"There is not in any other country in the world a more

valuable or more enlightened body of Labour laws than those

now upon the statute book of this progressive colony. They

cover almost every risk to life, limb, health, and interest of

the industrial classes. They send the law, as it were,

everywhere a worker is employed for daily wages to fling the

shield of the state over him or her in the labour of

livelihood. The bare enumeration of these laws will indicate

the far-reaching ground they cover:—The Coal Mines Act, the

Master and Apprentices Act, the Conspiracy Law Amendment Act,

the Trade Union Act, the Servant's Registry Offices Act (for

the protection of servant girls against the risks of dishonest

offices of that kind), Contractors and Workmen's Lien Act,

three amended Employer's Liability Acts, three amended

Shipping and Seamen's Acts, two Shops and Shop-assistants

Acts, the Factories Act, and the Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act of 1894. … The Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act, passed in 1894 … has attracted much attention

outside New Zealand. An Act with a similar purpose, but

permissive in its operations, was passed … in the New South

Wales Legislature in 1892. It was limited in duration to four

years, and was not a success. The New Zealand bill was more

skilfully drawn, and, possessing the element of a gentle

compulsion, has so far achieved its aim. The Act begins by

inviting all parties to join 'in lawful association for the

purpose of protecting or furthering the interests of employers

or workmen in, or in connection with, any industry in the

colony.' Such parties as accept the legal invitation are

allowed to register themselves as 'an industrial union,' and

this step once taken they are enticed on through a network of

solicitations, provisions, and safeguards, until they find

themselves, almost without knowing it, agreeing to everything

that follows. Trades Unions, or any other labour organization,

or any combination of employers, can register as individual

bodies without a mixed association of workers and employers.

Once registered, they are in the network of arbitration:—'The

effect of registration shall be to render the industrial

union, and all persons who may be members of any society or

trade union, so registered as an industrial union at the time

of registration, or who after such registration may become

members of any society or trade union so registered, subject

to the jurisdiction by this Act given to a Board and the Court

respectively, and liable to all the provisions of this Act,

and all such persons shall be bound by the rules of the

industrial union during the continuance of the membership.' …

'Every industrial agreement duly made and executed shall be

binding on the parties thereto, and on every person who at any

time during the term of such agreement is a member of any

industrial union, trade union, or association party thereto,

and on every employer who shall in the prescribed manner

signify to the Registrar of the Supreme Court where such

agreement is filed concurrence therein, and every such

employer shall be entitled to the benefit thereof, and be

deemed to be a party thereto.' … 'In and for every district

there shall be established a Board of Conciliation, to have

jurisdiction for the settlement of industrial disputes

occurring in such district, which may be referred to it by one

or more of the parties to an industrial dispute, or by

industrial agreement.' … 'Every Board shall consist of such

equal number of persons as the Governor may determine, being

not more than six nor less than four persons, who shall be

chosen by the industrial unions of employers and of workmen in

the industrial district respectively, such unions voting

separately, and electing an equal number of such members.' …

Should this body itself be unable to come to a satisfactory

decision it may refer the matter in question to a small

committee of its members fairly representing each side. If a

settlement or reconciliation be unattainable in this way,

either party to the dispute can appeal to the Court of

Arbitration, which is constituted as follows:—'There shall be

one Court of Arbitration for the whole colony for the

settlement of industrial disputes pursuant to this Act. … The

Court shall consist of three members to be appointed by the

Governor, one to be so appointed on the recommendation of the

councils or a majority of the councils of the industrial

associations of workmen in the colony, and one to be so

appointed on the recommendation of the councils or a majority

of the councils of the industrial associations of employers of

the colony.' … 'No recommendation shall be made as to the

third member, who shall be a Judge of the Supreme Court, and

shall be appointed from time to time by the Governor, and

shall be President of the Court.'"

_M. Davitt,

Life and Progress in Australasia,

chapter 68._

Honorable W. P. Reeves, lately Agent-General of New Zealand in

England, but who was Minister of Education and Labor in New

Zealand from 1891 to 1896, and who is looked upon as the

principal author of the industrial arbitration laws in that

colony, wrote, during the summer of 1900, on the working of

those laws, in an article contributed to the "London Express,"

as follows:

"The arbitration law has been in constant use in New Zealand

for about four years and a half. During those years there has

never been a time when there has not been a dispute pending

before one or other of the Conciliation Boards or the Central

Arbitration Court. Writing, as I do, at some distance from

London, I cannot say from memory what the exact number of

disputes finally adjusted has been; but, so far, they cannot

be less than sixty or seventy. Most of these have been

carried, on appeal from some Conciliation Board, to the

Arbitration Court and settled there. In about two cases out of

seven the Conciliation Boards have been able successfully to

arrange the disputes. Even where they have not done so, it by

no means follows that their labors have been useless. Very

often the appeal to the Arbitration Court is merely on one or

two points out of many involved, and the advice of the

Conciliation Board is accepted on the others. Often, too, most

of the parties to a dispute have been ready to accept a board's

suggestions, but it has needed the firm hand of the

Arbitration Court to bring one or two stubborn men to

acquiescence.

{329}

"The process may be tedious, but it is not costly. Lawyers are

not employed as counsel before either the boards or the court

unless all parties to the action agree thereto, and they very

seldom do agree. A firm of employers may appear by a manager

or accredited representative, a trade union is usually

represented by its Secretary or other official. During the

hearing, of course, the factories concerned remain open, and

work goes on as usual. Employers are secured not only against

a dead stop of business, but against the meaner kinds of

competition of undercutting rivals. In the organized trades

all the shops of a district have to keep the same hours and

pay the same wages. No man may filch trade from a neighbor by

sweating his own people. The fair-minded employer now knows

where he is, and is freed from many anxieties.

