"Savannah, January 31, 1740. I purpose to revisit New York at
the appointed time. You told me, 'our Lord has not sent me
into His vineyard at my own charge.' Indeed, I always find
He furnishes me with things convenient. Nay, He is often so
abundant in goodness and truth, that I am obliged to cry out,
in holy admiration, 'My Lord and my God!' Blessed be God, the
Orphan-house affairs succeed well. Many souls will be redeemed
by it from temporal, and, I trust, from eternal bondage. I am
building a large house, have many servants, and a good stock of
cattle. It will cost much money; but our Lord will see to that.
My friends at New York will assist me when I come amongst them."
Howell Harris, the brave Welshman, always occupied a warm place in
Whitefield's large and loving heart. The following was addressed to
him:--
"Savannah, Feb. 4, 1740. Will this find you in prison, or not?
Your last letter gave me some expectation, that, ere long, you
would be both in prison and bonds. By-and-by, I shall follow
perhaps. My dear brother, let us continue instant in season and
out of season. Let us continually preach up free grace, though
we die for it. We cannot lose our lives in a better cause. As I
am enabled, I remember you at the throne of grace. In general,
I sigh out my prayers. I have not had much enlargement in
preaching since I have been here. I sometimes think my heart is
more vicious and perverse than any one's; and yet Jesus Christ
will come and dwell in me. Methinks I hear you say, 'Glory be to
free grace! All praise be given to electing love!' Let all who
love the Lord Jesus say, Amen!"
In his seventeen days' journey to the southern part of Georgia,
Whitefield came to the Scots' settlement at Darien, and was kindly
received by Mr. McLeod, the Presbyterian minister. Thence he
proceeded to Frederica, where he was courteously treated by General
Oglethorpe. He preached in a room belonging to the storehouse, and
"the general, the soldiers, and the people attended very orderly."
Returning to Darien, he preached five sermons to Mr. McLeod's
congregation. On February 26, he set out with four orphans, lay two
nights in the woods, and reached Bethesda, at noon, on the 28th. A
fortnight afterwards, he embarked for Charleston. He writes:--
"1740. Friday, March 14. Arrived last night at Charleston, being
called there to see my brother, who lately came from England.
Waited on the commissary" (the Rev. Alexander Garden), "but met
with a cool reception. Drank tea with the Independent minister,
and preached to a large auditory in his meeting-house.
"Saturday, March 15. Breakfasted, sung a hymn, and had some
religious conversation on board my brother's ship. Preached in
the Baptist meeting-house; and, in the evening, again in the
Independent meeting-house, to a more attentive auditory than
ever.
"Sunday, March 16. Preached, at eight in the morning, in the
Scots' meeting-house, to a large congregation. Went to church
and heard the commissary represent me under the character of
the Pharisee, who came to the temple, saying, 'God, I thank
Thee that I am not as other men are.' Went to church again in
the afternoon; and, about five, preached in the Independent
meeting-house yard, the house not being capacious enough to hold
the auditory.[316]
[316] The commissary preached against Whitefield; and the Rev.
Joseph Smith, Independent minister, on March 26, defended him
in a sermon founded upon the text, "I said, I will answer also
my part, I also will shew my opinion." First of all, Mr. Smith
dwells on the doctrines which Whitefield everywhere preached;
namely, original sin, justification by faith alone, and the
new birth. He then proceeds to give his opinion of Whitefield
himself. He says: "He is certainly a finished preacher, and a
great master of pulpit oratory, while a noble negligence runs
through his style. How is his tongue like the pen of a ready
writer! With what a flow of words did he speak to us upon the
great concerns of our souls! In what a flaming light did he
set eternity before us! How did he move our passions with the
constraining love of Christ! The awe, the silence, the attention
which sat upon the face of so great an audience, was an argument
how he could reign over all their powers. So charmed were the
people with his manner of address, that they shut up their
shops, forgot their secular business, and laid aside their
schemes for the world; and the oftener he preached, the keener
edge he seemed to put upon their desires of hearing him again.
How bold and courageous did he look! He was no flatterer, would
not suffer men to settle upon their lees, and did not prophesy
smooth things. The politest, the most modish of our vices, the
most fashionable of our entertainments, he struck at, regardless
of every one's presence but His in whose name he spake. How rich
has he been in all good works! What an eminent pattern of piety
towards God! How holy and unblameable in all conversation and
godliness! He affects no party, nor sets himself at the head of
any. He is always careful to time his Sabbath discourses, so as
not to interfere with the stated hours of worship in that Church
of which he is a professed member and minister; because, as he
told us, he would not tempt away hearers from their proper and
respective pastors. He appears to me a man full of the Holy
Ghost and of faith. Though his prayers in this pulpit were
all extempore, yet how copious, how ardent, with what compass
of thought! He prays in public with that spirit, variety, and
fluency which could only be expected from a man who was no
stranger to the sacred duty in private. For charity, as it
consists in compassion and acts of beneficence, we have few men
like-minded. Strolling and vagabond orphans, poor and helpless,
without purse and without a friend, he seeks out, picks up, and
adopts into his family. He is now building a house, and laying
the best foundation for their support and religious instruction,
without any visible fund; encouraged to go on in faith, from the
shining example of the great professor in Germany, who began
a like pious work with almost nothing, and raised it to such
perfection as is the wonder of all who hear it."
