On the inside, one may frequently see from one end to the other of

these ranges of building without interruption. For though, in general,

there be the rudiments, or rather vestiges, of separations on each

side, for the accommodation of different families, they are such as do

not intercept the sight; and often consist of no more than pieces of

plank, running from the side toward the middle of the house; so that,

if they were complete, the whole might be compared to a long stable,

with a double range of stalls, and a broad passage in the middle.

Close to the sides, in each of these parts, is a little bench of

boards, raised five or six inches higher than the rest of the floor,

and covered with mats on which the family sit and sleep. These benches

are commonly seven or eight feet long, and four or five broad. In

the middle of the floor, between them, is the fire-place, which has

neither hearth nor chimney. In one house, which was in the end of a

middle range, almost quite separated from the rest by a high close

partition, and the most regular, as to design, of any that I saw,

there were four of these benches, each of which held a single family,

at a corner, but without any separation by boards, and the middle part

of the house appeared common to them all.

Their furniture consists chiefly of a great number of chests and boxes

of all sizes, which are generally piled upon each other, close to the

sides or ends of the house, and contain their spare garments, skins,

masks, and other things which they set a value upon. Some of these are

double, or one covers the other as a lid, others have a lid fastened

with thongs, and some of the very large ones have a square hole, or

scuttle, cut in the upper part, by which the things are put in and

taken out. They are often painted black, studded with the teeth of

different animals, or carved with a kind of freeze-work, and figures

of birds or animals, as decorations. Their other domestic utensils

are mostly square and oblong pails or buckets to hold water and other

things, round wooden cups and bowls, and small shallow wooden troughs,

about two feet long, out of which they eat their food, and baskets of

twigs, bags of matting, &c. Their fishing implements, and other things

also, lie or hang up in different parts of the house, but without the

least order, so that the whole is a complete scene of confusion;

and the only places that do not partake of this confusion are the

sleeping-benches, that have nothing on them but the mats, which are

also cleaner, or of a finer sort, than those they commonly have to sit

on in their boats.

The nastiness and stench of their houses are, however, at least equal

to the confusion. For as they dry their fish within doors, they also

gut them there, which, with their bones and fragments, thrown down at

meals, and the addition of other sorts of filth, lie every where

in heaps, and are, I believe, never carried away till it becomes

troublesome, from their size, to walk over them. In a word, their

houses are as filthy as hog-sties; every thing in and about them

stinking of fish, train-oil, and smoke.

But, amidst all the filth and confusion that are found in the houses,

many of them are decorated with images. These are nothing more than

the trunks of very large trees, four or five feet high, set up singly,

or by pairs, at the upper end of the apartment, with the front carved

into a human face; the arms and hands cut out upon the sides, and

variously painted; so that the whole is a truly monstrous figure.

The general name of these images is _Klumma_; and the names of two

particular ones, which stood abreast of each other, three or four

feet asunder, in one of the houses, were _Natchkoa_ and _Matseeta_. Mr

Webber's view of the inside of a Nootka house, in which these

images are represented, conveys a more perfect idea of them than any

description. A mat, by way of curtain, for the most part, hung before

them, which the natives were not willing, at all times, to remove;

and when they did unveil them, they seemed to speak of them in a very

mysterious manner. It should seem, that they are at times accustomed

to make offerings to them; if we can draw this inference from their

desiring us, as we interpreted their signs, to give something to these

images, when they drew aside the mats that covered them.[2] It was

natural, from these circumstances, for us to think, that they were

representatives of their gods, or symbols of some religious or

superstitious object: and yet we had proofs of the little real

estimation they were in; for, with a small quantity of iron or brass,

I could have purchased all the gods (if their images were such) in the

place. I did not see one that was not offered to me; and I actually

got two or three of the very smallest sort.

[Footnote 2: It should seem, that Mr Webber was obliged to repeat his

offerings pretty frequently before he could be permitted to finish his

drawing of these images. The following account is in his own words:

"After having made a general view of their habitations, I sought for

an inside, which might furnish me with sufficient matter to convey

a perfect idea of the mode in which these people live. Such was soon

found. While I was employed, a man approached me with a large knife

in his hand, seemingly displeased, when he observed that my eyes were

fixed on two representations of human figures, which were placed at

one end of the apartment, carved on planks, of a gigantic proportion,

and painted after their custom. However, I took as little notice of

him as possible, and proceeded; to prevent which, he soon provided

himself with a mat, and placed it in such a manner as to hinder my

having any longer a sight of them. Being pretty certain that I could

have no future opportunity to finish my drawing, and the object being

too interesting to be omitted, I considered that a little bribery

might probably have some effect. Accordingly, I made an offer of a

button from my coat, which, being of metal, I thought they would be

pleased with. This, instantly, produced the desired effect. For the

mat was removed, and I was left at liberty to proceed as before.

Scarcely had I seated myself, and made a beginning, when he returned,

and renewed his former practice, continuing it till I had parted with

every single button; and when he saw that he had completely stripped

me, I met with no farther obstruction."--D.]

The chief employment of the men seems to be that of fishing, and

killing land or sea animals for the sustenance of their families; for

we saw few of them doing any thing in the houses; whereas the women

were occupied in manufacturing their flaxen or woollen garments, and

in preparing the sardines for drying; which they also carry up from

the beach in twig-baskets, after the men have brought them in their

canoes. The women are also sent in the small canoes to gather muscles,

and other shell-fish, and perhaps on some other occasions; for they

manage these with as much dexterity as the men; who, when in the

canoes with them, seem to pay little attention to their sex, by

offering to relieve them from the labour of the paddle; nor indeed

do they treat them with any particular respect or tenderness in other

situations. The young men appeared to be the most indolent or idle set

in this community; for they were either sitting about, in scattered

companies, to bask themselves in the sun, or lay wallowing in the sand

upon the beach, like a number of hogs, for the same purpose, without

any covering. But this disregard of decency was confined to the men.

The women were always properly clothed, and behaved with the utmost

propriety; justly deserving all commendation for a bashfulness and

modesty becoming their sex; but more meritorious in them, as the men

seem to have no sense of shame. It is impossible, however, that we

should have been able to observe the exact mode of their domestic

life and employments, from a single visit (as the first was quite

transitory) of a few hours. For it may be easily supposed, that, on

such an occasion, most of the labour of all the inhabitants of the

village would cease upon our arrival, and an interruption be given

even to the usual manner of appearing in their houses, during their

more remiss or sociable hours, when left to themselves. We were much

better enabled to form some judgment of their disposition, and, in

some measure, even of their method of living, from the frequent visits

so many of them paid us at our ships in their canoes; in which, it

would seem, they spend a great deal of time, at least in the summer

season. For we observed, that they not only eat and sleep frequently

in them, but strip off their clothes and lay themselves along to

bask in the sun, in the same manner as we had seen practised at their

village. Their canoes of the larger sort are, indeed, sufficiently

spacious for that purpose, and perfectly dry; so that, under shelter

of a skin, they are, except in rainy weather, much more comfortable

habitations than their houses.

Though their food, strictly speaking, may be said to consist of every

thing animal or vegetable that they can procure, the quantity of the

latter bears an exceeding small proportion to that of the former.

Their greatest reliance seems to be upon the sea, as affording fish,

muscles, and smaller shell-fish, and sea-animals. Of the first,

the principal are herrings and sardines; the two species of bream,

formerly mentioned, and small cod. But the herrings and sardines are

not only eaten fresh, in their season, but likewise serve as stores,

which, after being dried and smoked, are preserved, by being sewed

up in mats, so as to form large bales, three or four feet square. It

seems that the herrings also supply them with another grand resource

for food; which is a vast quantity of roe, very curiously prepared. It

is strewed upon, or as it were incrustated about small branches of

the Canadian pine. They also prepare it upon a long narrow sea-grass,

which grows plentifully upon the rocks, under water. This _caviare_,

if it may be so called, is kept in baskets or bags of mat, and used

occasionally, being first dipped in water. It may be considered as the

winter bread of these people, and has no disagreeable taste. They also

eat the roe of some other fish, which, from the size of its grains,

must be very large; but it has a rancid taste and smell. It does not

appear that they prepare any other fish in this manner, to preserve

them for any length of time. For though they split and dry a few of

the bream and _chimæræ_, which are pretty plentiful, they do not smoke

them as the herrings and sardines.

The next article, on which they seem to depend for a large proportion

of their food, is the large muscle; great abundance of which are found

in the Sound. These are roasted in their shells, then stuck upon

long wooden-skewers, and taken off occasionally as wanted; being eat

without any other preparation, though they often dip them in oil as a

sauce. The other marine productions, such as the smaller shell-fish,

though they contribute to increase the general stock, are by no means

to be looked upon as a standing or material article of their food,

when compared to those just mentioned.

Of the sea-animals, the most common that we saw in use amongst them as

food is the porpoise; the fat or rind of which, as well as the flesh,

they cut in large pieces, and having dried them, as they do the

herrings, eat them without any farther preparation. They also prepare

a sort of broth from this animal, in its fresh state, in a singular

manner, putting pieces of it in a square wooden vessel or bucket, with

water, and then throwing heated stones into it. This operation

they repeat till they think the contents are sufficiently stewed or

seethed. They put in the fresh, and take out the other stones, with

a cleft stick, which serves as tongs; the vessel being always placed

near the fire for that purpose. This is a pretty common dish amongst

them, and, from its appearance, seems to be strong, nourishing food.

The oil which they procure from these and other sea-animals, is also

used by them in great quantities; both supping it alone, with a large

scoop or spoon made of horn, or mixing it with other food, as sauce.

It may also be presumed, that they feed upon other sea-animals, such

as seals, sea-otters, and whales; not only from the skins of the

two first being frequent amongst them, but from the great number of

implements of all sorts intended to destroy these different animals;

which clearly points out their dependence upon them; though perhaps

they do not catch them in great plenty, at all seasons; which seemed

to be the case while we lay there, as no great number of fresh skins,

or pieces of the flesh, were seen.

The same might, perhaps, be said of the land-animals, which, though

doubtless the natives sometimes kill them, appeared to be scarce at

this time; as we did not see a single piece of the flesh belonging

to any of them; and though their skins be in tolerable plenty, it is

probable that many of these are procured by traffic from other tribes.

Upon the whole, it seems plain, from a variety of circumstances, that

these people procure almost all their animal food from the sea, if we

except a few birds, of which the gulls or sea-fowl, which they shoot

with their arrows, are the most material.