"For six years there has virtually been neither strike nor

lockout in New Zealand. All these, except the first, have been

years of remarkable and increasing prosperity. During the time

of depression which came before them, wages had fallen. With

improving times employers would have been faced by resolute

demands from trade unions for a return to former high rates of

pay, and had there been no arbitration system in working order

a series of very bitter conflicts must have ensued. This has

been avoided. Workmen and workwomen have gained notable

advances of pay, and also improved conditions as to hours of

labor and otherwise. But this has come about gradually, and

only after careful and painstaking inquiry. Many of the

demands of labor have been refused; many more have been

modified. In no case has an industry been throttled or

crippled. Not only can we claim that no factory has been

closed for a single day in New Zealand by labor war, but we

can claim that the peace thus obtained has not been bought at

the dear price of hampered industry and discouraged

enterprise.

"When the Arbitration act came into operation the number of

hands returned as employed in the registered factories was

about 26,000. It is now not far short of 50,000. A percentage

of this striking increase may be due to more thorough

registration. Far the larger part of it represents an actual

increase of industry. During these years the imports and

exports of the colony have grown apace. The revenue received

from the customs, from the income tax, from the stamps, and

the railways has risen in each case rapidly. Employment from

being scarce has grown plentiful. Building has been brisk in

all centres of population. The marriage rate has gone up. In a

word, New Zealand shows all the signs which we connect with a

highly prosperous country. It would be too much to claim that

this is chiefly due to the working of the Arbitration act. It

is perfectly fair, however, to claim that the Arbitration act

and the improved condition of labor, and of confidence which

it has brought about, have had some share in leading up to

this happy state of things.

"It is frequently asked, How could you possibly enforce an

award of the Arbitration Court upon an employer or a union

stubbornly determined to go to all lengths rather than obey

it? In the first place, for nearly five years the law has been

in constant use without a single exhibition of this desperate

resistance. That alone should be evidence of some weight that

such a duel is not likely in a British community. It is quite

true that an employer could go out of business rather than

obey an award, and that the court could not prevent him from

doing so. But employers are not given to ruining themselves

merely because they may not like the decision of an impartial

tribunal. It is suggested that the decision itself might be

ruinous. There need be no fear of that. Experience has shown

that if arbitrators err at all it is almost invariably in the

direction of overcaution. They may show too great a desire to

'split the difference'; they are not in the least likely to

impose intolerable conditions either upon masters or men. An

employer who has the choice between accepting a legal decision

arrived at after painstaking inquiry, and being taken into

court and fined, will almost always accept the decision. In a

very few cases he may run the risk of being fined once, but he

will not lay himself open to a second penalty. That is the New

Zealand experience.

"On the other hand, it has been flatly declared that the court

cannot coerce trade unions. Vivid pictures have been painted

of the tragic absurdity of endeavoring to collect fines from

trade unionists by distraining on the goods of poor workmen

whose union is without funds, and who are themselves

penniless. The answer to that is that poverty-stricken unions,

composed of penniless workers, are only too thankful to accept

the decision of a State tribunal. They cannot strike against a

powerful employer; much less can they hope to starve out a

court of arbitration. Its decision may not altogether please

them, but it is all they are likely to get. The Arbitration

Court, therefore, is as potent to deal with trade unions as

with employers. Wealthy unions it can fine. Penniless unions

are helpless to fight it. Finally, at its back is the mighty

force of public opinion, which is sick of labor wars and

determined that the experiment of judicial adjustment shall

have a full and fair trial."

The full text of the New Zealand "Industrial Conciliation and

Arbitration Act" is published in pamphlet form by the United

States Department of Labor, and appeared also in one of the

Bulletins of the Department, in 1900.

NEW ZEALAND:

Land system.

"The Crown lands of New Zealand are administered under 'the

land act, 1892,' and the regulations made thereunder. The

distinguishing features of the present land system are the

outcome of ideas which have been gradually coming to maturity

for some years past in this colony. These features involve the

principle of State ownership of the soil, with a perpetual

tenancy in the occupier. This, whatever may be the difference

in detail, is the prevailing characteristic of the several

systems under which land may now be selected. In New Zealand,

this tendency to State ownership has taken a more pronounced

form than in any other of the Australasian colonies, and the

duration of the leases has become so extended as to warrant

the name, frequently given to them, of 'everlasting leases.'

In point of fact, most of the Crown lands are now disposed of

for terms of 999 years. The rentals are based on the assessed

value of the land at the time of disposal, without increase or

recurring valuations.

{330}

Under this system there is a fixity of tenure practically

equal to freehold, and which, like freehold, necessarily

carries with it the power of sale, sub-lease, mortgage, or

disposition by will. Since all lands held under the Crown 'by

lease in perpetuity' are subject to the land tax, the

necessity for the periodical revaluations under the

perpetual-lease system is done away with, the State reaping

the advantage of the unearned increment through the

before-mentioned tax. At the same time, the improvements made

in the soil by cultivation, etc., are secured to the tenant.

"The advantages of this system to the selector are manifest.

When it is taken into consideration that, with few exceptions,

the Crown lands are, in their prairie condition, incapable of

producing anything until brought into cultivation, the

advantage to the settler of setting free his capital to

develop the capabilities of the soil, rather than having to

expend it in the purchase of a freehold, is very apparent. One

of the most striking benefits of this system is the advantage

it gives to the poor man, who, with little more capital than

his strong right arm, is enabled to make a home for himself,

which, under the freehold system, he is frequently unable to

accomplish. The values placed on the Crown lands are, as a

rule, low, for the State does not so much seek to raise a

revenue directly therefrom as to encourage the occupation of

the lands by the people; this secures indirectly an increased

revenue, besides other advantages, resulting from a numerous

rural population.