Such was the public testimony of the Independent minister at
Charleston, delivered at the time when the clergyman of the
Church of England was doing his utmost to bring young Whitefield
into disrepute. His chapel, in which Whitefield preached, and
where he collected upwards of £70 sterling for the Orphanage,
was then called the "White Meetinghouse," and occupied the site
of the present circular church. ("Methodism in Charleston," p.
20.)
"Monday, March 17. Preached, in the morning, in the Independent
meeting-house, and was more explicit than ever in exclaiming
against balls and assemblies. Preached again in the evening,
and, being excited thereto by some of the inhabitants, I
spoke in behalf of the poor orphans, and collected upwards of
£70 sterling, the largest collection I ever yet made on that
occasion.
"Tuesday, March 18. Preached twice again this day, and took
an affectionate leave of my hearers. I believe a good work is
begun in many. Every day several have come to me, telling me,
with weeping eyes, how God had been pleased to convince them
by the word preached. Invitations were given me from some of
the adjacent villages, and many came to town daily, from their
plantations, to hear the word.
"Friday, March 21. Went on board the sloop, prayed, sung a hymn,
and took an affectionate leave of my dear brother and other
friends. Got over the bar, and reached Savannah about noon.
"Tuesday, March 25. Went to Bethesda, and, with full assurance
of faith, laid the first brick of the great house. The workmen
attended, and with me kneeled down and prayed. After we had sung
a hymn suitable to the occasion, I gave a word of exhortation to
the labourers, and bid them remember to work heartily, knowing
that they worked for God. Near forty children are now under
my care, and near a hundred mouths are daily supplied with
food. The expense is great, but our great and good God, I am
persuaded, will enable me to defray it.
"Sunday, March 30. Found myself sick and weak in body, but was
strengthened to go through most of the duties of the day, and
to take an affectionate leave of my parishioners, because it
appeared that Providence called me towards the northward."
This northern journey occupied the next two months; but, before
narrating its incidents, some of Whitefield's troubles must be
mentioned. Like all impulsive men, he was frequently imprudent, and,
naturally enough, imprudence engendered mischief.
From the foregoing extracts it will be seen that Whitefield was
denounced, from the pulpit, by the Rev. Alexander Garden, M.A.,
Rector of St. Philip's, Charleston.[317] Remembering all that had
occurred during Whitefield's visit to England in 1739, and also
remembering that, since his return to America, Whitefield had
preached more frequently in Dissenting meeting-houses than in his
own parish church at Savannah, it is not surprising that Mr. Garden
gave Whitefield "a cool reception" when he went to Charleston. It is
matter of regret, however, that he should have used the pulpit to
proclaim his displeasure; and it is a matter of additional regret,
that the youthful evangelist copied, to any extent, so objectionable
an example. It is said that, while Alexander Garden expatiated on
the text, "Those who have turned the world upside-down are come
hither also," George Whitefield retorted by enlarging on the words,
"Alexander the coppersmith hath done me much evil: the Lord reward
him according to his works."[318]
[317] Mr. Garden was born in Scotland in 1685, and came to
Charleston about 1720. He was the commissary of the Bishop of London
for the Carolinas, Georgia, and the Bahama Islands. He died in 1756.
[318] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 268.
But this was not all. Early in the year, a small pamphlet of sixteen
pages was published, with the following title: "Three Letters from
the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, namely: Letter 1. To a Friend in
London, concerning Archbishop Tillotson; Letter 2. To the same
on the same subject; Letter 3. To the Inhabitants of Maryland,
Virginia, and North and South Carolina, concerning their Negroes.
Printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin, at the New Printing Office,
near the Market, Philadelphia, 1740."[319]
[319] Mr. Stephens, in his "Proceedings in Georgia," 1742,
says:--"1740, March 22. Mr. Whitefield returned from Charleston.
The Carolina newpapers advertise that he has published two
letters there; one shewing 'Archbishop Tillotson knew no more of
Christianity than Mahomet,' and the other shewing the fundamental
errors of a book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man.' This confirmed
my belief of what I had been told--that he made one of his orphans
throw that book into the fire, with great detestation."