As the Canadian pine-branches and sea-grass, on which the fish roe is

strewed, may be considered as their only winter vegetables; so, as

the spring advances, they make use of several others as they come in

season. The most common of these, which we observed, were two sorts of

liliaceous roots, one simply tunicated, the other granulated upon

its surface, called _mahkatte_ and _koohquoppa_, which have a mild

sweetish taste, and are mucilaginous, and eaten raw. The next, which

they have in great quantities, is a root called _aheita_, resembling,

in taste, our liquorice; and another fern root, whose leaves were not

yet disclosed. They also eat, raw, another small, sweetish, insipid

root, about the thickness of _sarsaparilla_; but we were ignorant of

the plant to which it belongs; and also of another root, which is very

large and palmated, which we saw them dig tip near the Village, and

afterward eat it. It is also probable, that, as the season advances,

they have many others, which we did not see. For, though there be no

appearance of cultivation amongst them, there are great quantities of

alder, gooseberry, and currant bushes, whose fruits they may eat in

their natural state, as we have seen them eat the leaves of the last,

and of the lilies, just as they were plucked from the plant. It must,

however, be observed, that one of the conditions which they seem to

require, in all food, is, that it should be of the bland, or less

acrid kind; for they would not eat the leek or garlic, though they

brought vast quantities to sell, when they understood we were fond

of it. Indeed, they seemed to have no relish for any of our food;

and when offered spirituous liquors, they rejected them as something

unnatural and disgusting to the palate.

Though they sometimes eat small marine animals in their fresh state,

raw, it is their common practice to roast or broil their food; for

they are quite ignorant of our method of boiling; unless we allow that

of preparing their porpoise broth is such; and indeed their vessels

being all of wood, they are quite insufficient for this purpose.

Their manner of eating is exactly consonant to the nastiness of their

houses and persons; for the troughs and platters, in which they put

their food, appear never to have been washed from the time they were

first made, and the dirty remains of a former meal are only sweeped

away by the succeeding one. They also tear every thing solid, or

tough, to pieces, with their hands and teeth; for, though they make

use of their knives to cut off the larger portions, they have not, as

yet, thought of reducing these to smaller pieces and mouthfuls by the

same means, though obviously more convenient and cleanly. But they

seem to have no idea of cleanliness; for they eat the roots which

they dig from the ground, without so much as shaking off the soil that

adheres to them.

We are uncertain if they have any set time for meals; for we have seen

them eat at all hours in their canoes. And yet, from seeing several

messes of the porpoise broth preparing toward noon, when we visited

the village, I should suspect that they make a principal meal about

that time.

Their weapons are bows and arrows, slings, spears, short truncheons

of bone, somewhat like the _patoo patoo_ of New Zealand, and a small

pick-axe, not unlike the common American _tomahawk_. The spear has

generally a long point, made of bone. Some of the arrows are pointed

with iron; but most commonly their points were of indented bone. The

tomahawk is a stone, six or eight inches long, pointed at one end, and

the other end fixed into a handle of wood. This handle resembles

the head and neck of the human figure; and the stone is fixed in the

mouth, so as to represent an enormously large tongue. To make the

resemblance still stronger, human hair is also fixed to it. This

weapon they call _taaweesh_, or _tsuskeeah_. They have another stone

weapon called _seeaik_, nine inches or a foot long, with a square

point.

From the number of stone weapons and others, we might almost conclude,

that it is their custom to engage in close fight; and we had too

convincing proofs that their wars are both frequent and bloody, from

the vast number of human sculls which they brought to sell.

Their manufactures and mechanic arts are far more extensive and

ingenious, whether we regard the design or the execution, than could

have been expected from the natural disposition of the people, and

the little progress that civilization has made amongst them in other

respects. The flaxen and woollen garments, with which they cover

themselves, must necessarily engage their first care; and are the most

material of those that can be racked under the head of manufactures.

The former of these are made of the bark of a pine-tree, beat into a

hempen state. It is not spun, but, after being properly prepared, is

spread upon a stick, which is fastened across to two others that stand

upright. It is disposed in such a manner, that the manufacturer, who

sits on her hams at this simple machine, knots it across with small

plaited threads, at the distance of half an inch from each other.

Though, by this method, it be not so close or firm as cloth that is

woven, the bunches between the knots make it sufficiently impervious

to the air, by filling the interstices; and it has the additional

advantage of being softer and more pliable. The woollen garments,

though probably manufactured in the same manner, have the strongest

resemblance to woven cloth. But the various figures, which are very

artificially inserted in them, destroy the supposition of their being

wrought in a loom; it being extremely unlikely that these people

should be so dexterous as to be able to finish such a complex work,

unless immediately by their hands. They are of different degrees of

fineness; some resembling our coarsest rugs or blankets; and others

almost equal to our finest sorts, or even softer, and certainly

warmer. The wool, of which they are made, seems to be taken from

different animals, as the fox and brown _lynx_; the last of which is

by far the finest sort, and, in its natural state, differs little from

the colour of our coarser wools; but the hair, with which the animal

is also covered, being intermixed, its appearance, when wrought, is

somewhat different. The ornamental parts or figures in these garments,

which are disposed with great taste, are commonly of a different

colour, being dyed, chiefly either of a deep brown or of a yellow; the

last of which, when it is new, equals the best in our carpets as to

brightness.

To their taste or design in working figures upon their garments,

corresponds their fondness for carving in every thing they make of

wood. Nothing is without a kind of freeze-work, or the figure of some

animal upon it; but the most general representation is that of the

human face, which is often cut out upon birds, and the other monstrous

figures mentioned before; and even upon their stone and their

bone weapons. The general design of all these things is perfectly

sufficient to convey a knowledge of the object they are intended to

represent; but the carving is not executed with the nicety that a

dexterous artist would bestow even upon an indifferent design. The

same, however, cannot be said of many of the human masks and heads;

where they shew themselves to be ingenious sculptors. They not only

preserve, with great exactness, the general character of their own

faces, but finish the more minute parts with a degree of accuracy in

proportion, and neatness in execution. The strong propensity of this

people to works of this sort, is remarkable, in a vast variety of

particulars. Small whole human figures; representations of birds,

fish, and land and sea-animals; models of their household utensils and

of their canoes, were found amongst them in great abundance.

The imitative arts being nearly allied, no wonder that, to their skill

in working figures in their garments, and carving them in wood, they

should add that of drawing them in colours. We have sometimes seen the

whole process of their whale-fishery painted on the caps they wear.

This, though rudely executed, serves, at least, to shew, that, though

there be no appearance of the knowledge of letters amongst them, they

have some notion of a method of commemorating and representing actions

in a lasting way, independently of what may be recorded in their songs

and traditions. They have also other figures painted on some of their

things; but it is doubtful if they ought to be considered as symbols,

that have certain established significations, or only the mere

creation of fancy and caprice.

Their canoes are of a simple structure; but, to appearance, well

calculated for every useful purpose. Even the largest, which carry

twenty people or more, are formed of one tree. Many of them are forty

feet long, seven broad, and about three deep. From the middle, toward

each end, they become gradually narrower, the after-part, or stern,

ending abruptly or perpendicularly, with a small knob on the top; but

the fore-part is lengthened out, stretching forward and upward, ending

in a notched point or prow, considerably higher than the sides of the

canoe, which run nearly in a straight line. For the most part they

are without any ornament; but some have a little carving, and are

decorated by setting seals' teeth on the surface, like studs, as is

their practice on their masks and weapons. A few have, likewise, a

kind of additional head or prow, like a large cut-water, which is

painted with the figure of some animal. They have no seats, nor any

other supporters, on the inside, than several round sticks, little

thicker than a cane, placed across, at mid depth. They are very light,

and their breadth and flatness enable them to swim firmly, without an

out-rigger, which none of them have; a remarkable distinction between

the navigation of all the American nations and that of the southern

parts of the East Indies, and the islands in the Pacific Ocean. Their

paddles are small and light; the shape, in some measure, resembling

that of a large leaf, pointed at the bottom, broadest in the middle,

and gradually losing itself in the shaft, the whole being about

five feet long. They have acquired great dexterity in managing these

paddles, by constant use; for sails are no part of their art of

navigation.

Their implements for fishing and hunting, which are both ingeniously

contrived, and well made, are nets, hooks and lines, harpoons, gigs,

and an instrument like an oar. This last is about twenty feet long,

four or five inches broad, and about half an inch thick. Each edge,

for about two-thirds of its length, (the other third being its

handle,) is set with sharp bone-teeth, about two inches long. Herrings

and sardines, and such other small fish as come in shoals, are

attacked with this instrument; which is struck into the shoal, and the

fish are caught either upon or between the teeth. Their hooks are made

of bone and wood, and rather inartificially; but the harpoon, with

which they strike the whales and lesser sea-animals, shew a great

reach of contrivance. It is composed of a piece of bone, cut into two

barbs, in which is fixed the oval blade of a large muscle-shell, in

which is the point of the instrument. To this is fastened about two or

three fathoms of rope; and to throw this harpoon, they use a shaft of

about twelve or fifteen feet long, to which the line or rope is made

fast; and to one end of which the harpoon is fixed, so as to separate

from the shaft, and leave it floating upon the water as a buoy, when

the animal darts away with the harpoon.

We can say nothing as to the manner of their catching or killing

land-animals, unless we may suppose that they shoot the smaller sorts

with their arrows, and engage bears, or wolves and foxes, with their

spears. They have, indeed, several nets, which are probably applied

to that purpose;[3] as they frequently threw them over their heads,

to shew their use, when they brought them to us for sale. They also,

sometimes, decoy animals, by covering themselves with a skin, and

running about upon all-fours, which they do very nimbly, as appeared

from the specimens of their skill, which they exhibited to us,

making a kind of noise, or neighing, at the same time; and on these

occasions, the masks or carved heads, as well as the real dried heads

of the different animals, are put on.

[Footnote 3: One of the methods of catching sea-otters, when ashore

at Kamptschatka, is with nets.--See _Coxe's Russian Discoveries_, p.

13.--D.]

As to the materials, of which they make their various articles, it

is to be observed, that every thing of the rope kind is formed either

from thongs of skins and sinews of animals, or from the same flaxen

substance of which their mantles are manufactured. The sinews often

appeared to be of such a length, that it might be presumed they could

be of no other animal than the whale. And the same may be said of

the bones of which they made their weapons already mentioned; such as

their bark-beating instruments, the points of their spears, and the

barbs of their harpoons.

Their great dexterity in works of wood, may, in some measure, be

ascribed to the assistance they receive from iron tools. For, as far

as we know, they use no other; at least we saw only one chisel of

bone. And though originally their tools must have been of different

materials, it is not improbable that many of their improvements have

been made since they acquired a knowledge of that metal, which now

is universally used in their various wooden works. The chisel and the

knife are the only forms, as far as we saw, that iron assumes amongst

them. The chisel is a long flat piece, filled into a handle of wood. A

stone serves for a mallet, and a piece of fish-skin for a polisher.

I have seen some of these chisels that were eight or ten inches long,

and three or four inches broad, but, in general, they were smaller.