"Again, underlying the whole of the New Zealand land system is

a further application of the principle of 'the land for the

people,' viz, the restriction in area which any man may hold.

This subject has been forced upon the attention of the

legislature by defects in former systems, under which one

individual with means at his command could appropriate large

areas, to the exclusion of his poorer fellow-settler. Under

conditions where the price at which the land is offered is

fixed and where choice of selection is by ballot, the poor

settler has the same chance as the rich one and may, should he

wish it, hold as much land. The limit that a selector may hold

is so fixed as to encourage the class of small farmers, and up to

that limit the amount he may select is left entirely to

himself. The act defines the amount of land anyone may select

at 640 acres of first-class or 2,000 acres of second-class

land, inclusive of any land he may already hold. These limits

apply to lands which are thrown open for 'free selection,' as

it is termed, but in some cases, where found desirable, the

limit is by regulation made much smaller.

"In addition to the many advantages offered by the

'lease-in-perpetuity' system, the land act provides others to

meet the wants of different classes. The rule is almost

invariable that land thrown open for so-called 'free

selection' is offered to the public under three different

tenures, and the choice left entirely to the would-be settler.

The three tenures are:

(1) For cash, in which one-fourth of the purchase-money is

paid down at once, and the remainder within thirty days. The

title does not issue until certain improvements have been made

on the land.

(2) Lease with a purchasing clause, at a 5-per-cent rental on

the value of the land; the lease being for twenty-five years,

with the right to purchase at the original upset price at any

time after the first ten years.

(3) Lease in perpetuity, at a rental of 4 per cent on the

capital value, as already described above.

"The present [1895] land laws have been in force since the 1st

of November, 1892, and, therefore, the returns of the

Department of Lands and Survey for the year ending the 31st of

March, 1895, will give a fair idea of the proportions in which

lands are selected under the three tenures above described

during the past two and a half years. The figures given below

include the 'special settlements,' all of which must by law be

held on lease in perpetuity:

(1) Selected for cash, 1,542; area, 110,570 acres.

(2) Occupation with right of purchase, 1,060; area, 236,270

acres.

(3) Lease in perpetuity, 3,224; area, 634,086 acres.

"'The land act, 1892,' provides for a special class of

settlement, which has found favor with the public to a very

considerable extent during the last two years. This is known

as the 'small-farm association' system. It provides that,

where not less than twelve individuals have associated

themselves together for mutual help, such an association can,

with the approval of the Minister of Lands, select a block of

land of not more than 11,000 acres, but there must be a

selector to each 200 acres in the block. The extreme limit

that one person may hold is fixed at 320 acres. Settlements of

this class are held on 'lease in perpetuity' for 999 years, in

the same way as lands under the same tenure when thrown open

for free selection. The conditions of residence and

improvements are the same."

_S. Percy Smith,

in New Zealand Official Year-Book, 1895

(reprinted in United States Consular Reports,

January, 1897, page 4)._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899.

Old-Age Pension Act.

In the winter of 1899 an old-age pension act was added to the

radical legislation of New Zealand. The Agent-General for New

Zealand in England has described the measure in a review

article, as follows: "As finally licked into shape, the act is

one for giving a small pension to the poorest section of aged

colonists without any contribution on their part whatever.

Briefly summarized, its effect will be that any New

Zealander—man or woman—who has come to the age of sixty-five,

after living not less than twenty-five years in New Zealand,

shall be entitled to 6s. 11d. a week, or £18 a year. The full

pension is to be paid to those whose income from any source is

less than £34. When the private income is above £34 a year £1

is deducted from the pension for every £1 of such excess

income. When, therefore, the private income is large enough to

be £18 a year in excess of £34 no state pension is paid. In

other words, no one who has an income of £52 a year is

entitled to even a fraction of the pension. A rather more

elaborate portion of the act deals with deductions to be made

from the pension where the applicant for it is possessed of

accumulated property. Under this the applicant's real and

personal property are assessed, and his debts, if any, are

subtracted from the total value thereof. Then he is allowed to

own £325 without suffering any deduction therefor. After that

he loses £1 of pension for every £15 worth of accumulated

property. The result is that any one possessed of £600 worth

of accumulated property ceases to be entitled to any allowance

whatever. Men and women are equally entitled to the pension, and

where a husband and wife are living together their property or

income is divided by two for the purpose of the calculations

above mentioned. That is to say, their united income must

amount to £104 or their united property to £1,200 before they

are altogether disentitled to any part of the pension. They

may have, between them, an income of £68, or as much as £650

of property, and yet be entitled to draw their respective

pensions in full."

{331}

The government is only authorized to pay the required amounts

during three years from the passage of the Act, after which

Parliament will have to decide on its continuance or

amendment. Mr. Reeves expects that "the opposition will, more

or less in unison, submit a rival old-age pension scheme to

the constituencies. One of their prominent members, Mr. George

Hutchison, indicated in the debate on the third reading of the

measure scheme which some think will be generally adopted by

his party. This is to draw a distinction between the older

poor of the colony now living and the younger generation of

colonists. All now over fifty years of age are to be permitted

as they attain sixty-five to take advantage of Mr. Seddon's

act without let or hindrance. But for the younger people a

contributory scheme is to be drawn up, under which they would

have to pay some such sum as sixpence a week, to go in aid of

a substantial pension in their old age. Whatever may be

thought of the economic merits of such a scheme, it might

conceivably be expected at election-time to disarm the

hostility of the aged poor to any such interference with their

prospects under the present system as would be entailed by a

complete repeal of the Seddon act."

_National Review, February, 1899._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (March).

Looking towards federation with Australia.

New Zealand did not take part in the movements which led to

the federation of the Australian colonies in the Commonwealth

of Australia, but watched them with evident interest and a

final wakening of inclination to be joined in union with them.