The third of these letters has been already noticed; the other two
must have attention. The first is dated Savannah, January 18, 1740,
and is meant to vindicate Whitefield's assertion, that "Archbishop
Tillotson knew no more of Christianity than Mahomet." Whitefield
writes:--
"This has been looked upon as one of the most unjustifiable
expressions that ever proceeded out of my mouth. I dare not
say that the expression came originally from me. My dear and
honoured friend, Mr. John Wesley, if I mistake not, first spoke
it in a private Society, where he was expounding part of the
Epistle to the Romans, and proving the doctrine of justification
by faith alone, in contradistinction to good works. But, upon
the maturest deliberation, _I_ say again, what I have often
said before, that Archbishop Tillotson _knew no more about true
Christianity than Mahomet_. Whatever high opinion others may
have of that great man, I must confess he was never a favourite
of mine. My sermon on the eternity of hell's torments was
directly levelled against a discourse of his on that subject;
and, since then, my dislike of him has been much increased,
because I have observed that all natural men generally speak
well of his works. Did he teach the truth as it is in Jesus,
thousands, who now admire, would throw aside his discourses as
waste paper. But I would not lay all the stress of my objections
here; but from his own writings will I prove my assertion. Any
spiritual man who reads them may easily see that the Archbishop
knew of no other than a bare historical faith; and, as to the
method of our acceptance with God, and our justification by
faith alone (which is the doctrine of Scripture and of the
Church of England), he certainly was as ignorant thereof as
Mahomet himself."
Whitefield then proceeds to quote extracts from Tillotson's
writings, to prove his assertion. It would have been much wiser for
Whitefield to have kept quiet.
His second letter concerning Tillotson consists chiefly of extracts
from Dr. Edwards's (late of Cambridge) book, entitled "The Preacher;
shewing the Offices and Employments of those of that character in
the Church." The letter concludes thus:--
"And now, my dear friend, have I been rash in my censure of
the Archbishop, or not? I know, writing or speaking against so
learned a Rabbi is like Luther's writing against the indulgences
of the Pope. But, no matter for that. The mystery of iniquity,
wrapped up in the writings of Archbishop Tillotson, has been hid
long enough. It is time now to reveal it to the world."
All this may seem to be heroic; but it was not modest. The work
of young Whitefield was not to attack Archbishop Tillotson, whose
death took place long before Whitefield's birth; but to preach Jesus
Christ. He was soon rebuked--far too bitterly, but not undeservedly.
Soon after Whitefield's visit to Charleston, and the publication of
his unwise letters, there appeared a quarto pamphlet, of fifty-four
pages, with the following title: "Six Letters to the Rev. Mr.
George Whitefield. The first, second, and third on the subject of
Justification; the fourth containing remarks on a pamphlet entitled
'The Case between Mr. Whitefield and Dr. Stebbing stated;' the
fifth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's two Letters concerning
Archbishop Tillotson and the book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man;'
and the sixth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's second Letter
concerning Archbishop Tillotson, and on his Letter concerning
the Negroes. By Alexander Garden, M.A., Rector of St. Philip's,
Charleston, and Commissary in South Carolina. Together with Mr.
Whitefield's Answer to the first Letter. Boston, 1740."[320]
[320] A reply, by A. Croswell, to the first half of these letters,
was published in 1741, with the following title: "An Answer to the
Rev. Mr. Garden's first three Letters to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield.
With an Appendix concerning Mr. Garden's Treatment of Mr.
Whitefield. Boston, 1471." (16mo. 60 pp.) The "Answer" is purely
theological; the "Appendix" will be referred to hereafter.
The first of Mr. Garden's letters dwells on good works, as springing
out of faith, and preceding justification. Whitefield's "Answer" is
as follows:--
"CHARLESTON, _March 18, 1740_.
"REV. SIR,--Both by your conversation, sermon, and letter, I
perceive you are angry over-much. Were I ever so much inclined
to dispute, I should stay till the cool of the day. Your letter
more and more confirms me that my charge against the clergy is
just and reasonable. It would be endless to enter into such a
private debate as you, rev. sir, seem desirous of. You have read
my sermon" (on "What think ye of Christ?") "be pleased to read
it again; and, if there be anything contrary to sound doctrine
or the Articles of the Church of England, let the public know
it from the press, and thus let the world judge whether you or
my brethren the clergy have been rashly slandered by, rev. sir,
your very humble servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."
Whitefield would not fight, but he made others angry. Mr. Garden's
second letter was on the same subject as his first, but was free
from personal abuse. In the third, the commissary became ireful.
Whitefield is accused of "wilful and malicious, arrogant and wicked
slander," and of using "miserable distinctions" and "mob harangues."
He is charged with employing "poisoned insinuation, false and
insidious," and is told he has "no talent at proving anything." In
reference to Whitefield's saying, in his Journal, he has kindled a
fire which all the devils in hell will not be able to extinguish,
Mr. Garden remarks: "Alas! the fire you have kindled is that of
slander and defamation,--a fire which no devil in hell, nor Jesuit,
nor Deist on earth, will ever go about to extinguish, but will fagot
and foment it with all their might, as too effectually serving their
interests."
The fourth letter, dated April 15, 1740, is purely theological;
the fifth is clever, but abusive. Mr. Garden says Whitefield has
"exposed himself to the utmost scorn and contempt of every reader."