The knives are of various sizes; some very large; and their blades are

crooked, somewhat like our pruning-knife, but the edge is on the back

or convex part. Most of them that we saw were about the breadth and

thickness of an iron-hoop, and their singular form marks that they

are not of European make. Probably they are imitations of their own

original instruments, used for the same purposes. They sharpen these

iron tools upon a coarse slate whetstone, and likewise keep the whole

instrument constantly bright.

Iron, which they call _seekemaile_, (which name they also give to tin

and all white metals,) being familiar to these people, it was very

natural for us to speculate about the mode of its being conveyed to

them. Upon our arrival in the Sound, they immediately discovered a

knowledge of traffic, and an inclination for it; and we were convinced

afterward, that they had not received this knowledge from a cursory

interview with any strangers, but, from their method, it seemed to be

an established practice, of which they were fond, and in which they

were also well skilled. With whom they carry on this traffic, may,

perhaps, admit of some doubt. For though we found amongst them things

doubtless of European manufacture, or at least derived, from some

civilized nation, such as iron and brass, it by no means appears

that they receive them immediately from these nations. For we never

observed the least sign of their having seen ships like ours before,

nor of their having traded with such people. Many circumstances

serve to prove this almost beyond a doubt. They were earnest in their

enquiries, by signs, on our arrival, if we meant to settle amongst

them, and if we came as friends; signifying, at the same time, that

they gave the wood and water freely, from friendship. This not only

proves, that they considered the place as entirely their property,

without fearing any superiority; but the enquiry would have been an

unnatural one, on a supposition that any ships had been here before;

had trafficked, and supplied themselves with wood and water; and had

then departed; for, in that case, they might reasonably expect we

would do the same. They, indeed, expressed no marks of surprise at

seeing our ships. But this, as I observed before, may be imputed to

their natural indolence of temper, and want of curiosity. Nor were

they even startled at the report of a musquet; till one day, upon

their endeavouring to make us sensible, that their arrows and spears

could not penetrate the hide-dresses, one of our gentlemen shot a

musquet-ball through one of them, folded six times. At this they were

so much staggered, that they plainly discovered their ignorance of the

effect of fire-arms. This was very often confirmed afterward, when we

used them at their village and other places to shoot birds, the manner

of which plainly confounded them; and our explanations of the use of

shot and ball were received with the most significant marks of their

having no previous ideas on this matter.

Some account of a Spanish voyage to this coast, in 1774, or 1775,

had reached England before I sailed; but the foregoing circumstances

sufficiently prove that these ships had not been at Nootka.[4] Besides

this, it was evident, that iron was too common here; was in too many

hands; and the uses of it were too well known, for them to have had

the first knowledge of it so very lately; or indeed at any earlier

period, by an accidental supply from a ship. Doubtless, from the

general use they make of this metal, it maybe supposed to come from

some constant source, by way of traffic, and that not of a very late

date; for they are as dexterous in using their tools as the longest

practice can make them. The most probable way, therefore, by which we

can suppose that they get their iron, is by trading for it with other

Indian tribes, who either have immediate communication with European

settlements upon that continent, or receive it, perhaps, through

several intermediate nations. The same might be said of the brass and

copper found amongst them.

[Footnote 4: We now know that Captain Cook's conjecture was well

founded. It appears, from the Journal of this Voyage, already referred

to, that the Spaniards had intercourse with the natives of this coast

only in three places, in latitude 41° 7'; in latitude 47° 21'; and in

latitude 57° 18'. So that they were not within two degrees of Nootka;

and it is most probable that the people there never heard of these

Spanish ships.--D.]

Whether these things be introduced by way of Hudson's Bay and Canada,

from the Indians, who deal with our traders, and so successively

across from one tribe to the other; or whether they be brought from

the north-western parts of Mexico in the same manner, perhaps cannot

be easily determined. But it should seem, that not only the rude

materials, but some articles in their manfactured state, find their

way hither. The brass ornaments for noses, in particular, are so

neatly made, that I am doubtful whether the Indians are capable

of fabricating them. The materials, certainly, are European; as no

American tribes have been found, who knew the method of making brass;

though copper has been commonly met with, and, from its softness,

might be fashioned into any shape, and also polished. If our traders

to Hudson's Bay and Canada do not use such articles in their traffic

with the natives, they must have been introduced at Nootka from the

quarter of Mexico, from whence, no doubt, the two silver table-spoons,

met with here, were originally derived. It is most probable, however,

that the Spaniards are not such eager traders, nor have formed such

extensive connections with the tribes north of Mexico, as to supply

them with quantities of iron, from which they can spare so much to the

people here.[5]

[Footnote 5: Though the two silver table-spoons, found at Nootka

Sound, most probably came from the Spaniards in the south, there seems

to be sufficient grounds for believing that the regular supply of iron

comes from a different quarter. It is remarkable, that the Spaniards,

in 1775, found at _Puerto de la Trinidad_, in latitude 41°7', _arrows

pointed with copper or iron, which they understood were procured

from the north_. Mr Daines Barrington, in a note at this part of the

Spanish journal, p. 20, says "I should conceive, that the copper and

iron here mentioned, must have originally been bartered at our forts

in Hudson's Bay."--D.]

Of the political and religious institutions established amongst

them, it cannot be supposed that we should learn much. This we could

observe, that there are such men as chiefs, who are distinguished by

the name or title of _Acweek_, and to whom the others are, in some

measure, subordinate. But I should guess, the authority of each

of these great men extends no farther than the family to which he

belongs, and who own him as their head. These _Acweeks_ were not

always elderly men; from which I concluded that this title came to

them by inheritance.

I saw nothing that could give the least insight into their notions

of religion, besides the figures before mentioned, called by them

_Klumma_. Most probably these were idols; but as they frequently

mentioned the word _acweek_, when they spoke of them, we may, perhaps,

be authorised to suppose, that they are the images of some of their

ancestors, whom they venerate as divinities. But all this is mere

conjecture; for we saw no act of religious homage paid to them; nor

could we gain any information, as we had learned little more of their

language than to ask the names of things, without being able to hold

any conversation with the natives, that might instruct us as to their

institutions or traditions.

In drawing up the preceding account of the people of this Sound, I

have occasionally blended Mr Anderson's observations with my own;

but I owe every thing to him. that relates to their language; and the

following remarks are in his own words.

"Their language is by no means harsh or disagreeable, farther

than proceeds from their using the _k_ and _h_ with more force, or

pronouncing them with less softness than we do; and, upon the whole,

it abounds rather with what we may call labial and dental, than with

guttural sounds. The simple sounds, which we have not heard them use,

and which, consequently, may be reckoned rare, or wanting in their

language, are those represented by the letters _b, d, f, g, r,_ and

_v_. But, on the other hand, they have one, which is very frequent,

and not used by us. It is formed, in a particular manner, by clashing

the tongue partly against the roof of the mouth with considerable

force, and may be compared to a very coarse or harsh method of

lisping. It is difficult to represent this sound by any composition of

our letters, unless somehow from _lszthl_. This is one of their most

usual terminations, though we sometimes found it in the beginning of

words. The next most general termination is composed of _tl_; and many

words end with _z_ and _ss_. A specimen or two of each of these is

here put down:

_Opulszthl_, The sun.

_Onulszthl_, The moon.

_Kahsheetl_, Dead.

_Teeshcheetl_, To throw a stone.

_Kooomitz_, A human scull.

_Quahmiss_, Fish roe.

"They seem to take so great a latitude in their mode of speaking, that

I have sometimes observed four or five different terminations of

the same word. This is a circumstance very puzzling at first to a

stranger, and marks a great imperfection in their language.

"As to the composition of it, we can say very little; having been

scarcely able to distinguish the several parts of speech. It can only

be inferred, from their method of speaking, which is very slow and

distinct, that it has few prepositions or conjunctions; and, as far

as we could discover, is destitute of even a single interjection, to

express admiration or surprise. From its having few conjunctions,

it may be conceived, that these being thought unnecessary, as being

understood, each single word with them will also express a great deal,

or comprehend several simple ideas; which seems to be the case. But,

for the same reason, the language will be defective in other respects;

not having words to distinguish or express differences which really

exist, and hence not sufficiently copious. This was observed to be

the case in many instances, particularly with respect to the names

of animals. The relation or affinity it may bear to other languages,

either on this or on the Asiatic continent, I have not been able

sufficiently to trace for want of proper specimens to compare it

with, except those of the Esquimaux and Indians about Hudson's Bay;

to neither of which it bears the least resemblance. On the other hand,

from the few Mexican words I have been able to procure, there is the

most obvious agreement, in the very frequent terminations of the words

in _l_, _tl_, or _z_, throughout the language."[6]

[Footnote 6: May we not, in confirmation of Mr Anderson's remark,

observe, that _Opulszthl_, the Nootka name of the Sun; and

_Vitziputzli_, the name of the Mexican Divinity, have no very distant

affinity in sound?--D.]

The large vocabulary of the Nootka language, collected by Mr Anderson,

shall be reserved for another place,[7] as its insertion here would

too much interrupt our narration. At present I only select their

numerals, for the satisfaction of such of our readers as love to

compare those of different nations in different parts of the world:

_Tsawack_, One.

_Akkla_, Two.

_Katsitsa_, Three.

_Mo_, or _Moo_, Four.

_Sochah_, Five.

_Nofpo_, Six.

_Atstepoo_, Seven.

_Atlaquolthl_, Eight.

_Tsawaquulthl_, Nine.

_Haeeoo_, Ten.

[Footnote 7: It will be found at the end of the voyage.]

Were I to affix a name to the people of Nootka, as a distinct nation,

I would call them _Wakashians_; from the word _wakash_, which was

very frequently in their mouths. It seemed to express applause,

approbation, and friendship. For when they appeared to be satisfied,

or well pleased with any thing they saw, or any incident that

happened, they would, with one voice, call out, _wakash! wakash!_

I shall take my leave of them, with remarking, that, differing so

essentially, as they certainly do, in their persons, their customs,

and language, from the inhabitants of the islands in the Pacific

Ocean, we cannot suppose their respective progenitors to have been

united in the same tribe, or to have had any intimate connection, when

they emigrated from their original settlements, into the places where

we now find their descendants.

My account of the transactions in Nootka Sound would be imperfect,

without adding the astronomical and nautical observations made by us,

while the ships were in that station.

_Latitude._

The latitude of the \ Sun 49° 36' 1", 15"'

observatory, by } Stars / South 49 36 8, 36

/ \ North 49 36 10, 30

________________

The mean of these means 49 36 6, 47 north.

_Longitude._

| Twenty sets \

| taken on the | 233° 26' 18", 7"'

| 21st and 23d |

| of March. /

|

The longitude, by / Ninety-three \

lunar observations. \ taken at the } 233 18 6, 6

| observatory /

| Twenty-four \

| taken on the | 233 7 16, 7

| 1st, 2d, and |

| 3d of May. /

The mean of these means 233 17 14, 0 East.