When the Act of the Imperial Parliament "to constitute the

Commonwealth of Australia" was under discussion in England

(see, in this volume, AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900), the

Agent-General for New Zealand in London addressed to the

Colonial Office (March 30, 1900) the following Memorandum,

which explains the attitude of that colony towards the

federation movement in Australia: "The Government of New

Zealand desires to secure the insertion of certain amendments

in the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Bill shortly to

be laid before the Imperial Parliament. These amendments are

three in number. The first of them is, in effect, that New

Zealand should preserve the right of joining the proposed

Commonwealth of Australia on the same terms as the original

States now about to be united in such Commonwealth. The second

is, that while New Zealand remains outside the Commonwealth,

litigants in her higher Courts, though reserving the right

they now possess to appeal to the Queen in Council, should, as

an alternative, have the right to appeal to the High Court of

Australia on paying the fees and complying with the rules of

that tribunal. The third amendment is, that the Australian

Commonwealth and the Colony of New Zealand should be empowered

to make the necessary arrangements to employ their naval and

military forces for mutual aid and defence, including

operations outside their own boundaries, and for that purpose

to co-operate in forming a homogeneous Australasian force.

"The importance of the first amendment to New Zealand is

great. The Colony is divided from Australia by 1,200 miles of

unbroken sea. It still takes from four to five days for

persons quitting New Zealand to reach any port in Australia.

Though a large and valuable trade is carried on between the

two countries, and though New Zealand is linked to Australia,

not merely by financial ties, but by bonds of intercourse,

cordial friendship, and sympathy, she has also vital and

separate interests. Many, also, of the leading matters on

which the discussions on Federation in Australia during the

last 12 years have turned are topics with which the New

Zealand people is almost unacquainted. It is therefore only to

be expected that the Colony should watch the Federal movement

with caution and reserve. It is also true that, until June of

last year, New Zealand was unable to judge as to the

intentions of the great Colony of New South Wales with regard

to the Commonwealth Bill. It was not until the month of

September that Queensland decided to enter the Commonwealth;

Western Australia has not even yet done so. And it was

directly after the decision of Queensland had become known

that, in response to a request from Sir John Forrest, the

leading statesmen of Australia intimated that, in their

opinion, it was impossible to consider any further amendments

of the Commonwealth Bill. From that moment the only course

left open to New Zealand has been that now taken. About that

time there appeared in New Zealand evidences of the growth of

a feeling in the Colony in favour of a closer union with

Australia. This was on the eve of the general elections, and

Mr. Seddon, the Prime Minister, then defined his position,

stating that the future relations of New Zealand with

Australia were a matter for education and careful examination:

that for himself he kept an open mind, but that prudent

deliberation was advisable. At the general elections which

took place in December last, Mr. Seddon was returned to power

with an unusually large majority. It may therefore very safely

be assumed that this cautious but not hostile attitude fairly

represents the present view of the people of the Colony. Some

stress may be laid on the foregoing facts in view of the

possible objection that New Zealand's action now comes too

late. The Colony virtually asks that, in view of its position

of distance and difficulty, it should have more time given it

to make up its mind than has been found necessary by colonies

which are contiguous or almost so. If it should be proposed to

fix a limit of time to this, that would clearly be a matter

for reasonable consideration.

"In so far as the second amendment would give certain New

Zealand litigants a right of resort to the High Court of

Australia, it is scarcely likely to meet with objection in

Australia unless on the general ground that no amendment

whatever of the Commonwealth Bill is now desirable. In the

event of the amendment being admitted, it is obvious that

certain precautions might have to be taken to conserve the

existing rights of New Zealand litigants, and also to prevent

clashing of appeals, but doubtless these could be provided

for. The third amendment, that providing for a species of

partial federation for purposes of defence and mutual

assistance, seems not only desirable but unobjectionable in

every way.

{332}

It does not propose that any kind of compulsion should be

applied to either the Commonwealth or New Zealand: it merely

empowers them to make such arrangements as may be deemed

mutually advantageous. At present it seems more than doubtful

whether either the Commonwealth or the Colony has the power to

make simple, binding and effective arrangements which would

involve operations and expenditure outside their own

boundaries, and under which each would have to act so as to

affect colonists not subject to their respective

jurisdictions. Recent events have clearly shown that the time

has passed by for regarding the military forces of a colony as

something never to be employed outside of its own boundaries. I

need not point out that such a co-operation would be of value

not only to Australia and New Zealand, but to the Empire which

both are so anxious to serve."

The reply of the Colonial Office to this Memorandum set forth

that its suggestions had been submitted to the delegates of

the federating colonies and did not meet their approval. "They

pointed out that during the period of grace proposed to be

allowed circumstances might arise which would cause grave

embarrassment to the Commonwealth if it were open to New

Zealand to claim admission on the same terms as the original

States, and that Article 121 of the draft Bill provided

sufficiently for the admission of New Zealand at any time upon

such conditions as might be found mutually acceptable to the

Colony and the Commonwealth." It was added that "the suggested

amendments as to the appeal from New Zealand Courts to the

High Court of Australia, and the arrangements for mutual

defence, would, if undertaken now, lead to great delay, and

involve a fresh referendum to the people of the Federating

Colonies, while there does not appear to be any probability

that the Federation would not favourably entertain any

proposals of the kind, if put forward after Federation."

In the Constitution Act as passed, however, New Zealand is

mentioned specifically among the "States" to which its

provisions may apply, though not included in what relates to

the "Original States."

See (in this volume)

CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

_Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command:

Cd. 158, 1900, pages 30-31, and 51)._

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (October).

Annexation of the Cook Islands.