"In your mountebank way," the rector continues, "you have, young
David-like, as you fancy, slain your Goliath" (Tillotson), "but
his works and memory will long survive after you and your dirty
pamphlets are sunk into oblivion. But might not one such conquest
have sufficed you, as it did young David? No: your noble spirit
scorns only to _imitate_, but must _excel_. No sooner have you
dispatched this champion of the uncircumcised in heart and ears,
but, advancing from a David into a knight of _Lamanca_, you go
straight in pursuit of new adventures! And who unhappily falls in
your way but another son of Anak, the author of the 'Whole Duty
of Man'?[321] Down he must come; and thus you gird yourself for
the battle." Then again, because Whitefield says God has given
him "a _true_ knowledge of the doctrines of grace," Mr. Garden
associates him with the Pope and the Mufti, and calls them "a motley
Triumvirate of Infallibles--your _Reverence_, the _Pope_, and
the _Mufti_! each of you claiming the gift of the true knowledge
of the doctrines of grace, and yet each denying his claim to the
other,--the claim the result of the most consummate assurance,
wherewith you jointly and severally disturb and confound the world."
[321] Whitefield's letter on the "Whole Duty of Man" was published
in the _Daily Advertiser_ of July 2nd, 1740. It is an immensely long
production, and really not worth quoting. He says he had looked
over "the index and general titles" of the book, and could not find
"the word Regeneration so much as once mentioned." The letter is
chiefly theological; but Whitefield would have been better employed
in preaching, than in writing this verbose epistle. It did no credit
either to his head or heart, and was not inserted in his collected
works in 1771.
Mr. Garden's sixth letter is dated July 30, 1740, and chiefly
relates to Whitefield's printed attack on the slave-owners of
Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. Mr. Garden declares "the
generality of owners use their slaves with all due humanity." He
thinks the owners, in their respective colonies, may prosecute
Whitefield for slander. He then retorts on Whitefield as follows:--
"I have heard the _report_ of your _cruelty_ to the poor orphans
under your care, not only in pinching their bellies, but in
giving them up to taskmasters or mistresses, who plow upon
their backs, and make long furrows there, in a very inhuman
manner; but would you think it fair and honest in me, if, on
such _hearsay or report_, I should print and publish a letter
directed to you, pretending a necessity of informing you that
God had a quarrel with you, for your cruelty to the poor
orphans?"
All this priestly vituperation, on both sides, is greatly to be
lamented. It degraded ministerial character; it injured the cause of
Christian truth; it afforded sport to unconverted men. Whitefield's
attack on the clergy in general, and on Tillotson in particular,
was, to say the least, unwise; and Commissary Garden's replies were
unworthy of his character as a gentleman and Christian minister. Mr.
Garden, unfortunately, will turn up again; but, for the present, he
must be dismissed, that attention may be given to another of young
Whitefield's troubles.
As already stated, on February 4, Whitefield, by appointment, met
the magistrates of Savannah for the purpose of hearing the Recorder
read the document by which the Trustees of Georgia made Whitefield
a grant of five hundred acres of land. One of the magnates present
was Mr. Parker, who was maintaining two orphan boys of the name
of Tondee, the elder being a well-grown lad of fifteen or sixteen
years. Whitefield claimed the boys for his Orphanage. Parker
objected to part with the older boy, on the ground that, having
maintained him during his childhood, it would be unfair to take him
away now, when he was capable of working for his living. No doubt,
Mr. Parker had reason on his side; but Whitefield replied, "The boy
is much fitter for my purpose than for yours, as he can be employed
for the benefit of the other orphans." Parker lost his temper; but
Whitefield took away the boys.
Another case, even more daring and high-handed than this, occurred
about the same time. A man of the name of Mellidge, one of the
first forty freeholders of Savannah, died, and left several young
children, towards whom General Oglethorpe shewed particular favour.
After a few years, the eldest boy, proving himself to be intelligent
and industrious, was employed by the General in planting; and the
eldest girl having become capable of taking care of the younger
children, the whole nest of orphans, in the spring of 1740, found
a home in the house of their elder brother John. On arriving in
Georgia, Whitefield very improperly took possession of all the
younger Mellidges, and removed them to his Orphanage. John, their
natural protector, complained to Oglethorpe. Oglethorpe, who was
then at Frederica, knowing that the family was now no public
incumbrance, wrote the following sensible letter on the subject:--
"I have inspected the grant relating to the Orphan House. Mr.
Seward said that the trustees had granted the orphans to Mr.
Whitefield; but I shewed him that it could not be in the sense
he at first seemed to understand it. The trustees have granted
the _care_ of the _helpless_ orphans to Mr. Whitefield, and
have given him five hundred acres of land, and a power of
collecting charities, as a consideration for maintaining all the
orphans who are in necessity in this province; and thereby the
trustees think themselves discharged from the maintaining of
any. But, at the same time, the trustees have not given, as I
see, any power to Mr. Whitefield to receive the effects of the
orphans, much less to take by force any orphans who can maintain
themselves, or whom any other substantial person will maintain.
The trustees, in this, act according to the law of England:--In
case orphans are left destitute, they become the charge of the
parish, and the parish may put them out to be taken care of;
but if any person will maintain them, so that they are not
chargeable to the parish, then the parish doth not meddle with
them."