But by reducing each set, taken |

before we arrived in the Sound, |

and after we left it, by the time- \ 233° 17' 30", 5"'

keeper, and adding them up /

with those made on the spot, |

the mean of the 137 sets, will be |

Longitude by the / Greenwich rate 235° 46' 51", 0"'

time-keeper \ Ulietea rate 333 59 24, 0

From the results of the last fifteen days observations of equal

altitudes of the sun, the daily rate of the time-keeper was losing,

on mean time, 7"; and on the 16th of April, she was too slow for mean

time by 16^h 0^m 58",45. There was found an irregularity in her rate

greater than at any time before. It was thought proper to reject the

first five days, as the rate in them differed so much from that of the

fifteen following; and even in these, each day differed from another

more than usual.

_Variation of the Compass._

/A.M.\ Observatory / 15° 57' 48-1/2" \

April 4.{ } { } 15° 49' 25" East.

\PM / Mean of four Needles\ 15 41 2 /

5. /A.M.\ On board the ship / 9° 50 49 \

{ } { } 19 44 47-1/2

6. \P.M./ Mean of four Needles\ 19 38 46 /

The variation found on board the ship ought to be taken for the true

one; not only as it agreed with what we observed at sea, but because

it was found that there was something ashore that had a considerable

effect upon the compasses; in some places more than others. At one

spot, on the west point of the Sound, the needle was attracted 113/4

points from its proper direction.

_Inclination of the Dipping Needle._

April 5th. /Marked \End North \ 71° 26' 22-1/2"\

On board with { } } } 71° 40' 22-1/2"

balanced needle. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 54 22-1/2 /

The Same needle /Marked \End North \ 72 3 45 \

at the { } } } 70 0 0

observatory. \Unmarked /and dipping / 71 56 15 /

/Marked \End North \ 71 58 20 \

18th ditto { } } } 72 7 15

\Unmarked /and dipping / 72 16 10 /

5th. Spare needle /Marked \End North \ 72 32 30 \

at the { } } } 72 49 15

observatory \Unmarked /and dipping / 73 6 0 /

/Marked \End North \ 72 55 0 \

18th ditto { } } } 73 11 45

\Unmarked /and dipping / 73 28 30 /

22d. Spare /Marked \End North \ 73 28 38 \

needle on { } } } 73 11 0

board \Unmarked /and dipping / 72 53 30 /

Hence the mean dip, with both needles, on shore, was 72 32 3-1/4

On board 72 25 45-1/4

This is as near as can be expected; and shews, that whatever it was

that affected the compasses, whether on board or ashore, it had no

effect upon the dipping needles.

_Tides._

It is high water on the days of the new and full moon at 12^h 20^m.

The perpendicular rise and fall, eight feet nine inches; which is to

be understood of the day-tides, and those which happen two or three

days after the full and new moon. The night-tides, at this time, rise

near two feet higher. This was very conspicuous during the spring-tide

of the full moon, which happened soon after our arrival; and it was

obvious, that it would be the same in those of the new moon, though we

did not remain here long enough to see the whole of its effect.

Some circumstances, that occurred daily, relating to this, deserve

particular notice. In the cove, where we got wood and water, was a

great deal of drift wood thrown ashore; a part of which we had to

remove to come at the water. It often happened, that large pieces of

trees, which we had removed in the day out of the reach of the then

high water, were found, the next morning, floated again in our way;

and all our spouts, for conveying down the water, thrown out of their

places, which were immoveable during the day-tides. We also found,

that wood, which we had split up for fuel, and had deposited beyond

the reach of the day-tide, floated away during the night. Some of

these circumstances happened every night or morning, for three or

four days in the height of the spring-tides; during which time we were

obliged to attend every morning-tide, to remove the large logs out of

the way of watering.

I cannot say whether the flood-tide falls into the Sound from the

north-west, south-west, or south-east. I think it does not come

from the last quarter; but this is only conjecture, founded upon the

following observations: The south-east gales, which we had in the

Sound, were so far from increasing the rise of the tide, that they

rather diminished it; which would hardly have happened, if the flood

and wind had been in the same direction.

SECTION IV.

_A Storm, after sailing from Nootka Sound.--Resolution springs

a Leak.--Pretended Strait of Admiral de Fonte passed

unexamined.--Progress along the Coast of America.--Behring's

Bay.--Kaye's Island.--Account of it.--The Ships come to an

Anchor.--Visited by the Natives.--Their Behaviour.--Fondness for

Beads and Iron.--Attempt to plunder the Discovery.--Resolution's Leak

stopped.--Progress up the Sound.--Messrs Gore and Roberts sent to

examine its Extent.--Reasons against a Passage to the North through

it.--The Ships proceed down it to the open Sea._

Having put to sea on the evening of the 26th, as before related, with

strong signs of an approaching storm, these signs did not deceive

us. We were hardly out of the Sound, before the wind, in an instant,

shifted from north-east to south-east by east, and increased to a

strong gale, with squalls and rain, and so dark a sky, that we

could not see the length of the ship. Being apprehensive, from the

experience I had since our arrival on this coast, of the wind veering

more to the south, which would put us in danger of a lee-shore, we got

the tacks on board, and stretched off to the south-west, under all

the sail that the ships could bear. Fortunately, the wind veered

no farther southerly than south-east; so that at day-light the next

morning we were quite clear of the coast.

The Discovery being at some distance a-stern, I brought-to till she

came up, and then bore away, steering north-west; in which direction I

supposed the coast to lie. The wind was at south-east, blew very

hard, and in squalls, with thick hazy weather. At half-past one in

the afternoon, it blew a perfect hurricane; so that I judged it highly

dangerous to run any longer before it, and therefore brought the

ships to, with their heads to the southward, under the foresails and

mizen-stay-sails. At this time the Resolution sprung a leak, which, at

first, alarmed us not a little. It was found to be under the starboard

buttock; where, from the bread-room, we could both hear and see the

water rush in; and, as we then thought, two feet under water. But in

this we were happily mistaken; for it was afterward found to be even

with the water-line, if not above it, when the ship was upright. It

was no sooner discovered, than the fish-room was found to be full of

water, and the casks in it afloat; but this was, in a great measure,

owing to the water not finding its way to the pumps through the coals

that lay in the bottom of the room. For, after the water was baled

out, which employed us till midnight, and had found its way directly

from the leak to the pumps, it appeared that one pump kept it under,

which gave us no small satisfaction. In the evening, the wind veered

to the south, and its fury, in some degree, ceased. On this we set

the main-sail, and two topsails close-reefed, and stretched to the

westward. But at eleven o'clock the gale again increased, and obliged

us to take in the topsails, till five o'clock the next morning, when

the storm began to abate, so that we could bear to set them again.

The weather now began to clear up, and being able to see several

leagues round us, I steered more to the northward. At noon, the

latitude, by observation, was 50° 1'; longitude 229° 26'.[1] I now

steered N.W. by N., with a fresh gale at S.S.E. and fair weather. But

at nine in the evening, it began again to blow hard, and in squalls,

with rain. With such weather, and the wind between S.S.E. and S.W. I

continued the same course till the 30th, at four in the morning, when

I steered N. by W. in order to make the land. I regretted very much

indeed that I could not do it sooner; for this obvious reason, that

we were now passing the place where geographers[2] have placed the

pretended strait of Admiral de Fonte. For my own part, I give no

credit to such vague and improbable stories, that carry their own

confutation along with them. Nevertheless, I was very desirous of

keeping the American coast aboard, in order to clear up this point

beyond dispute. But it would have been highly imprudent in me to have

engaged with the land in weather so exceedingly tempestuous, or to

have lost the advantage of a fair wind by waiting for better weather.

This same day, at noon, we were in the latitude of 53° 22', and in the

longitude of 225° 14'.

[Footnote 1: As in the remaining part of this chapter, the latitude

and longitude are very frequently set down, the former being

invariably North, and the latter East, the constant repetition of the

two words, _North_ and _East_, has been omitted, to avoid unnecessary

precision.]

[Footnote 2: See de Lisle's _Générale des Découvertes de l'Amiral de

Fonte_, &c. Paris, 1752; and many other maps.]

The next morning, being the 1st of May, seeing nothing of the land,

I steered north-easterly, with a fresh breeze at S.S.E. and S., with

squalls, and showers of rain and hail. Our latitude at noon 54° 43',

and our longitude 224° 44'. At seven in the evening, being in the

latitude of 55° 20', we got sight of the land, extending from N.N.E.

to E., or E. by S. about twelve or fourteen leagues distant. An hour

after, I steered N. by W.; and at four the next morning, the coast

was seen from N. by W. to S.E. the nearest part about six leagues

distant.[3]

[Footnote 3: This must be very near that part of the American coast

where Tscherikow anchored in 1741, for Muller places its latitude

in 56°. Had this Russian navigator been so fortunate as to proceed a

little farther northward along the coast, he would have found, as we

now learn from Captain Cook, bays, and harbours, and islands, where

his ship might have been sheltered, and his people protected in

landing. For the particulars of the misfortunes he met with here, two

boats' crews, which he sent ashore, having never returned, probably

cut off by the natives, see _Muller's Découvertes de Russes_, p. 248,

254. The Spaniards, in 1775, found two good harbours on this part

of the coast; that called _Guadalupe_, in latitude 57° 11', and the

other, _De los Remedios_, in latitude 57° 18'.--D.]

At this time the northern point of an inlet, or what appeared to be

one, bore E. by S. It lies in the latitude of 56°; and from it to

the northward, the coast seemed to be much broken, forming bays or

harbours every two or three leagues, or else appearances much deceived

us. At six o'clock, drawing nearer the land, I steered N.W. by N.,

this being the direction of the coast; having a fresh gale at S.E.

with some showers of hail, snow, and sleet. Between eleven and twelve

o'clock, we passed a group of small islands, lying under the main

land, in the latitude of 56° 48'; and off, or rather to the northward

of the south point of a large bay. An arm of this bay, in the northern

part of it, seemed to extend in toward the north, behind a round

elevated mountain that lies between it and the sea. This mountain I

called _Mount Edgcumbe_; and the point of land that shoots out from it

_Cape Edgcumbe_. The latter lies in the latitude of 57° 3', and in

the longitude of 224° 7'; and at noon it bore north 20° W. six leagues

distant.

The land, except in some places close to the sea, is all of a

considerable height, and hilly; but Mount Edgcumbe far out-tops all

the other hills. It was wholly covered with snow; as were also all

the other elevated hills; but the lower ones, and the flatter spots,

bordering upon the sea, were free from it, and covered with wood.

