furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having
been the position of a Greek city of considerable importance. The only
apartment our Konakjí could procure for us at Ak-shehr was a ruinous
chamber in the Menzil-hané (post-house); and the Aga sending insolent
messages in return to our remonstrances, we resolve, though at the end of
a long day’s journey, upon setting out immediately for the next stage.
While the horses are preparing, we eat our _kebáb_ in the burying-ground,
and take shelter from the cold of the evening in the tent of some
camel-drivers, who were enjoying their pipes and coffee over a fire.
On our arrival, we had observed the people fortifying their town, by
erecting one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed for defence.
It consisted of four uprights of fir, supporting a platform covered with
reeds, in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks with a row of
loop-holes. These gates and a low mud-wall are the usual fortifications
of the smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the gates standing
alone without any wall to connect them.
The lake of Ak-shehr is not close to the town as D’Anville has marked it
on his map; but at a distance of six or eight miles: it communicates by
a stream with that of Bulwudún, and after a season of rain, when these
lakes are very much increased in size, they form a continued piece of
water, thirty or forty miles in length. It is probable that D’Anville
was equally mistaken in placing Antioch of Pisidia at Ak-shehr: for if
Sultán-dagh is the Phrygia Paroreia of Strabo, as there is reason to
believe, Antioch should, according to the same authority, be on the
south side of that ridge; whereas Ak-shehr is on the north.
At six in the evening we set out from Ak-shehr, and at one in the morning
of January 30 arrived at Arkut-khan. Our pace was much slower than by
day. The road lay over the same open level country as before, and towards
the latter part of the route, over some undulations of ground, which
separate the waters running into the lake of Ak-shehr from those which
flow into the lake of Ilgún. The weather was frosty and clear, but very
dark after eleven o’clock, when the moon set. Several of our party then
became so oppressed by sleep as to find it difficult to save themselves
from falling from the horses. After two or three hours’ repose at
Arkut-khan, we pursued our route for three hours to Ilgún, a large but
wretched village, containing some scattered fragments of antiquity, where
we procured some eggs and kaimak (boiled cream) for breakfast, and then
continued our route to Ladík. From near Ak-shehr, the loftier summits of
the range of Sultán-dagh begin to recede from our direction towards the
south; and our route has continued through the same wide uncultivated
champaign, intersected by a few ridges, and by torrents running from
the Sultán-dagh to the lakes in the plain. At two hours is a more
considerable stream, crossed by a bridge, and discharging itself into the
lake of Ilgún. Six hours beyond Ilgún we pass through the large village
of Kadún-kiúi, or Kanun-haná, said to consist of 1000 houses; and three
hours further we come to Yorgan-Ladík, or Ladik-el-Tchaus, another large
place, famous throughout Asia Minor for its manufacture of carpets; and
advantageously situated in a well-watered district, among some low hills
to the northward of which lies a very extensive plain.
The road through the open country which we have passed has been wide,
well beaten, fit for any carriage, and, owing to the late dry weather,
in an excellent state. We continue to enjoy a sky without a cloud: there
is generally a slight breeze from the east in the day: in the afternoon
the sun is hot; and at night the sky is perfectly calm and clear, with
a sharp frost, which in the shaded places generally continues to a late
hour in the afternoon.
The plains between Arkut-Khan and Ladík are traversed by several low
stony ridges, and by streams running towards the lake of Ilgún. The
country is bare and open; not a tree or inclosure was to be seen, nor
any appearance of cultivation, except in small patches around a few
widely-scattered villages. The country to our right forms the district
of Dogan-hissár, a town belonging to the Sanjak of Ak-shehr. To the left
is seen the continuation of the series of long narrow lakes which begin
near Bulwudún: they receive the torrents running from the surrounding
mountains, and are greatly enlarged in winter, but in summer are
entirely dried up.
Jan. 31.—From Ladík to Kónia nine hours; the road excellent, and weather
very fine; the sun even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed
eyes. At Ladík we saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture
and sculpture than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed marbles,
altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, were dispersed throughout
the streets and among the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of
Laodiceia κατακεκαυμένη, anciently the most considerable city in this
part of the country. At less than an hour’s distance from the town, on
the way to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains of the
same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral inscriptions of the date
of the Roman empire. The following fragment appears to be part of an
imprecation against any person who should violate the tomb upon which it
is inscribed.
ΤΟΝ ΒΩΜΟΝ ΑΔΙΚΗϹΕΙ
Η ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΤΑΦ
ΟΝ ΤΙ ΟΡΦΑΝΑ ΤΕΚΝΑ ΛΙΠΟΙ
........................