Backed by the General's opinion, John Mellidge waited upon
Whitefield, and requested him to permit his brothers and sisters
to return to the home he himself had provided for them. Whitefield
replied, "Your brothers and sisters are at their proper home
already. I know no other home they have to go to. Give my service
to the General, and tell him so." Oglethorpe was not a man to be
trifled with by a young clergyman; and hence, on hearing young
Mellidge's report, he peremptorily ordered Mr. Jones, a functionary
of Savannah, to remove the children from Whitefield's Orphanage; and
Jones, during Whitefield's absence, obeyed the order. Whitefield was
angry, and threatened to appeal to the trustees; but the Mellidges
prospered, and, after the expiration of the trustees' charter,
John Mellidge, the valiant protector of the little orphans, became
the representative of Savannah in the first General Assembly of
Georgia.[322]
[322] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 272.
It is impossible to justify Whitefield in proceedings like these;
and, certainly, they brought upon him anxiety and trouble, which,
though deserved, he need never have experienced.
Another unpleasantness, belonging to this period, must be mentioned.
True, it involves no reproach either to one party or the other;
but, no doubt, it was painful to both. Whitefield had become a
Calvinist; but his friend Wesley, eleven years his senior, and
vastly more learned, was an Arminian, and, moreover, held the
doctrine, that, though Christians can never be freed from "those
numberless weaknesses and follies, sometimes improperly termed sins
of infirmity," yet, it is the privilege of all to be saved "entirely
from sin in its proper sense, and from committing it." He had also
recently published his "Journal from his Embarking for Georgia to
his Return to London;" and also the Life of Halyburton, with a
Preface, in which he propounded the view just mentioned. Nothing
more need be said to illustrate the references in the following most
affectionate and deeply interesting letter:--
"SAVANNAH, _March 26, 1740_.
"HONOURED SIR,--Since I returned here, I received your letter
and journal. I thank you for both, and shall wait almost with
impatience to see a continuance of your account of what God is
doing or has done amongst you. He knows my heart. I rejoice in
whatever God has done by your hands, I, _prae, sequar, etsi non
passibus equis_.
"I could now send a particular answer to your last; but, my
honoured friend and brother, for once hearken to a child, who is
willing to wash your feet. I beseech you, by the mercies of God
in Christ Jesus our Lord, if you would have my love confirmed
towards you, write no more to me about misrepresentations
wherein we differ. To the best of my knowledge, at present,
no sin has _dominion_ over me, yet I feel the strugglings of
indwelling sin day by day. I can, therefore, by no means, come
into your interpretation of the passage mentioned in the letter,
and as explained in your Preface to Mr. Halyburton.
"The doctrine of _election_, and the _final perseverance_ of
those who are truly in Christ, I am ten thousand times more
convinced of, if possible, than when I saw you last. You
think otherwise. Why then should we dispute, when there is no
probability of convincing? Will it not, in the end, destroy
brotherly love, and insensibly take from us that cordial union
and sweetness of soul, which I pray God may always subsist
between us? How glad would the enemies of the Lord be to see us
divided! How many would rejoice, should I join and make a party
against you! How would the cause of our common Master every
way suffer by our raising disputes about particular points of
doctrine!
"Honoured sir, let us offer salvation freely to all by the blood
of Jesus; and whatever light God has communicated to us, let
us freely communicate to others. I have lately read the life
of Luther, and think it in no wise to his honour, that the
last part of his life was so much taken up in disputing with
Zwinglius and others, who, in all probability, equally loved
the Lord Jesus, notwithstanding they might differ from him in
other points. Let this, dear sir, be a caution to us. I hope it
will to me; for, by the blessing of God, provoke me to it as
much as you please, I do not think ever to enter the lists of
controversy with you on the points wherein we differ. Only, I
pray to God, that the more you _judge me_, the more I may _love
you_, and learn to desire no one's approbation, but that of my
Lord and Master Jesus Christ.
"Ere this reaches you, I suppose you will hear of my late
excursion to Charleston. A great work, I believe, is begun
there. Enclosed, I have sent you Mr. Garden's letters. They will
serve to convince you, more and more, of the necessity you lie
under to be instant in season and out of season.
"Oh, dear honoured sir, I wish you as much success as your heart
can wish. Were you here, I would weep over you with tears of
love, and tell you what great things God hath done for my soul,
since we parted last. I often and heartily pray for your success
in the gospel. May your inward strength and outward sphere
increase day by day! May God use you as a choice and singular
instrument of promoting His glory on earth! And may I see you
crowned with an eternal and exceeding weight of glory in the
world to come! This is the hearty desire of, honoured sir, yours
most affectionately in Christ Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."
An exquisitely beautiful epistle! All must lament that, soon after
this, there was a temporary estrangement between these faithful and
loving men.
Two days after the date of the foregoing letter, Whitefield wrote to
his friend, Benjamin Ingham, and abruptly announced that he believed
it was the will of God that he should marry; but, at the same time,
prayed that he might not obtain a wife till he could live as though
he had none. The reason of this apparently sudden change was, that
of the four women who had accompanied him from England to manage his
Orphanage in America, one was settled in Philadelphia; another was
dead; the third was dying; and the fourth was the only one likely
to afford him aid. Whitefield had already fixed his mind upon the
young lady whom he intended to ask to be his wife; but certainly he
was one of the oddest wooers that ever wooed. Hence the following
letters--probably the first love letters of his life, and, without a
doubt, among the strangest that an educated and thoroughly unselfish
and Christian man ever wrote. The first was addressed to the young
lady, the object of his choice; the second to her parents.