As we advanced to the north, we found the coast from Cape Edgcumbe

to trend north and north-easterly for six or seven leagues, and there

form a large bay. In the entrance of that bay are some islands; for

which reason I named it the _Bay of Islands_. It lies in the latitude

of 57° 20';[4] and seemed to branch into several arms, one of which

turned to the south, and may probably communicate with the bay on the

east side of Cape Edgcumbe, and make the land of the Cape an island.

At eight o'clock in the evening, the Cape bore S.E. 1/2 S.; the Bay

of Islands N. 53° E.; and another inlet, before which are also some

islands, bore N. 52° E. five leagues distant. I continued to steer

N.N.W. 1/2 W. and N.W. by W. as the coast trended, with a fine gale at

N.E. and clear weather.

[Footnote 4: It should seem, that, in this very bay, the Spaniards, in

1775, found their port which they call _De los Remedios_. The latitude

is exactly the same; and their journal mentions its being protected

by a long ridge of high islands. See Miscellanies, by the Honourable

Daines Barrington, p. 503, 504.--D.]

At half-an-hour past four in the morning, on the 3d, Mount Edgcumbe

bore S. 54° E.; a large inlet, N. 50° E., distant six leagues; and

the most advanced point of the land, to the N.W. lying under a very

high-peaked mountain, which obtained the name of _Mount Fairweather_,

bore N. 32° W. The inlet was named _Cross Sound_, as being first

seen on that day, so marked in our calendar. It appeared to branch in

several arms, the largest of which turned to the northward. The S.E.

point of this Sound is a high promontory, which obtained the name of

_Cross Cape_. It lies in the latitude of 57° 57', and its longitude

is 223° 21'. At noon it bore S.E.; and the point under the peaked

mountain, which was called _Cape Fairweather_, N. by W. 1/4 W.,

distant thirteen leagues. Our latitude at this time was 58° 17', and

our longitude 222° 14'; and we were distant from the shore three or

four leagues. In this situation we found the variation of the compass

to be from 24° 11' to 26° 11' E.

Here the N.E. wind left us, and was succeeded by light breezes from

the N.W. which lasted for several days. I stood to the S.W. and W.S.W.

till eight o'clock the next morning, when we tacked, and stood toward

the shore. At noon, the latitude was 58° 22', and the longitude 220°

45'. Mount Fairweather, the peaked mountain over the Cape of the same

name, bore N. 63° E.; the shore under it twelve leagues distant. This

mountain, which lies in the latitude of 58° 52', and in the longitude

of 222°, and five leagues inland, is the highest of a chain, or rather

a ridge of mountains, that rise at the N.W. entrance of Cross Sound,

and extend to the N.W. in a parallel direction with the coast. These

mountains were wholly covered with snow, from the highest summit down

to the sea-coast; some few places excepted, where we could perceive

trees rising, as it were, out of the sea; and which, therefore, we

supposed, grew on low land, or on islands bordering upon the shore of

the continent.[5] At five in the afternoon, our latitude being

then 58° 53', and our longitude 220° 52', the summit of an elevated

mountain appeared above the horizon, bearing N., 26° W., and, as

was afterwards found, forty leagues distant. We supposed it to be

Beering's Mount St Elias; and it stands by that name in our chart.

[Footnote 5: According to Muller, Beering fell in with the coast of

North America in latitude 58° 28', and he describes its aspect thus:

"_L'aspect du pays étoit affrayaut par ses hautes montagnes couvertes

de niege._" The chain or ridge of mountains covered with snow,

mentioned here by Captain Cook, in the same latitude, exactly agrees

with what Beering met with. See Muller's _Voyages et Découvertes de

Russes_, p. 248-254.--D.]

This day we saw several whales, seals, and porpoises; many gulls, and

several flocks of birds, which had a black ring about the head; the

tip of the tail, and the upper part of the wings, with a black band;

and the rest bluish above and white below. We also saw a brownish

duck, with a black or deep-blue head and neck, sitting upon the water.

Having but light winds, with some calms, we advanced slowly; so that

on the 6th at noon we were only in the latitude of 59° 8', and in

the longitude of 220° 19'. Mount Fairweather bore S. 63° E. and Mount

Elias N. 30° W.; the nearest land about eight leagues distant. In the

direction of N. 47° E. from this station, there was the appearance

of a bay, and an island off the S. point of it that was covered with

wood. It is here where I suppose Commodore Beering to have anchored.

The latitude, which is 59° 18', corresponds pretty well with the map

of his voyage,[6] and the longitude is 221° E. Behind the bay, (which

I shall distinguish by the name of Beering's Bay, in honour of its

discoverer,) or rather to the south of it, the chain of mountains

before mentioned is interrupted by a plain of a few leagues extent;

beyond which the sight was unlimited; so that there is either a level

country or water behind it. In the afternoon, having a few hours calm,

I took this opportunity to sound, and found seventy fathoms water,

over a muddy bottom. The calm was succeeded by a light breeze from the

N., with which we stood to the westward; and at noon the next day, we

were in the latitude of 59° 27', and the longitude of 219° 7'. In this

situation, Mount Fairweather bore S. 70° E.; Mount St Elias N. 1/2

W.; the westernmost land in sight N. 52° W.; and our distance from

the shore four or five leagues; the depth of water being eighty-two

fathoms over a muddy bottom. From this station we could see a bay

(circular to appearance) under the high land, with low wood-land on

each side of it.

[Footnote 6: Probably Captain Cook means Muller's map, prefixed to his

History of the Russian Discoveries.--D.]

We now found the coast to trend very much to the west, inclining

hardly any thing to the north; and as we had the wind mostly from the

westward, and but little of it, our progress was slow. On the 9th

at noon, the latitude was 59° 30', and the longitude 217°. In this

situation the nearest land was nine leagues distant; and Mount St

Elias bore N., 30° E, nineteen leagues distant. This mountain lies

twelve leagues inland in the latitude of 60° 27', and in the longitude

of 219°. It belongs to a ridge of exceedingly high mountains, that

may be reckoned a continuation of the former, as they are only divided

from them by the plain above mentioned. They extend as far to the west

as the longitude of 217°; where, although they do not end, they lose

much of their height, and become more broken and divided.

At noon on the 10th, our latitude was 59° 51', and our longitude

215° 56', being no more than three leagues from, the coast of the

continent, which extended from E. 1/2 N., to N.W. 1/2 W., as far as

the eye could reach. To the westward of this last direction was an

island that extended from N., 52° W., to S., 85° W., distant six

leagues. A point shoots out from the main toward the N.E. end of

the island, bearing, at this time, N., 30° W., five or six leagues

distant. This point I named _Cape Suckling_. The point of the cape is

low; but within it, is a tolerably high hill, which is disjoined from

the mountains by low land; so that, at a distance, the cape looks like

an island. On the north side of Cape Suckling is a bay that appeared

to be of some extent, and to be covered from most winds. To this bay I

had some thoughts of going, to stop our leak, as all our endeavours to

do it at sea had proved ineffectual. With this view, I steered for

the cape; but as we had only variable light breezes, we approached

it slowly. However, before night, we were near enough to see some low

land spitting out from the cape to the north-west, so as to cover

the east part of the bay from the south wind. We also saw some small

islands in the bay, and elevated rocks between the cape and the

north-east end of the island. But still there appeared to be a passage

on both sides of these rocks; and I continued steering for them all

night, having from forty-three to twenty-seven fathoms water over a

muddy bottom.

At four o'clock next morning, the wind, which had been mostly at N.E.,

shifted to N. This being against us, I gave up the design of going

within the island, or into the bay, as neither could be done without

loss of time. I therefore bore up for the west end of the island. The

wind blew faint, and at ten o'clock it fell calm. Being not far from

the island, I went in a boat, and landed upon it, with a view of

seeing what lay on the other side; but finding it farther to the hills

than I expected, and the way being steep and woody, I was obliged to

drop the design. At the foot of a tree, on a little eminence not far

from the shore, I left a bottle with a paper in it, on which were

inscribed the names of the ships, and the date of our discovery. And

along with it, I inclosed two silver two-penny pieces of his majesty's

coin, of the date 1772. These, with many others, were furnished me by

the Reverend Dr Kaye;[7] and, as a mark of my esteem and regard for

that gentleman, I named the island, after him, _Kaye's Island_. It is

eleven or twelve leagues in length, in the direction of N.E. and S.W.;

but its breadth is not above a league, or a league and a half, in any

part of it. The S.W. point, which lies in the latitude of 59° 49',

and the longitude of 216° 58', is very remarkable, being a naked

rock, elevated considerably above the land within it. There is also an

elevated rock lying off it, which, from some points of view, appears

like a ruined castle. Toward the sea, the island terminates in a kind

of bare-sloping cliffs, with a beach, only a few paces across to

their foot, of large pebble stones, intermixed in some places with a

brownish clayey sand, which the sea seems to deposit after rolling

in, having been washed down from the higher parts, by the rivulets or

torrents. The cliffs are composed of a bluish stone or rock, in a soft

or mouldering state, except in a few places. There are parts of the

shore interrupted by small vallies and gullies. In each of these, a

rivulet or torrent rushes down with considerable impetuosity; though

it may be supposed that they are only furnished from the snow, and

last no longer than till it is all melted. These vallies are filled

with pine-trees, which grow down close to the entrance, but only to

about half way up the higher or middle part of the island. The woody

part also begins, every-where, immediately above the cliffs, and is

continued to the same height with the former; so that the island is

covered, as it were, with a broad girdle of wood, spread upon its

side, included between the top of the cliffy shore; and the higher

parts in the centre. The trees, however, are far from being of an

uncommon growth; few appearing to be larger than one might grasp round

with his arms, and about forty or fifty feet high; so that the only

purpose they could answer for shipping, would be to make top-gallant

masts, and other small things. How far we may judge of the size of the

trees which grow on the neighbouring continent, it may be difficult

to determine. But it was observed, that none larger than those we saw

growing, lay upon the beach amongst the drift-wood. The pine-trees

seemed all of one sort; and there was neither the Canadian pine, nor

cypress, to be seen. But there were a few which appeared to be the

alder, that were but small, and had not yet shot forth their leaves.

Upon the edges of the cliffs, and on some sloping ground, the surface

was covered with a kind of turf, about half a foot thick, which seemed

composed of the common moss; and the top, or upper part of the island,

had almost the same appearance as to colour; but whatever covered

it seemed to be thicker. I found amongst the trees some currant and

hawberry bushes; a small yellow-flowered violet; and the leaves

of some other plants not yet in flower, particularly one which Mr

Anderson supposed to be the _heracleum_ of Linnæus, the sweet herb,

which Steller, who attended Beering, imagined the Americans here dress

for food, in the same manner as the natives of Kamtschatka.

[Footnote 7: Then sub-almoner and chaplain to his majesty, afterwards

Dean of Lincoln.--D.]