ΤΟΝ ΧΗΡΟΝ ΒΙΟΝ ΟΙΚΟΝ Ε
ΡΗΜΟΝ
Soon after we had quitted this spot, we entered upon a ridge branching
eastward from the great mountains on our right, and forming the northern
boundary of the plain of Kónia. On the descent from this ridge we came
in sight of the vast plain around that city, and of the lake which
occupies the middle of it, and we saw the city with its mosques and
ancient walls, still at the distance of 12 or 14 miles from us. To
the north-east nothing appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two
very lofty summits covered with snow, at a great distance. They can
be no other than the summits of Mount Argæus above Kesaría, and are,
consequently, near 150 miles distant from us, in a direct line. To the
south-east the same plains extend as far as the mountains of Karaman,
which to the south-west of the plains are connected with the mountains of
Khatun-serái, on the other side of which lies Bey-shehr and the country
of the ancient Isaurians; and these bending westward in the neighbourhood
of Kónia form a continuous range with the ridge of Sultán-dagh, of which
we have been following the direction ever since we left Bulwudún. At
the south-east extremity of the plains beyond Kónia we are much struck
with the appearance of a remarkable insulated mountain, called Kara-dagh
(black mountain), rising to a great height, covered at the top with snow,
and appearing like a lofty island in the midst of the sea. It is about
sixty miles distant, and beyond it are seen some of the summits of the
Karaman range, which cannot be less than ninety miles from us; yet it
is surprising with what distinctness the form of the ground and of the
woods is seen in this clear atmosphere. As far as I have observed, the
air is much more transparent in a fine winter’s day in this climate than
it is in summer, when, notwithstanding the breeze of wind which blows,
there is generally a haze in the horizon, caused probably by the constant
stream of vapour which rises from the earth. The situation of the town of
Karaman is pointed out to us exactly in the line of our route, a little
to the right of Mount Kara-dagh. After descending into the plain we move
rapidly over a road made for wheel-carriages; the first we have met with
since we left the neighbourhood of Skutári.
At Kónia we are comfortably accommodated in the house of a Christian
belonging to the Greek church, but who is ignorant of the language,
which is not even used in the church-service: they have the four Gospels
and the Prayers printed in Turkish. At the head of the Greek community
is a Metropolitan bishop, who has several dependent churches in the
adjacent towns. As it is now the moon Ramazan, when the Turks neither
take nourishment nor receive visits till after sunset, we are obliged
to defer our visit to the Governor of Kónia till the evening. He is a
Pasha of three tails, but inferior in rank to the Governor of Kutáya,
who has the title of Anadol-Beglerbeg, or Anadol-Valesi, and who has the
chief command of all the Anatolian troops when they join the Imperial
camp. Our visit, as usual among the Turks, was first to the Kiaya, or
Deputy, and afterwards to the Pasha. The entrance into the court of the
Serai was striking; portable fires of pine-wood placed in a grating fixed
upon a pole, and stuck into the ground, were burning in every part of
the court-yard; a long line of horses stood ready saddled; attendants in
their gala-clothes were seen moving about in all directions, and trains
of servants, with covered dishes in their hands, showed that the night
of a Turkish fast is a feast. The building had little in unison with
these appearances of gaiety and magnificence, being a low shabby wooden
edifice, with ruinous galleries and half-broken window frames; but it
stands upon the site of the palace of the ancient sultans of Iconium,
and contains some few remains of massy and elegant Arabic architecture,
of an early date. The inside of the building seemed not much better than
the exterior, with the exception of the Pasha’s audience-chamber, which
was splendidly furnished with carpets and sofas, and filled with a great
number of attendants in costly dresses. The Pasha, as well as his deputy
in the previous visit, received us with haughtiness and formality, though
with civility. The Pasha promised to send forward to Karaman for horses
to be ready to carry us to the coast, and to give us a travelling order
for konáks upon the road. After passing through the usual ceremony of
coffee, sweetmeats, sherbet, and perfumes, which in a Turkish visit
of ceremony are well known to follow in the order here mentioned, we
return to our lodging. Nothing can exceed the greediness of the Pasha’s
attendants for Bakshish. Some accompany us home with mashallahs (the
torches above mentioned), and others with silver wands. Soon after our
return to our lodgings we are visited by a set of the Pasha’s musicians,
who seem very well to understand that after our fatigues we shall be glad
to purchase their absence at a handsome price; but no sooner are they
gone than another set make their appearance; the Kahwejí, the Tutunjí,
and a long train of Tchokadars; and these being succeeded by people of
the town, who come simply to gratify their curiosity, it is not till a
late hour that we are at liberty to retire to rest.
The circumference of the walls of Kónia is between two and three miles,
beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself.
The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at
the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian
kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek
inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to
the ancient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We
perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and
other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable
preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that
I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire.
We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a
rude sculpture; and on all the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers,
Arabic inscriptions, apparently of a very early date. The town, suburbs,
and gardens around are plentifully supplied with water from streams,
which flow from some hills to the westward, and which to the north-east
join a lake varying in size according to the season of the year. We are
informed that in the winter and after the melting of the snows upon the
surrounding mountains, the lake is swollen with immense inundations,
which spread over the great plains to the eastward for near fifty miles.
At present there is not the least appearance of any such inundation,
the usual autumnal rains having failed, and the whole country labouring
under a severe drought. The gardens of Kónia abound with the same variety
of fruit-trees which we remarked in those of Isaklú and Ak-shehr; and
the country around supplies grain and flax in great abundance. In the
town carpets are manufactured, and they tan and dye blue and yellow
leather. Cotton, wool, hides, and a few of the other raw materials which
enrich the superior industry and skill of the manufacturers of Europe,
are sent to Smyrna by the caravans. The low situation of the town and
the vicinity of the lake seem not to promise much for the salubrity of
Kónia; but we heard no complaint on this head; and as it has in all
ages been well inhabited, these apparent disadvantages are probably
corrected by the dryness of the soil, and the free action of the winds
over the surrounding levels. The most remarkable building in Kónia is
the tomb of a saint, highly revered throughout Turkey, called Hazret
Mevlana, the founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre, which is
the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is surmounted by a dome, standing
upon a cylindrical tower of a bright green colour. The city, like all
those renowned for superior sanctity, abounds with Dervishes, who meet
the passenger at every turning of the streets, and demand paras with
the greatest clamour and insolence. Some of them pretend to be idiots,
and are hence considered as entitled to peculiar respect, or at least
indulgence. The bazars and houses have little to recommend them to notice.