"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.
"DEAR MISS E----, Be not surprised at the contents of this. The
letter sent to your honoured father and mother will acquaint you
with the reasons.
"Do you think you could undergo the fatigues that must
necessarily attend being joined to one who is every day liable
to be called to suffer for the sake of Jesus Christ? Can you
bear to leave your father and kindred's house, and to trust on
Him, who feedeth the young ravens that call upon Him, for your
own and children's support, supposing it should please Him to
bless you with any? Can you undertake to help a husband in the
charge of a family, consisting perhaps of a hundred persons? Can
you bear the inclemencies of the air, both as to cold and heat,
in a foreign climate? Can you, when you have a husband, be as
though you had none, and willingly part with him, even for a
long season, when his Lord and Master shall call him forth to
preach the gospel, and command him to leave you behind?
"If, after seeking to God for direction, and searching your
heart, you can say, 'I can do all these things through Christ
strengthening me,' what if you and I were joined together in
the Lord, and you came with me, at my return from England, to
be a helpmeet for me in the management of the Orphan House? I
have great reason to believe it is the Divine will that I should
alter my condition, and have often thought you were the person
appointed for me. I shall still wait on God for direction, and
heartily entreat Him that, if this be not of Him, it may come to
nought.
"I write thus plainly, because, I trust, I write not from
any other principles but the love of God. I shall make it my
business to call on the Lord Jesus; and would advise you to
consult both Him and your friends. For, in order to obtain a
blessing, we should call both the Lord Jesus and His disciples
to the marriage. I much like the manner of Isaac's marrying
Rebekah; and think no marriage can succeed well, unless both
parties concerned are like-minded with Tobias and his wife.
"I think I can call the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob to
witness that I desire to take you, my sister, to wife, not for
lust, but uprightly; and, therefore, I hope He will mercifully
ordain, if it be His blessed will we should be joined together,
that we may walk as Zacharias and Elisabeth did, in all the
ordinances of the Lord blameless. I make no great profession
to you, because I believe you think me sincere. The passionate
expressions which carnal courtiers use, I think, ought to be
avoided by those that would marry in the Lord. I can only
promise, by the help of God, to keep my matrimonial vow, and to
do what I can towards helping you forward in the great work of
your salvation.
"If you think marriage will be in any way prejudicial to your
better part, be so kind as to send me a denial. I would not be a
snare to you for the world. You need not be afraid of speaking
your mind. I trust, I love you only for God, and desire to be
joined to you only by His command, and for His sake. With fear
and much trembling I write, and shall patiently tarry the Lord's
leisure, till He is pleased to incline you, dear Miss E----, to
send an answer to your affectionate brother, friend, and servant
in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."
* * * * *
"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.
"MY DEAR FRIENDS,--Since I wrote last, we have buried our sister
L----; Rachel I left at Philadelphia; and sister T---- seems to
be in a declining state; so that sister A---- alone is like to
be left of all the women which came over with me from England.
"I find, by experience, that a mistress is absolutely necessary
for the due management of my increasing family, and to take off
some of that care which, at present, lies upon me. Besides,
I shall, in all probability, at my next return from England,
bring more women with me; and I find, unless they are all truly
gracious, (or indeed if they are) without a superior, matters
cannot be carried on as becometh the gospel of Jesus Christ. It
hath been, therefore, much impressed upon my heart that I should
marry, in order to have a helpmeet for me in the work, whereunto
our dear Lord Jesus hath called me.
"This comes, (like Abraham's servant to Rebekah's relations,) to
know whether you think your daughter, Miss E----, is a proper
person to engage in such an undertaking? If so, whether you will
be pleased to give me leave to propose marriage unto her?
"You need not be afraid of sending me a refusal; for, I bless
God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that
foolish passion, which the world calls _love_. I write, only
because I believe it is the will of God that I should alter
my state; but your denial will fully convince me, that your
daughter is not the person appointed by God for me. He knows
my heart; I would not marry but for Him, and in Him, for ten
thousand worlds. But I have sometimes thought Miss E---- would
be my helpmeet; for she has often been impressed upon my heart.
I should think myself safer in your family, because so many
of you love the Lord Jesus, and, consequently, would be more
watchful over my precious and immortal soul.
"After strong crying and tears at the throne of grace for
direction, and after unspeakable troubles with my own heart, I
write this. Be pleased to spread the letter before the Lord;
and, if you think this motion to be of Him, be pleased to
deliver the enclosed to your daughter: if not, say nothing, only
let me know you disapprove of it, and that shall satisfy, dear
sir and madam, your obliged friend and servant in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."
