CHAPTER X

To one who has always held the honor and faith of the Russian people

very dear, who has never doubted that after the last hideous phase of

revolution and anarchism has passed, the Russian nation will emerge

stronger and better than ever before, the writing of these next chapters

is a duty inexpressibly painful. I must tell the truth, otherwise it

would have been better for me never to have written at all. Yet to

picture in anything like its true colors the decadence of Petrograd

society from 1914 onward is a task from which any loyal Russian must

shrink. Without a knowledge of these conditions, however, students of

the Russian Revolution will never be able to understand why the fabric

of government slipped so easily from the feeble hands of the Provisional

Government to the ruthless and bloody grasp of the Bolshevists.

During the entire winter of 1915, when the War was being waged on all

fronts with such disaster to the Allies, when millions of men, Russians,

Frenchmen, Belgians, Englishmen, were giving up their lives in the cause

of freedom, the aristocracy of the Russian capital was indulging in a

reckless orgy of dancing, sports, dining, yes, and wining also in spite

of the Emperor’s edict against alcohol, spending enormous sums for gowns

and jewels, and in every way ignoring the terrible fact that the world

was on fire and that civilization was battling for its very life. In

the palace the most frugal régime had been adopted. Meals were simple

almost to parsimony, no money was spent except for absolute necessities,

and the Empress and her daughters spent practically every waking hour

working and praying for the soldiers. But society, when it was not

otherwise amusing itself, was indulging in a new and madly exciting game

of intrigue against the throne. To spread slanders about the Empress, to

inflame the simple minds of workmen against the state was the most

popular diversion of the aristocracy. A typical instance of this mania

was related to me by my sister, who one morning was surprised by an

unexpected visit from her sister-in-law, daughter of a very great lady

of the aristocracy. Bursting into the room, this woman exclaimed

delightedly: “What do you think we are doing now? Spreading stories

through all the factories that the Empress is keeping the Emperor

constantly drunk. Everybody believes it.” I mention this story as

typical because the woman involved afterwards became very prominent in

the Grand Ducal cabal that forced the abdication, and she was also one

of two women present in the Yusupoff Palace on the night of Rasputine’s

assassination.

Every possible circumstance, no matter how inconsequential, was eagerly

seized as capital by these plotters. A former lady in waiting, Marie

Vassilchikoff, long retired from Court and living on her Austrian

estates, came to Petrograd, I know not how, and asked for an audience

with the Empress. Since Russia was at war with Austria this audience

could not be granted, nor did the Empress even remotely desire it. Yet

as the story was circulated Marie Vassilchikoff was represented as

having been sent for by the Empress to negotiate a separate peace with

Austria, and that this treachery was frustrated only by the vigorous

intervention of the Grand Duchess Serge.

These stories were spread not only by Court and society people, but were

made into a regular propaganda in the army, especially among the higher

command. The propaganda was chiefly in the hands of members of the Union

of Zemstvos, its most successful agent being the infamous Goutchkoff,

who now, it is gratifying to know, has earned the contempt of every

Russian political group, even including the Bolshevists. Thus in a whirl

of heartless gaiety and an organized campaign against the Sovereigns and

against the Empire passed the winter of 1915, the dark prelude of darker

years to come.

In the spring of that year, my health being still very precarious, their

Majesties sent me in charge of a sanitary train filled with invalid

soldiers and officers to the soft climate of the Crimea. With me went a

sister of mercy and the sanitary-corps man Jouk, of whom I have spoken.

On the same train journeyed also three members of the secret police,

ostensibly to protect, but really, as I well understood, to spy upon me.

Their presence the Empress, who came in the pouring rain to see the

train off from the station, was powerless to forbid, as she herself was

constantly under the surveillance of the dread Okhrana. Our train

traveled slowly, taking five days from Petrograd to the Black Sea. But

this we did not mind as we were very comfortable, the weather became

beautiful, and our frequent stops at Moscow and towns farther south were

full of interest. Our destination was Evpatoria on the eastern shore of

the Black Sea, and here all of us were cordially received, M. Duvan, the

head man of the city, giving me for a residence his own flower-hung

villa overlooking the sea. Here I spent two peaceful months, finding the

mud baths wonderfully restoring, and meeting some unusually interesting

people. I am sure that few people outside of Russia have ever heard of

the Karaim, a racial group among the most ancient in the world and of

whom, even then, a bare ten thousand existed. They were not Jews,

although they worshipped in synagogues, because they acknowledged Christ

as God, or at least a special prophet of God. They were, and are, if

they still exist, a strange mixture of pious Jews and early Christians,

left-overs from the days of the decaying Roman Empire when Judaism and

Christianity were trying to unite in one faith. The head of the Karaim

in Evpatoria was a fine black-bearded patriarch named Gaham, and with

him I formed an almost immediate friendship. Dressed in the long black

robe of his office, he used to sit with me for hours reading and

reciting the legends of his people, many reaching back into the dim

twilight of civilization. I liked the patriarch, not only for his

simplicity and his kindness to me, but for his evident love and loyalty

to the Imperial Family, a loyalty shared by all the people of the

Karaim.