A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from Rarotonga,

the largest of the Cook (or Hervey) Islands, on the 10th of

October, 1900, reported the arrival there of the Earl of

Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, for the purpose of

effecting the annexation of the islands to that colony, in

accordance with the expressed wish of the natives. "Lord

Ranfurly," he writes, "landed this morning, and, as the

representative of her Majesty, addressed the Arikis, or high

chiefs, on the question of annexation, for which they had

asked. This is his second visit to the island, and he

congratulated the people on now finding such a satisfactory

condition of affairs in Rarotonga. He expressed pleasure at

their liberality in subscribing so large a sum of money for

the relief of those families who, in the fortunes of the war

in South Africa, might lose their main support, and in sending

one of their representative residents to represent them on the

field of battle. All this and much more about the interest

they took in the British Empire the Queen was aware of, and

their petition for annexation had been laid at the foot of the

Throne and duly considered. He urged them, however, to

consider carefully their decision in this matter, and,

further, that it should be arrived at of their own free and

untrammelled will. He had heard from the British Resident that

the high chiefs and all the people wanted annexation, but he

wished to hear it from their own lips. It would then remain

but for them to perform the act of cession to her Majesty, and

for him formally to annex the group, hoisting the British

flag, and proclaiming that from henceforth they were part of

the British Empire whose prestige and honour they would from

that moment share. The high chiefs unanimously agreed to

annexation. … There are 2,300 Maoris on this island and 70

Europeans. All are intensely loyal to Queen Victoria. The

island was discovered in 1823 by Messrs. Williams and Bourne,

two officers of the London Mission Society, which for many

years has had its headquarters for the Eastern Pacific located

here. The volcanic soil of the island is marvellously fertile,

coffee, cocoa, cotton, oranges, limes, cocoanuts and many

other tropic fruits and trees growing without almost any

cultivation. A British protectorate was declared over the

group by Captain Bourke, of H. M. S. Hyacinth, in 1888. Since

1892 the interests of the protectorate have been guarded and

directed by a British Resident, paid by the New Zealand

Government, so that the islands will now probably be included

within the boundaries of that colony. Nearly the whole of the

trade is with New Zealand. There are six islands in the group

annexed [700 miles southeast of Samoa] the total population of

which is about 4,500." The "Times," commenting on the

annexation, remarked: "The New Zealand Legislature has passed

resolutions expressing its desire that the Suwaroff Island, to

the north of the Cook group and about half-way to the Penrhyn

group, should also be annexed to the colony. This island,

although thinly inhabited, is said to possess one of the best

ports in that part of the Pacific. The only quarter from which

any protest against the acquisition of the Cook Islands has

come so far seems to be New South Wales, which fears the

influence of the introduction of the New Zealand tariff on its

trade with that place."

----------NEW ZEALAND: End--------

NIAGARA, Electric power at.

See (in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

NICARAGUA.

Nicaragua Canal.

See (in this volume)

CENTRAL AMERICA; also,

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC; and

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

NICHOLAS II. OF RUSSIA:

Coronation.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (MAY-JUNE).

NICHOLSON'S NEK, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

NIFFER,

NUFFAR, Explorations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

{333}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

History of the formation of the Niger Coast Protectorate.

Conventions of Great Britain with Germany and France.

Settlement of the boundary of the French Sudan and

Sahara Sphere.

The following "Notes on the Niger Districts and Niger Coast

Protectorates, 1882-1893," tracing the several steps by which

the existing Protectorate was formed, appear in a paper

"presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her

Majesty, 1899 (C.—9372)":

"In 1882 a Company, entitled the 'National African Company,

Limited,' was formed to take over the business of the 'United

Africa Company, Limited,' in Central Africa and in the Niger

Regions. In October, 1884, the Company purchased the business

and objects of the 'Compagnie Française de l'Afrique

Equatoriale.' In the same year various treaties were concluded

between Consul Hewett and native chiefs of the Niger Districts,

by which these territories were placed under British

protection. On the 26th February, 1885, the General Act of the

Berlin Conference was signed, Chapter V. of which contained an

'Act of Navigation for the Niger,' which applied, generally,

to the Niger and its affluents the free navigation articles of

the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 1815. In

April-June, 1885, the British and German Governments entered

into an Agreement, by an exchange of Notes, defining their

respective spheres of action in the Gulf of Guinea. By this

Agreement Germany engaged not to make acquisition, accept

Protectorates, or interfere with the extension of British

influence in that part of the Gulf of Guinea lying between the

right river bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey entering the

sea between 8° 42' and 8° 46' longitude east of Greenwich and

the British colony of Lagos, nor in the interior, to west of a

line following the right river bank of the Rio del Rey from

the said mouth to its source, thence striking direct to the

left river bank of the Old Calabar or Cross River, and

terminating, after crossing that river, at the point about 9°

8' of longitude east of Greenwich, marked 'Rapids' on the

English Admiralty chart.

"On the 5th June, 1885, a Notification was inserted in the

'London Gazette' to the effect that a British Protectorate had

been established over the Niger Districts; the territories

comprised within the Protectorate were defined to be—the line

of coast between the British Protectorate of Lagos, and the

right or western bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey; and

also the territories on both banks of the Niger, from its

confluence with the River Benué at Lukoja to the sea, as well

as the territories on both banks of the River Benué, from the

confluence up to and including Ibi. On the 10th July, 1886, a

Royal Charter was granted to the 'National African Company,

Limited.' In July-August, 1886, a Supplementary Agreement was

entered into between the British and German Governments

defining their respective spheres of action in the Gulf of

Guinea from the Rio del Rey to a point to the east and near to

Yola. On the 18th October, 1887, another Notification was

inserted in the 'London Gazette,' in which it was stated that

the British Protectorate of the Niger Districts then comprised

the following territories:—On the line of coast between the

British Protectorate of Lagos and the right or western river

bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey, and all territories in

the basin of the Niger and its affluents, which were or might

be for the time being subject to the government of the

'National African Company, Limited' (then called the 'Royal

Niger Company'), in accordance with the provisions of the

Charter of the said Company, dated 10th July, 1886.