Of course, Whitefield's curious courtship failed, as it deserved
to fail; but the question naturally arises, Who was the young lady
whom Whitefield proposed to marry? There cannot be a doubt that
"Dear Miss E----" was Elizabeth Delamotte, the daughter of the
Middlesex magistrate, who lived at Blendon, whose son Charles
went with the Wesleys to Georgia, and whose son William was now a
Moravian preacher, and, (in union with Benjamin Ingham,) was doing
his utmost to convert the benighted inhabitants of the West Riding
of the county of York. The full address of Whitefield's letter to
the parents of "Miss E----" is not given, the editor of Whitefield's
collected works merely supplying "To Mr. and Mrs. D----," which
coincides with the opinion just expressed. From Charles Wesley's
Journal, it is perfectly clear that one of Mr. Delamotte's daughters
was named Elizabeth.[323] The reader need not be told that, during
the summer of 1739, Whitefield was a frequent and delighted visitor
at Mr. Delamotte's house,[324] and that it was here that he wrote
his Answer to the Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter. Since his
return to America, he had written Mr. Delamotte a most loving
letter;[325] and an equally loving one to Mr. Delamotte's wife,[326]
both dated "Philadelphia, November 10, 1739." Indeed, unless I
am mistaken, he had written to Miss Elizabeth herself. Hence the
following extract from a letter "to Miss Elizabeth D----," dated
"Savannah, February 1, 1740":--
"You do well to go about doing good; your Master did so before
you. Dare, _dear Miss_, to follow His good example, and never
fear the revilings of men. Set your face as a flint against all
the adversaries of our Lord. Keep up a close walk and communion
with God. Nothing else can preserve you from idols. There is
nothing I dread more than having my heart drawn away by earthly
objects. For, alas! what room can there be for God, when a rival
has taken possession of the heart? Oh, my dear sister, pray
that no such evil may befall me. My blood runs cold at the very
thought thereof.
[323] See vol. i., pp. 74, 78, 79, 101-113, etc.
[324] See his Journal.
[325] See Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 88.
[326] Ibid., p. 102.
"In a multiplicity of business, have I written you these lines.
I thank you for your kind letter; and hope I shall always retain
a grateful sense of the many favours I have received from your
dear family. My kindest respects attend your sister. I long
to hear of her being brought into the glorious liberty of the
children of God. How does your father? how does my dear brother
Charles? and how does your little sister? My heart is now full.
Writing quickens me. I could almost drop a tear, and wish
myself, for a moment or two, in England. But hush, nature! God
here pours down His blessings on your sincere friend and servant
in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."
All this is presumptive evidence; the following is direct.
Whitefield wrote his love letters on April 4, 1740. On the 28th day
of the same month, he dispatched his friend Seward to England, on
important business. On the 26th of June next ensuing, he wrote as
follows to Mr. Seward:--
"SAVANNAH, _June 26, 1740_.
"MY DEAR BROTHER SEWARD--I have received many agreeable letters
from England; but find, from _Blendon letters_, that Miss _E----
D----_ is in a seeking state only. Surely that will not do. I
would have one that is full of faith and the Holy Ghost. My poor
family gives me more concern than all things else put together.
I want a _gracious_ woman that is dead to everything but Jesus,
and is qualified to govern children, and direct persons of her
own sex. Such a one would help, and not retard, me in my dear
Lord's work. I wait upon the Lord every moment; I hang upon my
Jesus; and He daily assures me He will not permit me to fall by
the hands of a woman. I am almost tempted to wish I had never
undertaken the Orphan House. At other times, I am willing to
contrive matters so that I may not marry. My dearest brother,
adieu! By this time, I trust, you are near England. Take heed
that the people you bring believe on Jesus," etc., etc.
The reader will excuse the length of these extracts. This was really
one of the most curious of the little episodes in Whitefield's life;
and no previous biographer has attempted to shew who the lady was
whom Whitefield proposed to make his wife.
On April 2, Whitefield and William Seward, embarked in their own
sloop, the _Savannah_, and, after a ten days' voyage, landed at
Newcastle, in the province of Pennsylvania, where they were kindly
entertained by Mr. Grafton. The day (April 13) being Sunday, and the
episcopal minister of the parish being ill, Whitefield was allowed
the use of his pulpit, and, at once, commenced preaching. After
the morning service, William Seward rode to Christian Bridge, and
to Whiteclay Creek, (where Charles Tennent was the Presbyterian
minister,) for the purpose of announcing that Whitefield would
preach again at Newcastle in the afternoon. Such was the young
preacher's popularity, that the service in the Presbyterian
meeting-house was given up, and Tennent and above two hundred
others mounted their horses, and galloped to Newcastle, arriving in
time to hear Whitefield's sermon on the conversion of Zaccheus.
"Mr. Tennent," says Seward, "informed us of the great success
which had attended our brother Whitefield's preaching, when
we were here last. For some time, a general silence was fixed
on people's minds, and many began seriously to think on what
foundation they stood. A general outward reformation has been
visible. Many ministers have been quickened, and congregations
are increased."[327]
[327] Seward's Journal, p. 4.