A telegram from the Empress told me that she was then leaving for the

Stavka, from which she and the Emperor and the whole Imperial Family

would proceed to the Crimea for an important military and naval review.

Obeying her instructions I motored from Evpatoria to Sevastopol, through

an enchanting landscape of hills and plains, the latter being literally

carpeted with scarlet poppies. Arriving at Sevastopol, I had some

difficulty in passing the guard, but the Empress’s telegram, marked

“Imperial,” I had brought with me, and this proved the open sesame to

the Emperor’s special train. I lunched with the Empress and the Grand

Duchesses, meeting the Emperor and Alexei when they came from the

reviews at six o’clock. I spent that night in town, and the next day

returned to Evpatoria, their Majesties promising to visit me within a

few days. On May 16 they arrived and received a most enthusiastic

welcome, not only from the townspeople but from the Tartars, who came in

from the hills by thousands, from the people of the Karaim, and others

as strange and as picturesque. The huge square before the cathedral was

strewn with fragrant roses over which the Imperial Family walked to

service. The next few hours were spent in a round of visits to churches,

hospitals, and sanatoriums, and it was to a late luncheon at my villa

that they finally arrived. After luncheon we walked and sat on the

beach, but the gathering crowd became so large and so curious that the

poor Emperor, who had looked forward to a sea bath and a swim, had to

relinquish both. Alexei enjoyed the day, boy fashion, without regard to

the crowds, playing on the beach and building a big sand fortress, which

the schoolboys of the town next day surrounded by a high wall of stones

to protect it from the ravages of the tide. We had tea in the garden,

the Empress greatly enjoying the Oriental sweets sent her by the

Tartars. In the evening I dined on the Imperial train and traveled with

it a short distance on its way back to Petrograd.

In June I returned to Tsarskoe and resumed work in my beloved hospital

training school. The weather was unusually hot but the Empress continued

her constant duties in the hospitals and operating rooms. Often I

accompanied her on her rounds, and it came to me as a painful shock that

the surgeons and some of the wounded officers no longer regarded her, as

before, with respect and veneration. Too often an officer would assume

in her presence a careless and indifferent manner which even a

professional nurse would have resented. The Empress never did. She must

have noticed evidences of disrespect but no word of complaint ever

passed her lips. When I ventured to suggest to her that it might be well

to go less frequently to her hospital, she rewarded me with a look of

reproach. Whatever other people did, whatever their attitude towards the

War, Royalty knew its duty and would perform it faithfully to the end.

Both the Emperor and the Empress during all this rising tide of

disaffection persisted in underestimating its importance. The Emperor

especially treated the whole movement with the contempt which no doubt

it merited but which as a national menace it was far too dangerous to

ignore. I realized it keenly, but knowing how impossible it was to make

their Majesties understand that everything that was said against me,

against Rasputine, against the Ministers, was actually directed against

themselves, I was obliged to keep my lips closed. My parents realized as

well as I did what was going on. They had good reason, in fact, for my

mother had received two most insulting letters, one from Princess

Galatzine, sister of Mme. Rodzianko, whose husband was President of the

Duma, and another from Mme. Timasheff, a woman of the highest

aristocracy, letters which indicated a certain collusion between the

writers. In them my mother was brutally informed that neither of the

women desired any further acquaintanceship or association with her as

she too undoubtedly belonged to the German-spy party. My parents at the

time were living quietly in the little seaside town of Terioke, near

Petrograd, and were studiously avoiding the vulgar orgies and intrigues

of society.

In the midst of all these heart-breaking events I sought distraction in

the enlargement and perfecting of my occupational hospital which was

rapidly becoming overcrowded with invalids. I bought an additional piece

of land and arranged for four portable houses to be brought from

Finland. Two of these arrived duly, and I spent hours of absorbing

interest watching them being put together on the newly acquired land.