"On the 5th August, 1890, a Declaration was signed by the

British and French Governments, which contained the following

clause:—'The Government of Her Britannic Majesty recognises

the sphere of influence of France to the south of her

Mediterranean Possessions up to a line from Say on the Niger

to Barrawa on Lake Tchad, drawn in such manner as to comprise

in the sphere of action of the Niger Company all that fairly

belongs to the kingdom of Sokoto; the line to be determined by

Commissioners to be appointed.' On the 1st July, 1890, another

Agreement was entered into between the British and German

Governments defining their spheres of influence in the Gulf of

Guinea and in other parts of Africa. On the 18th June, 1892,

that portion of the Niger Protectorate which lies on, or to

the north of, the 7 degree of north latitude was, by

notification to the Signatory Powers of the Brussels Act,

placed under the terms of Article 91 of that Act, within the

zone of prohibition of alcoholic liquors. On the 14th April,

1893, an agreement was signed between the British and German

Governments, in which it was declared that the right bank of

the Rio del Rey waterway should be the boundary between the

Oil Rivers Protectorate and the Colony of the Cameroons.

"On the 13th May, 1893, a Notification was inserted in the

'London Gazette,' announcing that the portion of the British

Protectorate of the Niger Districts which was under the

administration of Her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul would,

from the date of that Notification, be administered under the

name of the 'Niger Coast Protectorate,' and would cease to be

known as the 'Oil Rivers Protectorate.' And on the 15th

November, 1893, a further Agreement was signed between the

British and German Governments defining the boundary between

their respective spheres of influence in the region extending

from the Rio del Rey to 'a point to the east of, and close to

Yola,' and on Lake Chad.

"Between 1884 and 1893 numerous Treaties were concluded by the

National Africa Company and by the Royal Niger Company with

native Chiefs and others possessing territories in the basin

of the Niger districts, by which they engaged to make no

cession of territory or to enter into any Treaty negotiations

with Foreign States without the previous consent of the

British Government, and in return for which they were placed

under British protection."

_Great Britain,

Parliamentary Publications

(Papers by Command, C.—9372)._

{334}

In October, 1897, after a number of threatening collisions

between English and French claims and undertakings had

occurred in the Niger region, representatives of the two

nations met in Paris to negotiate an agreement concerning

boundaries. The result of their work was embodied in a

convention signed June 14, 1898, but not ratified by both

governments until June 13, 1899. By this agreement, the

frontiers separating the British colony of the Gold Coast from

the French colonies of the Ivory Coast and Sudan, and the British

colony of Lagos from the French colony of Dahomey, were

defined with precision, and the British and French possessions

east of the Niger were then in the IVth article of the

Convention, delimited as follows: Starting from a point on the

left bank of the Niger which is fixed by the median line of

the Dallul Mauri at its mouth, "the frontier shall follow this

median line until it meets the circumference of a circle drawn

from the centre of the town of Sokoto with a radius of 100

miles (160,932 metres). From this point it shall follow the

northern are of this circle as far as its second intersection

with the 14th parallel of north latitude. From this second

point of intersection it shall follow this parallel eastward

for a distance of 70 miles (112,652 metres); then proceed due

south until it reaches the parallel of 13° 20' north latitude,

then eastward along this parallel for a distance of 250 miles

(402,230 metres); then due north until it regains the 14th

parallel of north latitude; then eastwards along this parallel

as far as its intersection with the meridian passing 35° east

of the centre of the town of Kuka, and thence this meridian

southward until its intersection with the southern shore of

Lake Chad. The Government of the French Republic recognizes,

as falling within the British sphere, the territory to the

east of the Niger, comprised within the above-mentioned line,

the Anglo-German frontier, and the sea. The Government of Her

Britannic Majesty recognizes, as falling within the French

sphere, the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Lake

Chad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of

the 14th degree of north latitude, with the western shore of

the lake and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake

of the frontier determined by the Franco-German Convention of

the 15th March, 1894."

On the 21st of March, 1899, the following Declaration was

added to the Convention, and ratified with it in the following

June: "The IVth Article of the Convention of the 14th June,

1898, shall be completed by the following provisions, which

shall be considered as forming an integral part of it:

"1. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engages not to acquire

either territory or political influence to the west of the

line of frontier defined in the following paragraph, and the

Government of the French Republic engages not to acquire

either territory or political influence to the east of the

same line.

"2. The line of frontier shall start from the point where the

boundary between the Congo Free State and French territory

meets the water-parting between the watershed of the Nile and

that of the Congo and its affluents. It shall follow in

principle that water-parting up to its intersection with the

11th parallel of north latitude. From this point it shall be

drawn as far as the 15th parallel in such manner as to

separate, in principle, the Kingdom of Wadai from what

constituted in 1882 the Province of Darfur; but it shall in no

case be so drawn as to pass to the west beyond the 21st degree

of longitude east of Greenwich (18° 40' east of Paris), or to

the east beyond the 23rd degree of longitude east of Greenwich

(20° 40' east of Paris).

"3. It is understood, in principle, that to the north of the

15th parallel the French zone shall be limited to the

northeast and east by a line which shall start from the point

of intersection of the Tropic of Cancer with the 16th degree

of longitude east of Greenwich (13° 40' east of Paris), shall

run thence to the southeast until it meets the 24th degree of

longitude east of Greenwich (21° 40' east of Paris), and shall

then follow the 24th degree until it meets, to the north of

the 15th parallel of latitude, the frontier of Darfur as it

shall eventually be fixed.