We saw, flying about the wood, a crow; two or three of the

white-headed eagles mentioned at Nootka; and another sort full as

large, which appeared also of the same colour, or blacker, and had

only a white breast.[8] In the passage from the ship to the shore,

we saw a great many fowls sitting upon the water, or flying about

in flocks or pairs; the chief of which were a few quebrantaheuses,

divers, ducks, or large peterels, gulls, shags, and burres. The divers

were of two sorts; one very large, of a black colour, with a white

breast and belly; the other smaller, and with a longer and more

pointed bill, which seemed to be the common guillemot. The ducks were

also of two sorts; one brownish, with a black or deep blue head and

neck, and is perhaps the stone-duck described by Steller. The others

fly in larger flocks, but are smaller than these, and are of a dirty

black colour. The gulls were of the common sort, and those which fly

in flocks. The shags were large and black, with a white spot behind

the wings as they flew; but probably only the larger water cormorant.

There was also a single bird seen flying about, to appearance of the

gull kind, of a snowy white colour, with black along part of the upper

side of its wings. I owe all these remarks to Mr Anderson. At the

place where we landed, a fox came from the verge of the wood, and eyed

us with very little emotion, walking leisurely without any signs of

fear. He was of a reddish-yellow colour, like some of the skins we

bought at Nootka, but not of a large size. We also saw two or three

little seals off shore; but no other animals or birds, nor the least

signs of inhabitants having ever been upon the island.

[Footnote 8: This species is in the Leverian Museum, and described by

Mr Latham, in his Synopsis of Birds, vol. i. p. 33, No. 72, under the

name of the _White-bellied Eagle_.]

I returned on board at half past two in the afternoon; and, with a

light breeze easterly, steered for the S.W. point of the island, which

we got round by eight o'clock, and then stood for the westernmost land

now in sight, which, at this time, bore N.W. 1/2 N. On the N.W. side

of the N.E. end of Kaye's Island, lies another island, stretching S.E.

and N.W. about three leagues, to within the same distance of the N.W.

boundary of the bay above mentioned, which is distinguished by the

name of _Comptroller's Bay_.

Next morning, at four o'clock, Kaye's Island was still in sight,

bearing E. 1/4 S. At this time, we were about four or five leagues

from the main; and the most western part in sight bore N.W. 1/2 N.

We had now a fresh gale at E.S.E., and as we advanced to the N.W., we

raised land more and more westerly, and, at last, to the southward of

W.; so that, at noon, when the latitude was 61° 11", and the longitude

213° 28', the most advanced land bore from us S.W. by W. 1/2 W. At the

same time, the E. point of a large inlet bore W.N.W., three leagues

distant.

From Comptroller's Bay to this point, which I named _Cape

Hinchingbroke_, the direction of the coast is nearly E. and W. Beyond

this, it seemed to incline to the southward; a direction so contrary

to the modern charts founded upon the late Russian discoveries, that

we had reason to expect that, by the inlet before us, we should find

a passage to the N.; and that the land to the W. and S.W. was nothing

but a group of islands. Add to this, that the wind was now at S.E.,

and we were threatened with a fog and a storm; and I wanted to get

into some place to stop the leak, before we encountered another gale.

These reasons induced me to steer for the inlet, which we had no

sooner reached, than the weather became so foggy, that we could not

see a mile before us, and it became necessary to secure the ships in

some place, to wait for a clearer sky. With this view, I hauled close

under Cape Hinchingbroke, and anchored before a small cove, a little

within the cape, in eight fathoms water, a clayey bottom, and about a

quarter of a mile from the shore.

The boats were then hoisted out, some to sound, and others to fish.

The seine was drawn in the cove; but without success, for it was torn.

At some short intervals, the fog cleared away, and gave us a sight

of the lands around us. The cape bore S. by W. 1/2 W., one league

distant; the W. point of the inlet S.W. by W., distant five leagues;

and the land on that side extended as far as W. by N. Between this

point and N.W. by W., we could see no land; and what was in the last

direction seemed to be at a great distance. The westernmost point we

had in sight on the N. shore, bore N.N.W. 1/2 W., two leagues distant.

Between this point, and the shore under which we were at anchor, is a

bay about three leagues deep; on the S.E. side of which there are two

or three coves, such as that before which we had anchored, and in the

middle some rocky islands.

To these islands Mr Gore was sent in a boat, in hopes of shooting

some eatable birds. But he had hardly got to them, before about twenty

natives made their appearance in two large canoes; on which he thought

proper to return to the ships, and they followed him. They would not

venture alongside, but kept at some distance, hollowing aloud, and

alternately clasping and extending their arms; and, in a short time,

began a kind of song exactly after the manner of those at Nootka.

Their heads were also powdered with feathers. One man held out a white

garment, which we interpreted as a sign of friendship; and another

stood up in the canoe, quite naked, for almost a quarter of an hour,

with his arms stretched out like a cross, and motionless. The canoes

were not constructed of wood, as at King George's or Nootka Sound. The

frame only, being slender laths, was of that substance; the outside

consisting of the skins of seals, or of such like animals. Though

we returned all their signs of friendship, and, by every expressive

gesture, tried to encourage them to come alongside, we could not

prevail. Some of our people repeated several of the common words of

the Nootka language, such as _seekemaile_, and _mahook_; but they did

not seem to understand them. After receiving some presents, which were

thrown to them, they retired toward that part of the shore from whence

they came; giving us to understand by signs, that they would visit us

again the next morning. Two of them, however, each in a small

canoe, waited upon us in the night; probably with a design to pilfer

something, thinking we should be all asleep; for they retired as soon

as they found themselves discovered.

During the night, the wind was at S.S.E., blowing hard and in squalls,

with rain, and very thick weather. At ten o'clock next morning, the

wind became more moderate, and the weather being somewhat clearer,

we got under sail, in order to look out for some snug place, where

we might search for, and stop the leak; our present station being too

much exposed for this purpose. At first I proposed to have gone up the

bay, before which we had anchored; but the clearness of the weather

tempted me to steer to the northward, farther up the great inlet, as

being all in our way. As soon as we had passed the N.W. point of the

bay above mentioned, we found the coast on that side to turn short

to the eastward. I did not follow it, but continued our course to the

north, for a point of land which we saw in that direction.

The natives who visited us the preceding evening, came off again in

the morning, in five or six canoes; but not till we were under sail;

and although they followed us for some time, they could not get up

with us. Before two in the afternoon, the bad weather returned again,

with so thick a haze, that we could see no other land besides the

point just mentioned, which we reached at half past four, and found it

to be a small island, lying about two miles from the adjacent coast,

being a point of land, on the east side of which we discovered a fine

bay, or rather harbour. To this we plied up, under reefed topsails

and courses. The wind blew strong at S.E., and in excessively

hard squalls, with rain. At intervals, we could see land in every

direction; but in general the weather was so foggy, that we could see

none but the shores of the bay into which we were plying. In passing

the island, the depth of water was twenty-six fathoms, with a muddy

bottom. Soon after, the depth increased to sixty and seventy fathoms,

a rocky bottom; but in the entrance of the bay, the depth was from

thirty to six fathoms; the last very near the shore. At length, at

eight o'clock, the violence of the squalls obliged us to anchor in

thirteen fathoms, before we had got so far into the bay as I intended;

but we thought ourselves fortunate that we had already sufficiently

secured ourselves at this hour; for the night was exceedingly stormy.

The weather, bad as it was, did not hinder three of the natives from

paying us a visit. They came off in two canoes; two men in one, and

one in the other, being the number each could carry. For they were

built and constructed in the same manner with those of the Esquimaux;

only in the one were two holes for two men to sit in, and in the other

but one. Each of these men had a stick, about three feet long, with

the large feathers or wing of birds tied to it. These they frequently

held up to us, with a view, as we guessed, to express their pacific

disposition.[9]

[Footnote 9: Exactly corresponding to this, was the manner of

receiving Beering's people, at the Schumagin Islands, on this coast,

in 1741. Muller's words are--"On sait ce que c'est que le _Calumet_,

que les Americans septentrionaux présentent en signe de paix. Ceux-ci

en tenoient de pareils en main. C'étoient des bâtons avec _ailes de

faucon_ attachées au bout"--Decouvertes, p. 268.--D.]

The treatment these men met with, induced many more to visit us,

between one and two the next morning, in both great and small canoes.

Some ventured on board the ship; but not till some of our people

had stepped into their boats. Amongst those who came on board, was a

good-looking middle-aged man, whom we afterward found to be the chief.

He was cloathed in a dress made of the sea-otter's skin; and had on

his head such a cap as is worn by the people of King George's Sound,

ornamented with sky-blue glass beads, about the size of a large pea.

He seemed to set a much higher value upon these, than upon our white

glass beads. Any sort of beads, however, appeared to be in high

estimation with these people; and they readily gave whatever they had

in exchange for them, even their fine sea-otter skins. But here I must

observe, that they set no more value upon these than upon other skins,

which was also the case at King George's Sound, till our people set

a higher price upon them; and even after that, the natives of both

places would sooner part with a dress made of these, than with one

made of the skins of wild-cats or of martins.

These people were also desirous of iron; but they wanted pieces eight

or ten inches long at least, and of the breadth of three or four

fingers. For they absolutely rejected small pieces. Consequently, they

got but little from us; iron having, by this time, become rather a

scarce article. The points of some of their spears or lances were of

that metal; others were of copper, and a few of bone; of which the

points of their darts, arrows, &c. were composed. I could not prevail

open the chief to trust himself below the upper deck; nor did he and

his companions remain long on board. But while we had their company,

it was necessary to watch them narrowly, as they soon betrayed a

thievish disposition. At length, after being about three at four

hours alongside the Resolution, they all left her, and went to the

Discovery; none having been there before, except one man, who, at this

time, came from her, and immediately returned thither in company

with the rest. When I observed this, I thought this man had met with

something there, which he knew would please his countrymen better than

what they met with at our ship. But in this I was mistaken, as will

soon appear.

As soon as they were gone, I sent a boat to sound the head of the

bay. For, as the wind was moderate, I had thoughts of laying the ship

ashore, if a convenient place could be found where I might begin our

operations to stop the leak. It was not long before all the Americans

left the Discovery, and instead of returning to us, made their way

toward our boat employed as above. The officer in her seeing, this,

returned to the ship, and was followed by all the canoes. The boat's

crew had no sooner come on board, leaving in her two of their number

by way of a guard, than some of the Americans stepped into her. Some

presented their spears before the two men; others cast loose the rope

which fastened her to the ship; and the rest attempted to tow her

away. But the instant they saw us preparing to oppose them, they let

her go, stepped out of her into their canoes, and made signs to us

to lay down our arms, having the appearance of being as perfectly

unconcerned as if they had done nothing amiss. This, though rather a

more daring attempt, was hardly equal to what they had meditated on

board the Discovery. The man who came and carried all his countrymen

from the Resolution to the other ship had first been on board of her,

where, after looking down all the hatchways, and seeing nobody but the

officer of the watch, and one or two more, he no doubt thought they

might plunder her with ease, especially as she lay at some distance

from us. It was unquestionably with this view, that they all repaired

to her. Several of them, without any ceremony, went on board; drew

their knives; made signs to the officer and people on deck to keep

off; and began to look about them for plunder. The first thing

they met with was the rudder of one of the boats, which they threw

over-board to those of their party who had remained in the canoes.