All these days I was constantly being bothered by people who, perhaps

believing that the money I was investing in hospitals was another proof

of my power over the Imperial treasury, tormented me with petitions of

every kind and description, but all of them alike in the selfishness of

their character. With cold hatred in their eyes, but with hypocritical

words on their lips, these people besought my good offices with their

Majesties on behalf of their sons, husbands, and relatives, all of whom

were alleged to be worthy of promotions and of lucrative positions under

the State. One woman of good social position invaded my hospital one day

and treated me to a disgraceful scene because I had assured her that I

was powerless to further her ambition to see her husband appointed head

of a certain Government. Naturally it happened that some petitioners

were poor and needy, and these, to the best of my ability, but without

any political influence whatever, I did endeavor to help. I know now,

after witnessing true sympathy and kindness to prisoners and persecuted,

like myself in later days, that I never did half what I might have done

in the time of my prosperity. If better days come to Russia in my

lifetime God help me to devote all that remains of my years to the poor

and especially to prisoners. Now that I have tasted poverty, now that I

have known the hopelessness of captivity, I know better than I did what

can be done for the lowly and unfortunate.

A number of very disquieting events occurred to us during the summer. On

very hot days it was the custom of the Empress and the children to drive

through the woods and shaded roads to Pavlovsk, a few versts from

Tsarskoe Selo. One stifling afternoon we started out as usual in two

carriages, the Empress and myself leading the way. The horses were

magnificent animals, apparently in the very pink of condition, but

suddenly one of the horses uttered a piercing scream and dropped dead in

his harness. The other horse plunged sidewise in terror and for a few

minutes it was all the coachman could do to avoid an overturn. The

Empress, pale, but as always courageous, got out of the carriage and

helped me, who was still on crutches, to alight. The carriage of the

children drove up, and getting in, we returned without further incident

to the palace. Whatever caused the sudden death of that horse, or what

was the object of that carriage accident--if indeed it was an

accident--we never knew, but it left behind in my mind, and I think also

in the mind of the Empress, a strangely sinister impression. The Empress

nevertheless went steadfastly on with her hospital work, arranging in

the convalescent wards concerts and entertainments for the pleasure of

the wounded. The best singers, the most accomplished musicians, were

secured for these concerts, and the men seemed appreciative of them. Yet

over the head of the Empress Alexandra Feodorovna drifted darker and

darker the shadow of impending doom. The things I dared not say to her

began to reach her from others. In August came from the Crimea the head

man of the Karaim, of whom I have spoken. From the first he made an

agreeable impression on the Empress and the children, especially upon

Alexei, who never tired of listening to his stories. But Gaham had not

made the journey from the Crimea to relate legends and tales. He had

previously been connected with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, serving

in Persia and the East, and his acute mind was still occupied with the

foreign affairs of the Empire on which he kept himself well informed.

Determined, if possible, to force the Empress to understand the gravity

of the situation, he told her a number of extraordinary things which had

come to his knowledge, among them an organized plot against the throne

which was being carried on by near relatives of the Tsar in the

seclusion of an allied foreign embassy in Petrograd. His story,

involving, as it did, the ambassador of a friendly power, the trusted

representative of an own cousin of the Emperor, seemed to the Empress

too preposterous to be credited. Horrified, she ended the conversation,

and a few days later she went, taking me with her, to visit the Emperor

at the Stavka. What he had to comment on her report of an alleged

ambassadorial plot against him I never knew, but I soon became aware

that representatives of other foreign countries were undeniably hostile.

At the Stavka were military commissions of practically every allied

country, among them General Williams and his staff from Great Britain,

General Janin from France, General Rikkel from Belgium, and high

officers from Italy, Serbia, Rumania, Japan, and other countries, all

accompanied by subordinate officers. One afternoon when the gardens were

quite crowded by these men and men of our own army, and while the

Empress was making her customary circle, I chanced to overhear a

conversation among officers of the foreign military missions, in which

the most slanderous words against her Majesty were uttered. “She has

come again, it appears,” said one of these men, “to see her husband and

give him the latest orders of Rasputine.” “The suite hate to hear her

arrival announced,” said another officer. “They know it means changes.”

Worse things were said, but without waiting to listen I managed to make

my way to the Empress, and that night inviting, as I was well aware, her

irritation and disbelief, I related something of what I had overheard. I

went further and reminded her of what we both knew, the increasing

demoralization of the Emperor’s staff. The Grand Dukes and the

commanding officers were, as a matter of course, invited each day to

lunch with the Emperor, but with insolence and audacity hitherto unheard

of, many of the Emperor’s near kinsmen declined these invitations. They

gave the most trivial and transparent excuses for their

absence--headaches, fatigue, previous engagements, alleged duties. The

Empress listened to what I said, silent and distraught. She knew, and I

also knew, that nothing she could say to the Emperor would make the

slightest impression. His eyes and ears were still closed to the

gathering tempest.