"4. The two Governments engage to appoint Commissioners who

shall be charged to delimit on the spot a frontier-line in

accordance with the indications given in paragraph 2 of this

Declaration. The result of their work shall be submitted for

the approbation of their respective Governments.

"It is agreed that the provisions of Article IX of the

Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall apply equally to the

territories situated to the south of the 14° 20' parallel of

north latitude, and to the north of the 5th parallel of north

latitude, between the 14° 20' meridian of longitude east of

Greenwich (12th degree east of Paris) and the course of the

Upper Nile."

_Great Britain,

Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 15, 1899._

Of the territorial partition in West Africa which this

important treaty as first signed in 1898 determined, and of

the magnitude of the empire which it conceded to France, a

striking English view was given at the time in the following

article:

"Though we are perfectly satisfied with the agreement, and

though we believe that the country as a whole will be

perfectly satisfied, we do not disguise from ourselves the

fact that under the Convention France receives the full

title-deeds for the most magnificent piece of empire obtained

this century by any European Power,—a dominion which, though

'in partibus infidelium,' is yet within easy reach of both the

western and the southern shores of France. We do not grudge

France the great possession that was finally rounded off and

consolidated on Tuesday; nay, rather we are glad to see it in

her hands, for we want monopoly neither in trade nor in

empire. We see, however, no good in pretending that she has

not obtained the most magnificent opportunity for over-sea

development which has fallen to any Power within recent times.

The best way of understanding the Convention is to realise

what it is that France now possesses in West Africa. Let our

readers look at a map of Africa, and first fix their eyes on

Algiers and Tunis, with their rich soil and splendid harbours

and their remains of an ancient and splendid

civilisation,—Phœnician, Greek, Roman, Christian, and Arab.

Then let them allow their eyes to travel downwards to the

right bank of the greatest river of Africa, the Congo. From

Constantine, with its great memories and its scenery almost

European in charm and splendour, to Brazzaville and Stanley

Pool, with their tropical vegetation and savage life, there is

a continuous and uninterrupted stretch of French territory. As

they say in our country districts, the French President might now

ride on his own land from Tunis to Loango. The French dominion

of West Africa (as says an official 'communique' to the Paris

Press with very natural exultation) now extends over a space

as great as that from Paris to Moscow. From Algeria to the

Congo, from Senegal to Lake Chad—i. e., almost to the centre

of Africa—stretches this vast tract of French territory. 'At

the present moment,' to quote the words of the 'communique,'

'all our West African colonies—Algeria, Tunis, Senegal,

Futa-Jallon, the Ivory Coast, the Soudan, and the Congo—are in

communication by their respective Hinterlands.'

{335}

"But probably this will not convey much to the ordinary

English reader. Perhaps we can best make him realise the

immensity of the French West African Empire by pointing out

that, with the exception of certain great German and English

and other 'enclaves' the whole of the huge piece of Africa

which bulges out on the map towards the west now belongs to

France. She has all the connecting links, all that does not

specifically belong to some one else, and she cuts off short

the Hinterlands of all the Powers with possessions on the West

African coast. Let us begin at the most western point of the

coast-line of Tripoli in the Mediterranean, and travel round

the coast, marking off all that is not French.

"First, we come to Tunis,—that is in the possession of France

just as Egypt is in our possession. Algiers comes next,—that

is French. Then Morocco. Morocco is at present independent,

but at the back of Morocco all the land, be it desert or

cultivable, is French. Next comes a strip of Spanish coast,

but it goes only a very little way inland, and all the back

country is French. Next come the great French colonies of

Senegambia and Futa-Jallon, with two little colonies embedded

in them, one belonging to us—the Gambia—and the other

belonging to Portugal. Next come our Sierra Leone and

independent Liberia, but here again the Hinterlands are all

French. Next comes the French Ivory Coast colony, then the

British Gold Coast, then German Togoland, and then French

Dahomey. Here again all the Hinterlands beyond, say, four

hundred miles inland, belong, since the signing of the

Convention, to France. After that comes our Colony of Lagos,

then the German Cameroons, and finally the French Congo—the

last French possession in West Africa. Here, too, the

Hinterlands have been cut off by the French, and our Colonies

have been made into 'enclaves' in the mighty French dominion.

It is true that the Niger or Lagos 'enclave' is a very vast

one, and stretches now up to Lake Chad, which becomes

henceforth as international a sheet of water as the Lake of

Constance. Still, it is an 'enclave,' for, as we read the

Convention, he who embarks upon Lake Chad from the British

shore and steers eastward will land on French territory. In

other words, Nigeria cannot now cross Lake Chad and expand

beyond it. We should be glad to hear that this is not the true

reading of the Convention, but we fear it is. We have

travelled, then, round the map of Africa, from Tunis to the

Congo, and found that France is everywhere the chief owner,

—that hers is the great estate, and that the other Powers only

have odd bits of land here and there. We do not say this in

any grumbling spirit, for our odd bit—Nigeria—is very possibly

worth as much as the great estate if Algiers and Tunis are not

counted. We merely wish to make the public understand clearly

that West Africa as a political and geographical expression

has finally passed to France, though we no doubt have carved

one very valuable piece out of it."