Before they had time to find another object that pleased their

fancy, the crew were alarmed, and began to come upon deck armed with

cutlasses. On seeing this, the whole company of plunderers sneaked off

into their canoes, with as much deliberation and indifference as they

had given up the boat; and they were observed describing to those who

had not been on board, how much longer the knives of the ship's crew

were than their own. It was at this time, that my boat was on the

sounding duty, which they must have seen; for they proceeded directly

for her, after their disappointment at the Discovery. I have not the

least doubt, that their visiting us so very early in the morning was

with a view to plunder; on a supposition, that they should find every

body asleep.

May we not, from these circumstances, reasonably infer, that these

people are unacquainted with fire-arms? For, certainly, if they

had known any thing of their effect, they never would have dared to

attempt taking a boat from under ship's guns, in the face of above a

hundred men; for most of my people were looking at them, at the very

instant they made the attempt. However, after all these tricks, we

had the good fortune to leave them as ignorant, in this respect, as we

found them. For they neither heard nor saw a musquet fired, unless at

birds.

Just as we were going to weigh the anchor, to proceed farther up the

bay, it began to blow and to rain as hard as before; so that we

were obliged to veer away the cable again, and lay fast. Toward the

evening, finding that the gale did not moderate, and that it might be

some time before an opportunity offered to get higher up, I came to a

resolution to heel the ship where we were; and, with this view, moored

her with a kedge-anchor and hawser. In heaving the anchor out of the

boat, one of the seamen, either through ignorance or carelessness, or

both, was carried over-board by the buoy-rope, and followed the

anchor to the bottom. It is remarkable, that, in this very critical

situation, he had presence of mind to disengage himself, and come up

to the surface of the water, where he was taken up, with one of his

legs fractured in a dangerous manner.

Early the next morning, we gave the ship a good heel to port, in order

to come at, and stop the leak. On ripping off the sheathing, it was

found to be in the seams, which were very open, both in and under the

wale, and, in several places, not a bit of oakum in them. While the

carpenters were making good these defects, we filled all our empty

water-casks, at a stream hard by the ship. The wind was now moderate,

but the weather was thick and hazy, with rain.

The natives, who left us the preceding day, when the bad weather came

on, paid us another visit this morning. Those who came first, were

in small canoes; others, afterward, arrived in large boats; in one of

which were twenty women, and one man, besides children.

In the evening of the 16th, the weather cleared up, and we then found

ourselves surrounded on every side by land. Our station was on

the east side of the Sound, in a place, which in the chart is

distinguished by the name of _Snug Corner Bay_. And a very snug place

it is. I went, accompanied by some of the officers, to view the head

of it, and we found that it was sheltered from all winds, with a depth

of water from even to three fathoms over a muddy bottom. The land,

near the shore, is low, part clear, and part wooded. The clear ground

was covered, two or three feet thick, with snow; but very little lay

in the woods. The very summits of the neighbouring hills were covered

with wood; but those farther inland seemed to be naked rocks, buried

in snow.

The leak being stopped, and the sheathing made good over it, at four

o'clock in the morning of the 17th, we weighed, and steered to the

north-westward, with a light breeze at E.N.E.; thinking, if there

should be any passage to the north through this inlet, that it must be

in that direction. Soon after we were under sail, the natives, in

both great and small canoes, paid us another visit, which gave us

an additional opportunity of forming a more perfect idea of their

persons, dress, and other particulars, which shall be afterward

described. Our visitors seemed to have no other business, but to

gratify their curiosity; for they entered into no sort of traffic with

us. After we had got over to the N.W. point of the arm in which we had

anchored, we found that the flood-tide came into the inlet through the

same channel by which we had entered. Although this circumstance did

not make wholly against a passage, it was, however, nothing in its

favour. After passing the point above mentioned, we met with a good

deal of foul ground, and many sunken rocks, even out in the middle of

the channel, which is here five or six leagues wide. At this time the

wind failed us, and was succeeded by calms and light airs from every

direction; so that we had some trouble to extricate ourselves from the

threatening danger. At length, about one o'clock, with the assistance

of our boats, we got to an anchor, under the eastern shore, in

thirteen fathoms water, and about four leagues to the north of our

last station. In the morning, the weather had been very hazy; but it

afterward cleared up, so as to give us a distinct view of all the land

round us, particularly to the northward, where it seemed to close.

This left us but little hopes of finding a passage that way, or,

indeed, in any other direction, without putting out again to sea.

To enable me to form a better judgment, I dispatched Mr Gore, with

two armed boats, to examine the northern arm; and the master, with two

other boats, to examine another arm that seemed to take an easterly

direction. Late in the evening they both returned. The master

reported, that the arm he had been sent to, communicated with that

from which we had last come; and that one side of it was only formed

by a group of islands. Mr Gore informed me, that he had seen the

entrance of an arm, which, he was of opinion, extended a long way to

the N.E.; and that, probably by it, a passage might be found. On the

other hand, Mr Roberts, one of the mates, whom I had sent with Mr Gore

to sketch out the parts they had examined, was of opinion, that they

saw the head of this arm. The disagreement of these two opinions,

and the circumstance already mentioned of the flood-tide entering the

Sound from the south, rendered the existence of a passage this way

very doubtful. And, as the wind in the morning had become favourable

for getting out to sea, I resolved to spend no more time in searching

for a passage in a place that promised so little success. Besides

this, I considered, that, if the land on the west should prove to be

islands, agreeably to the late Russian Discoveries,[10] we could

not fail of getting far enough to the north, and that in good time,

provided we did not lose the season in searching places, where a

passage was not only doubtful, but improbable. We were now upward

of five hundred and twenty leagues to the westward of any part of

Baffin's, or of Hudson's Bay. And whatever passage there may be, it

must be, or, at least, part of it, must lie to the north of latitude

72°.[11] Who could expect to find a passage or strait of such extent?

[Footnote 10: Captain Cook seems to take his ideas of these from Mr

Stæhlin's map, prefixed to the account of the Northern Archipelago,

published by Dr Maty. London, 1774.--D.]

[Footnote 11: On what evidence Captain Cook formed his judgment as to

this, is mentioned in the Introduction.--D.]

Having thus taken my resolution, next morning at three o'clock, we

weighed, and with a gentle breeze at north, proceeded to the southward

down the inlet, and met with the same broken ground, as on the

preceding day. However, we soon extricated ourselves from it, and

afterward never struck ground with a line of forty fathoms. Another

passage into this inlet was now discovered to the S.W. of that by

which we came in, which enabled us to shorten our way out to sea. It

is separated from the other by an island, extending eighteen leagues

in the direction of N.E. and S.W.; to which I gave the name of

_Montagu Island_.

In this S.W. channel are several islands. Those that lie in the

entrance, next the open sea, are high and rocky. But those within are

low ones; and being entirely free from snow, and covered with wood and

verdure, on this account they were called _Green Islands_.

At two in the afternoon, the wind veered to the S.W., and S.W. by S.,

which reduced us to the necessity of plying. I first stretched over

to within two miles of the eastern, shore, and tacked in fifty-three

fathoms water. In standing back to Montagu Island, we discovered a

ledge of rocks, some above, and others under water, lying three miles

to the north of the northern point of Green Islands. Afterward, some

others were seen in the middle of the channel farther out than the

islands. These rocks made unsafe plying in the night (though not very

dark); and, for that reason, we spent it standing off and on, under

Montagu Island; for the depth of water was too great to come to an

anchor.

At day-break, the next morning, the wind came more favourable, and we

steered for the channel between Montagu Island and the Green Islands,

which is between two and three leagues broad, and from thirty-four to

seventeen fathoms deep. We had but little wind all the day, and, at

eight o'clock in the evening, it was a dead calm, when we anchored in

twenty-one fathoms water, over a muddy bottom, about two miles from

the shore of Montagu's Island. The calm continued till ten o'clock the

next morning, when, it was succeeded by a small breeze from the north,

with which we weighed; and, by six o'clock in the evening, we were

again in the open sea, and found the coast trending west by south, as

far as the eye could reach.

SECTION V.

_The Inlet called Prince William's Sound.--Its Extent.--Persons of

the Inhabitants described.--Their Dress.--Incision of the

Under-lip.--Various other Ornaments.--Their Boats.--Weapons, fishing,

and hunting Instruments.--Utensils.--Tools.--Uses Iron is

applied to.--Food.--Language, and a Specimen of

it.--Animals.--Birds.--Fish.--Iron and Beads, whence received._

To the inlet, which we had now left, I gave the name of _Prince

William's Sound_. To judge of this Sound from what we saw of it,

it occupies, at least, a degree and a half of latitude, and two of

longitude, exclusive of the arms or branches, the extent of which is

not known.

The natives, who came to make us several visits while we were in the

Sound, were generally not above the common height, though many of them

were under it. They were square, or strongly-chested, and the most

disproportioned part of their body seemed to be their heads, which

were very large, with thick, short necks, and large, broad or

spreading faces, which, upon the whole, were flat. Their eyes, though

not small, scarcely bore a proportion to the size of their faces; and

their noses had full, round points, hooked, or turned up at the tip.

Their teeth were broad, white, equal in size, and evenly set. Their

hair was black, thick, straight, and strong, and their beards, in

general, thin, or wanting; but the hairs about the lips of those who

have them, were stiff or bristly, and frequently of a brown colour.

And several of the elderly men had even large and thick, but straight

beards.

Though, in general, they agree in the make of their persons, and

largeness of their heads, there is a considerable variety in their

features; but very few can be said to be of the handsome sort, though

their countenance commonly indicates a considerable share of vivacity,

good-nature, and frankness. And yet some of them had an air of

sullenness and reserve. Some of the women have agreeable faces; and

many are easily distinguishable from the men by their features,

which are more delicate; but this should be understood chiefly of the

youngest sort, or middle-aged. The complexion of some of the women,

and of the children, is white; but without any mixture of red. And

some of the men, who were seen naked, had rather a brownish or swarthy

cast, which could scarcely be the effect of any stain; for they do not

paint their bodies.