General Alexieff, Chief of Staff, and undoubtedly a valuable officer,

had, I soon learned, been drawn into the plot. The Emperor suspected him

to be in correspondence with the traitor Goutchkoff, but when questioned

General Alexieff denied this vehemently. He was soon, however, to prove

his treachery to the Emperor. There was in attendance on his Majesty at

the Stavka an old officer, General Ivanoff, a St. George Cross man, who

formerly had held command of the Army of the South. This devoted and

loyal old soldier General Alexieff knew he must get rid of, and this,

had he been honest, he might have done by pleading age or decreased

usefulness. Instead, he merely summoned General Ivanoff and informed him

that to the regret of the whole staff he was removed. The Chief of

Staff was not responsible for this, he declared, the order having come

from the Empress and her accomplices, Rasputine and Mme. Virubova. What

General Alexieff said to the Emperor on the subject I do not know, but

when next the two met the Emperor turned his head aside. This sudden

coldness on the part of the Emperor, whom old General Ivanoff loved

dearly, made it impossible for him to seek an audience, and yet the

general was valiantly determined not to leave the Stavka without

presenting his case to the Sovereign. Calling on me that same day, he

repeated to me, while tears rolled down his white beard, the lying words

of General Alexieff against the Empress. Feeling it against reason and

justice that the Emperor should remain in ignorance of this insult to

his wife, I promised to speak to him about it, and this I did, but to

little purpose. The Emperor’s wrath against Alexieff was indeed kindled

but he evidently felt that he could not, at that critical hour, dismiss

an officer whose services were so urgently in demand. Afterwards,

however, his manner towards old General Ivanoff became conspicuously

kind.

We remained for some time after this at the Stavka, days to me of such

sad remembrance that I can scarcely endure the task of recording them.

The Empress and her suite, the Grand Duchesses, and myself lived on

board the Imperial train, motor cars coming each day at one o’clock to

take us to staff headquarters to luncheon. Headquarters were in an

ancient villa of the Governor of the Province, a rather old-fashioned

and uncomfortable place. Even the huge dining room where the Emperor and

Empress, the staff and the officers of the foreign missions met each day

was a dull and gloomy room. When the weather became very warm this

dismal apartment was abandoned, and luncheon was served in a large tent

in a shady part of the grounds overlooking the town and farther away

still the flowing tide of the mighty Dnieper. The only really bright

circumstance of the time was the growing health and strength of the

Tsarevitch. He was developing marvelously through the summer, both in

bodily vigor and in gaiety of spirits. With his tutors, M. Gilliard and

Petroff, he romped and played as though illness were a thing to him

unknown. With, several of the allied officers, notably with the Belgian

General Rikkel, he was also on the best of terms.

Every day after luncheon the maids came from the train with what gowns

and other apparel we needed for the remaining functions of the day.

There was little room in the house in which to change, but we managed to

appropriate a few nooks and corners, and to make ourselves as

presentable as possible in the circumstances. In the Emperor’s scant

hours of leisure he loved to walk with his family in the woods along the

river brink, and sometimes when I saw the Empress sitting on the grass

talking informally with the peasant women who crowded around her, I took

comfort, believing then, as I still believe, that the great mass of the

Russian people were to the end faithful to their Sovereigns. As for the

suite, most of them became increasingly indifferent, bound up in their

foolish personal affairs, diverting themselves with whispered gossip

and laughter, apparently quite indifferent to the calamitous progress of

the War. People to whom religion is still in these cynical days a real

refuge will understand me when I tell them what comfort I found in an

ancient convent in the neighborhood, and in the poor little church which

adjoined it. The one treasure of this church was an old and highly

revered image of Our Lady of Mogiloff and almost every day of that

distressful summer I managed to spend a few minutes on my knees before

her dark and mystic image. One day, feeling in my heart the imminence of

a danger I dared not name even to myself, I took off my diamond earrings

and laid them at the foot of the shrine where I had sought and received

peace of mind. I hope my poor offering was received with grace by the

saint, who of course did not need it, but whose helpless ones always do.

A little later the monks presented me with a small replica of the image,

and strangely enough this was the one ikon I was permitted to take with

me when I was sent to the Fortress of Peter and Paul.