On Monday, April 14, at eleven in the morning, Whitefield preached
at Wilmington to about three thousand, using as his pulpit the
balcony of the house where he lodged. At night, he and his friends
arrived at Philadelphia. Seward writes:--
"On our arrival, though late, many friends came to see us,
particularly Mr. Jones, the Baptist minister, who told us of two
other ministers, Mr. Treat and Mr. Morgan, who were so affected
by our brother Whitefield's spirit, that the latter had gone
forth preaching towards the sea coast in the Jerseys, and in
many other places; and the former had told his congregation that
he had been hitherto _deceiving_ himself and them, and that he
could not preach again at present, but desired them to join in
prayer with him."[328]
[328] Ibid., p. 5.
No wonder that Whitefield's enthusiastic soul was stirred within
him. In a letter, written on the day he reached Philadelphia, he
says:--
"People are much alarmed already. I find God has been pleased
to do great things, by what He enabled me to deliver when last
here. Two ministers have been convinced of their formal state,
notwithstanding they held and preached the doctrines of grace.
One plainly told the congregation he had been deceiving himself
and them, and could not preach any more, but desired the people
to pray with him. The other is now a flame of fire, and has
been much owned of God. Very many, I believe, of late have been
brought savingly to believe on the Lord Jesus. The work much
increases. A primitive spirit revives; and many, I hope, will
be brought to live steadfast in the apostle's doctrine, in
fellowship, in breaking of bread, and in prayer."
Whitefield spent nine days, from April 14 to 23, in Philadelphia and
its immediate neighbourhood. The enthusiasm created by his visit was
enormous. His friends erected a stage for him on what was called
Society Hill, and around this, as if drawn by magic, his immense
congregations gathered. First of all he applied for the use of the
parish church, but the clergyman refused, because Whitefield had
"written against Archbishop Tillotson."[329] Upon this, Whitefield,
as usual, made the open air his church, and, in this quiet Quaker
city, preached to audiences numbering from five to fifteen thousand
people each. Remembering how recently the city had been founded,
and bearing in mind the sparseness of the surrounding populations,
the wonder is how such vast crowds were drawn together. In this
respect, a congregation of thirty thousand in Moorfields was a
small affair when compared with a congregation of ten thousand on
Society Hill, in Philadelphia. The power accompanying Whitefield's
preaching was marvellous. Numbers, including several negroes, came
to him privately, deeply convinced of sin, and asking his advice
and prayers. The clergyman of the Church of England preached a
sermon, from James ii. 18, upon justification _by works_. In the
evening of the same day, Whitefield, on Society Hill, took the same
text, and preached, to about fifteen thousand people, a sermon
on justification _by faith_, after which he made a collection
for his Orphan House, amounting to £80 currency. This was the
_second_ collection, for the same object, which Whitefield made
on that memorable Sabbath; for, in the early morning, at seven
o'clock, he had preached to about ten thousand, and collected for
his orphans £110 sterling. His friend, William Seward, with the
connivance of the owner, locked the doors, and took away the keys,
of "the Assembly-room, the Dancing School, and the Music Meeting,"
promising to pay the proprietor for any loss he might sustain. The
enemies of Whitefield were enraged by this proceeding, and "some
gentlemen," says Seward, "threatened to cane me."[330] "Scoffers,"
writes Whitefield, "muttered in coffee-houses, cursed, drunk a bowl
of punch, and then cried out against me for not preaching up more
morality."[331]
[329] Seward's Journal, p. 5.
[330] Ibid., p. 6.
[331] Whitefield's Journal.
Whitefield did not confine his preaching to Philadelphia. During
his nine days' visit, he preached, from a horse-block, to three
thousand people, at Abington,[332] the place where the Rev. Mr.
Treat, already mentioned, had been the minister. Accompanied by
a cavalcade of about forty persons, he rode to Whitemarsh and to
German Town, and preached, in each place, to assembled thousands.
He went to Greenwich, in the West Jerseys, and to Gloucester, about
four miles from Philadelphia, many of the Philadelphians forming
part of his audience, and singing in the boats all the way there and
back.
[332] Seward's Journal, p. 7.
Benjamin Franklin writes respecting Whitefield's present visit to
Philadelphia as follows:--
"Mr. Whitefield preached up this charity" (the Orphan House),
"and made large collections; for his eloquence had a wonderful
power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I
myself was an instance. I did not disapprove of the design;
but, as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen,
and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at great
expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the
house at Philadelphia, and to have brought the children to it.
This I advised; but he was resolute in his first project, and
rejected my counsel; and I, therefore, refused to contribute. I
happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course
of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection;
and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had,
in my pocket, a handful of copper money, three or four silver
dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded, I began to
soften, and concluded to give the copper. Another stroke of his
oratory determined me to give the silver; and he finished so
admirably that I emptied my pocket wholly into the collector's
dish, gold and all. At this sermon, there was also one of our
club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in
Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, emptied
his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of
the discourse, however, he felt a strong inclination to give,
and applied to a neighbour, who stood near him, to lend him
money for the purpose. The request was fortunately made to,
perhaps, the only man in the company who had the firmness not to
be affected by the preacher. His answer was, 'At any other time,
friend Hopkinson, I would lend thee freely, but not now, for
thee seems to me to be out of thy right senses.'"