Their common dress (for men, women, and children are cloathed alike),

is a kind of close frock, or rather robe; reaching generally to the

ancles, though sometimes only to the knees. At the upper part is a

hole just sufficient to admit the head, with sleeves that reach to the

wrist. These frocks are made of the skins of different animals; the

most common of which are those of the sea-otter, grey fox, racoon, and

pine-martin, with many of seal-skins, and, in general, they are worn

with the hairy side outward. Some also have these frocks made of the

skins of fowls, with only the down remaining on them, which they glue

on other substances. And we saw one or two woollen garments like those

of Nootka. At the seams, where the different skins are sewed together,

they are commonly ornamented with tassels or fringes of narrow thongs,

cut out of the same skins. A few have a kind of cape, or collar, and

some a hood; but the other is the most common form, and seems to be

their whole dress in good weather. When it rains, they put over this

another frock, ingeniously made from the intestines of whales, or some

other large animal, prepared so skilfully, as almost to resemble

our gold-beater's leaf. It is made to draw tight round the neck; its

sleeves reach as low as the wrist, round which they are tied with a

string; and its skirts, when they are in their canoes, are drawn over

the rim of the hole in which they sit, so that no water can enter. At

the same time, it keeps the men entirely dry upward. For no water can

penetrate through it, any more than through a bladder. It must be kept

continually moist or wet, otherwise it is apt to crack or break.

This, as well as the common frock made of the skins, bears a great

resemblance to the dress of the Greenlanders, as described by

Crantz.[1]

[Footnote 1: Crantz's History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 136-138. The

reader will find in Crantz many very striking instances, in which the

Greenlanders, and Americans of Prince William's Sound, resemble each

other, besides those mentioned in this Section by Captain Cook. The

dress of the people of Prince William's Sound, as described by Captain

Cook, also agrees with that of the inhabitants of Schumagin's Islands,

discovered by Beering in 1741. Muller's words are, "Leur habillement

étoit de boyaux de baleines pour le haut du corps, et de peaux de

chiens-marins pour le bas."--_Découvertes des Russes_, p. 274.]

In general, they do not cover their legs or feet; but a few have

a kind of skin-stockings, which reach half-way up the thigh; and

scarcely any of them are without mittens for the hands, made of

the skins of bears' paws. Those who wear any thing on their heads,

resembled, in this respect, our friends at Nootka, having high

truncated conic caps, made of straw, and sometimes of wood, resembling

a seal's head well painted.

The men commonly wear the hair cropt round the neck and forehead; but

the women allow it to grow long, and most of them tie a small lock of

it on the crown, or a few club it behind, after our manner. Both sexes

have the ears perforated with several holes, about the outer and lower

part of the edge, in which they hang little bunches of beads, made of

the same tubulous shelly substance used for this purpose by those of

Nootka. The _septum_ of the nose is also perforated, through which

they frequently thrust the quill-feathers of small birds, or little

bending ornaments, made of the above shelly substance, strung on a

stiff string or cord, three or four inches long, which give them

a truly grotesque appearance. But the most uncommon and unsightly

ornamental fashion, adopted by some of both sexes, is their having the

under-lip slit, or cut, quite through, in the direction of the mouth,

a little below the swelling part. This incision, which is made even

in the sucking children, is often above two inches long, and either by

its natural retraction, when the wound is fresh, or by the repetition

of some artificial management, assumes the true shape of lips, and

becomes so large as to admit the tongue through. This happened to be

the case, when the first person having this incision was seen by

one of the seamen, who called out, that the man had two mouths, and,

indeed, it does not look unlike it. In this artificial mouth they

stick a flat narrow ornament, made chiefly out of a solid shell or

bone, cut into little narrow pieces, like small teeth, almost down to

the base or thickest part, which has a small projecting bit at each

end that supports it when put into the divided lip, the cut part then

appearing outward. Others have the lower lip only perforated into

separate holes, and then the ornament consists of as many distinct

shelly studs, whose points are pushed through these holes, and their

heads appear within the lip, as another row of teeth immediately under

their own.

These are their native ornaments. But we found many beads of European

manufacture among them, chiefly of a pale-blue colour, which they hang

in their ears, about their caps, or join to their lip-ornaments, which

have a small hole drilled in each point to which they are fastened,

and others to them, till they hang sometimes as low as the point of

the chin. But, in this last case, they cannot remove them so easily;

for, as to their own lip-ornaments, they can take them out with their

tongue, or suck them in, at pleasure. They also wear bracelets of the

shelly-beads, or others of a cylindrical shape, made of a substance

like amber, with such also as are used in their ears and noses. And so

fond are they, in general, of ornament, that they stick any thing in

their perforated lip; one man appearing with two of our iron nails

projecting from it like prongs; and another endeavouring to put a

large brass button into it.

The men frequently paint their faces of a bright red, and of a black

colour, and sometimes of a blue, or leaden colour, but not in any

regular figure; and the women, in some measure, endeavoured to imitate

them, by puncturing or staining the chin with black, that comes to a

point in each cheek; a practice very similar to which is in fashion

amongst the females of Greenland, as we learn from Crantz. Their

bodies are not painted, which may be owing to the scarcity of proper

materials; for all the colours which they brought to sell in bladders,

were in very small quantities. Upon the whole, I have no where seen

savages who take more pains than these people do, to ornament, or

rather to disfigure, their persons.

Their boats or canoes are of two sorts, the one being large and open,

and the other small and covered. I mentioned already, that in one of

the large boats were twenty women, and one man, besides children.

I attentively examined and compared the construction of this, with

Crantz's description of what he calls the great, or women's boat in

Greenland, and found that they were built in the same manner, parts

like parts, with no other difference than in the form of the head and

stern; particularly of the first, which bears some resemblance to the

head of a whale. The framing is of slender pieces of wood, over which

the skins of seals, or of other larger sea-animals, are stretched, to

compose the outside. It appeared also, that the small canoes of these

people are made nearly of the same form, and of the same materials

with those used by the Greenlanders and Esquimaux; at least the

difference is not material. Some of these, as I have before observed,

carry two men. They are broader in proportion to their length, than

those of the Esquimaux, and the head or fore-part curves somewhat like

the head of a violin.

The weapons, and instruments for fishing and hunting, are the very

same that are made use of by the Esquimaux and Greenlanders; and it

is unnecessary to be particular in my account of them, as they are all

very accurately described by Crantz. I did not see a single one with

these people that he has not mentioned, nor has he mentioned, one that

they have not. For defensive armour they have a kind of jacket, or

coat of mail, made of thin laths, bound together with sinews, which

makes it quite flexible, though so close as not to admit an arrow or

dart. It only covers the trunk of the body, and may not be improperly

compared to a woman's stays.

As none of these people lived in the bay where we anchored, or where

any of us landed, we saw none of their habitations, and I had not time

to look after them. Of their domestic utensils, they brought in their

boats some round and oval shallow dishes of wood, and others of a

cylindrical shape much deeper. The sides were made of one piece, bent

round, like our chip-boxes, though thick, neatly fastened with thongs,

and the bottoms fixed in with small wooden pegs. Others were smaller,

and of a more elegant shape, somewhat resembling a large oval

butterboat, without a handle, but more shallow, made from a piece of

wood, or horny substance. These last were sometimes neatly carved.

They had many little square bags, made of the same gut with their

outer frocks, neatly ornamented with very minute red feathers

interwoven with it, in which were contained some very fine sinews, and

bundles of small cord, made from them, most ingeniously plaited. They

also brought many chequered baskets, so closely wrought as to hold

water; some wooden models of their canoes; a good many little images,

four or five inches long, either of wood, or stuffed, which were

covered with a bit of fur, and ornamented with pieces of small quill

feathers, in imitation of their shelly beads, with hair fixed on

their heads. Whether these might be mere toys for children, or held

in veneration, as representing their deceased friends, and applied to

some superstitious purpose, we could not determine. But they have many

instruments made of two or three hoops, or concentric pieces of wood,

with a cross-bar fixed in the middle, to hold them by. To these are

fixed a great number of dried barnacle-shells, with threads, which

serve as a rattle, and make a loud noise; when they shake them. This

contrivance seems to be a substitute for the rattling-bird at Nootka;

and perhaps both of them are employed on the same occasions.[2]

[Footnote 2: The rattling-ball found by Steller, who attended Beering

in 1741, at no great distance from this Sound, seems to be for a

similar use. See Muller, p, 256.--D.]

With what tools they make their wooden utensils, frames of boats, and

other things, is uncertain; as the only one seen amongst them was a

kind of stone-adze, made almost after the manner of those of Otaheite,

and the other islands of the South Sea. They have a great many iron

knives; some of which are straight, others a little curved, and some

very small ones, fixed in pretty long handles, with the blades bent

upward, like some of our shoe-makers' instruments. But they have still

knives of another sort, which are sometimes near two feet long, shaped

almost like a dagger, with a ridge in the middle. These they wear in

sheaths of skins, hung by a thong round the neck, under their robe,

and they are, probably, only used as weapons; the other knives being

apparently applied to other purposes. Every thing they have, however,

is as well and ingeniously made, as if they were furnished with the

most complete tool-chest; and their sewing, plaiting of sinews, and

small work on their little bags, may be put in competition with the

most delicate manufactures found in any part of the known world. In

short, considering the otherwise uncivilized or rude slate in

which these people are, their northern situation, amidst a country

perpetually covered with snow, and the wretched materials they have

to work with, it appears, that their invention and dexterity, in all

manual works, are at least equal to that of any other nation.

The food which we saw them eat, was dried fish, and the flesh of some

animal, either broiled or roasted. Some of the latter that was bought,

seemed to be bear's flesh, but with a fishy taste. They also eat

the larger sort of fern root, mentioned at Nootka, either baked, or

dressed in some other way; and some of our people saw them eat

freely of a substance which they supposed to be the inner part of the

pine-bark. Their drink is most probably water; for in their boats they

brought snow in the wooden vessels, which they swallowed by mouthfuls.

Perhaps it could be carried with less trouble in these open vessels,

than water itself. Their method of eating seems decent and cleanly;

for they always took care to separate any dirt that might adhere to

their victuals. And though they sometimes did eat the raw fat of some

sea-animal, they cut it carefully into mouthfuls, with their small

knives. The same might be said of their persons, which, to appearance,

were always clean and decent, without grease or dirt; and the wooden

vessels, in which their victuals are probably put, were kept in

excellent order, as well as their boats, which were neat, and free

from lumber.

Their language seems difficult to be understood at first; not from any

indistinctness or confusion in their words and sounds, but from the

various significations they have. For they appeared to use the very

same word, frequently, on very different occasions; though doubtless

this might, if our intercourse had been of longer duration, have been

found to be a mistake on our side. The only words I could obtain, and

for them I am indebted to Mr Anderson,[3] were those that follow; the

first of which was also used at Nootka, in the same sense; though

we could not trace an affinity between the two dialects in any other

instance.

[Footnote 3: We are also indebted to him for many remarks in

this Section, interwoven with those of Captain Cook, as throwing

considerable light on many parts of his journal.--D.]