Of that unhappy summer of 1916 I have only one or two more incidents to

relate. One of these was a visit to the Stavka of the Princess Paley,

wife of Grand Duke Paul. Coming from Kiev, where the Empress Dowager and

the Grand Duke Nicholai Michailovitch were in residence, it appeared

ominous to me that they too, all of them, seemed to be inoculated with

the delusion of the German spy and the Rasputine influence. Neither the

Princess nor the Grand Duke were in the least tactful in the expression

of their opinions on the subject. Another visitor to the Stavka was

Rodzianko, who came to demand the instant dismissal of Protopopoff,

Minister of the Interior, once his friend and confidant, but now accused

by the President of the Duma of being a lunatic. The Emperor received

Rodzianko coldly, and did not even invite him to lunch. At tea that

afternoon the Emperor said that the interview had angered him intensely

as he knew quite well that Rodzianko’s representations and motives were

wholly insincere. Almost everything at the Stavka was growing worse and

worse, the Grand Dukes being more insolent than ever and continually

annoying General Voyeikoff by ordering trains and motors for themselves

without any regard to the requirements of the Emperor. It was with

feelings of unspeakable relief that in November, 1916, we left the

Stavka for Tsarskoe Selo. In the Imperial train with us traveled young

Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovitch who even then was probably involved in a

deadly plot against their Majesties. Yet this young man was able to keep

up a pretense of friendship with the Empress, sitting beside her couch

and entertaining her by the hour with amusing gossip and stories.

Hearing the laughter the Emperor often opened his study door to listen

and to join in the conversation. It was a merry journey home, yet within

a few days after we arrived troubles again began to multiply. Entering

the Empress’s door one day, I found her in a passion of indignation and

grief. As soon as she could speak she told me that the Emperor had sent

her a letter from Nicholai Michailovitch, in which the Empress was

specifically charged with the most mischievous political machinations.

“Unless this is stopped,” the letter concluded, “murders will certainly

begin.”[3]

Nicholai Michailovitch, it appears, had gone to the Stavka from the

group in Kiev, with the express object of delivering this letter. Every

member of the staff knew his errand and expected him to be ignominiously

ejected from the Emperor’s study. Nothing of the kind happened, and the

Grand Duke stayed to luncheon in the most friendly manner. I do not know

what he said to the Emperor, but I do know that the letter was laid on

the Emperor’s desk. Nothing was said or done to avenge this deadly

insult to the wife of Nicholas II whom undoubtedly he loved dearer than

his own life. The only explanation I can think of was the Emperor’s

complete absorption in the War, and in his unshaken conviction that the

plotters’ gossip was entirely harmless. He had the kind of mind which

could concentrate on only one thing at a time, and at this period his

whole heart and soul was with the fighting armies. I well remember

scraps of conversation with him during those days which indicated that

in the back of his mind were many plans for future internal reforms. He

spoke of important social changes which must come after the War, social

and constitutional reforms. “I will do everything necessary afterwards,”

he said in more than one of these conversations. “But I cannot act now.

I cannot do more than one thing at a time.”

The Empress, I think, for all her sensitiveness to the abominable

accusations brought against her, tried to preserve the same waiting

state of mind. Most disagreeable incidents she kept to herself, yet one

day she showed me a letter written directly to her by a Princess

Vassilchikoff, a letter so insulting that the Emperor was aroused to

order the Princess and her husband, a member of the Duma, to their

country estates. This letter was written on small scraps of paper

evidently torn from a cheap writing tablet. “At least,” said the Empress

with faint sarcasm, “she might have used the stationery of a lady when

addressing her Sovereign.”

What had taken possession of Petrograd society? I often asked myself.

Was it a mob delusion, contagious, like certain diseases? Was it a

madness born of the War similar to other strange hysterias which arose

during some of the wars of the Middle Ages? That the delusion was

confined to Petrograd and a few other towns frequented by the

aristocracy was perfectly apparent. In the last days of 1916 the Empress

with Olga, Tatiana, and General Racine paid a brief visit to Novgorod to

inspect military hospitals and to pray in the monastery and church of

Sofisky Sobor, one of the oldest churches in Russia. Her visit was

opposed, quite senselessly, by Petrograd society, which accused her of

going for some bad purpose, God knows what. But at Novgorod the people

poured out in throngs to greet her with peals of bells, music, and

cheers. Before leaving the city the Empress paid a visit to a very old

woman who had spent forty helpless years in bed, still wearing the heavy

chains of penitence which as a pilgrim she had, almost a lifetime

before, assumed. As her Majesty entered the old woman’s cell a feeble

voice uttered these words: “Here comes the martyred Empress, Alexandra

Feodorovna.” What could this aged and bedridden recluse have known or

guessed of events which were to come?

Memories of the Russian Court · 第 10 / 24 章