_The Spectator (London)

June 18, 1898._

Nine months later, when the agreement embodied in the

Declaration of March 21, 1899, had been added to the Original

convention, the "Spectator" explained its effect as follows:

"It will be remembered that last year we and the French agreed

upon a delimitation of 'spheres' in West Africa which extended

as far as Lake Chad. As to the country east of Lake Chad

nothing was said. It was left as a kind of No-man's Land. What

has now been done is to extend the area of the French 'sphere'

eastward beyond Lake Chad till it reaches Darfur and the

Bahr-el-Ghazel. Darfur and the region of the Bahr-el-Ghazel

are declared to be in the English 'sphere.' All the rest of

Northern Central Africa is to become French. France, that is,

is to have the great Mahommedan State of Wadai as well as

Baghirmi and Kanem. In the territory between Lake Chad and the

Nile each Power, however, is to allow the other equality of

treatment in matters of commerce. This will no doubt allow

France to have commercial establishments on the Nile and its

affluents, but it will also allow us to have similar

privileges for trade on the eastern shore of Lake Chad. But as

our system of giving equal trading rights to all foreigners

would in any case have secured commercial rights to France, we

are not in the least hampered by this provision, while the

concession to us of equal rights on the eastern shore of Lake

Chad will improve our position in the face of French Colonial

Protection. …

"The first thing that strikes one in considering the French

possessions in Africa, after this latest addition, is their

vastness. Practically, France will now have all North-Western,

and all Northern, and all North Central Africa, except

Morocco, our West African Colonies, Tripoli, Darfur, and the

Valley of the Nile,—giving that phrase its widest

interpretation, and regarding it as the whole of the country

whence water flows into the Nile. … That, if she plays her

cards properly, she ought to make a success of her African

Empire we cannot doubt, for she starts with immense

advantages. To begin with, she is nearer her African

possessions than any other Power. You can go in a couple of

days from Marseilles to Algiers and Tunis. Next, in Algiers

and Tunis she has rich colonies with a temperate climate which

may be made the basis for great developments in the way of

railway extension. Lastly, her African possessions are

conterminous, or, at any rate, connected with each other by

land. She owns, that is, Northern Africa, and the rest of the

Powers have only, as it were, enclaves—very large enclaves, no

doubt, in many cases—in her territory. At present this

advantage may not seem very great owing to the vast distances

and the desert character of many of the French Hinterlands,

but if and when France completes her Soudan railways, the

strength of this continuity of territory will become apparent.

But though France has many advantages, it would be foolish to

deny that she has also many serious problems to solve. We

shall perhaps be stating the most dangerous of them when we

say that France now becomes the undisputed master of the great

sect of El Senoussi. There are reported to be over twenty

million followers of El Senoussi in North Africa, and, except

in Tripoli, an these may now be said to be within the French

'sphere of influence.' The Sultanate of Wadai—which, be it

remembered, is a very formidable State, and one which has

never yet come into contact with any European Power—is a

Senoussi State. But the followers of the Senoussi, besides

being numerous, are extremely fanatical. Though practising a

much purer form of Mahommedanism than the Dervishes, they hate

Europeans quite as ardently, and if once their religious zeal

were to be thoroughly roused they would prove most formidable

foes. We do not envy the French their task if they attempt to

conquer Wadai."

_The Spectator, March 25, 1899._

{336}

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:

Massacre of British officials near Benin.

Capture of Benin.

An unarmed expedition from the Niger Coast Protectorate,

going, in January, on a peaceful mission to the King of Benin,

led by Acting Consul-General Phillips, was attacked on the way

and the whole party massacred excepting two, who were wounded,

but who hid themselves in the bush and contrived to make their

way back. The Consul-General had been warned that the king

would not allow the mission to enter Benin, but persisted in

going on. A "punitive expedition" was sent against Benin the

following month, and the town was reached and taken on the

18th, but the king had escaped.

"The city presented the most appalling sight, particularly

around the King's quarters, from which four large main roads

lead to the compounds of the bigger Chiefs, the city being

very scattered. Sacrificial trees in the open spaces still

held the corpses of the latest victims[of 'Ju Ju'

sacrifice]—seven in all were counted—and on every path a

freshly-sacrificed corpse was found lying, apparently placed

there to prevent pursuit. One large open space, 200 to 300

yards in length, was strewn with human bones and bodies in all

stages of decomposition. Within the walls, the sight was, if

possible, more terrible. Seven large sacrifice compounds were

found inclosed by walls 14 to 16 feet high, each 2 to 3 acres

in extent; against the end wall in each, under a roof, was

raised a daïs with an earthen (clay) sacrificial altar about

50 feet long close against the wall on which were placed the

gods to whom sacrifice is made—mostly being carved ivory

tusks, standing upright, mounted at base, in hideously

constructed brass heads. In front of each ivory god was a

small earthen mound on which the victim's forehead would

apparently be placed. The altars were covered with streams of

dried human blood and the stench was too frightful. It would

seem that the populace sat around in these huge compounds

while the Ju Ju priests performed the sacrifices for their

edification. In the various sacrifice compounds were found

open pits filled with human bodies giving forth most trying

odours. The first night several cases of fainting and sickness

occurred owing to the stench, which was equally bad

everywhere. In one of the pits, partially under other bodies,

was found a victim, still living, who, being rescued, turned

out to be a servant of Mr. Gordon's, one of the members of Mr.

Phillips' ill-fated expedition. At the doors and gates of

houses and compounds were stinking goats and fowls, sacrificed

apparently to prevent the white man entering therein. The

foregoing is but a feeble attempt to describe the horrors of

this most terrible city, which after five days' continuous

fatigue, working with about 1,000 natives, still presents most

appalling and frightful sights. In the outlying parts of the

city the same sights are met and the annual expenditure of

human life in sacrifice must have been enormous. Most of the

wells were also found filled with human bodies."

_Great Britain,

Papers by Command: Africa, Number 6, 1897, page 28. _

NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:

Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NIGERIA: A. D. 1899:

Transfer to the British Crown.

The Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the

crown in July, 1899, receiving the sum of £865,000. It was

announced to Parliament that three governments would be

formed, named North Nigeria, South Nigeria, and Lagos.

NILE, Barrage and reservoir works on the.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

NILE VALLEY: The question of possession.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

NINETEEN HUNDRED, The Universal Jubilee of.

See (in this volume)

PAPACY: A. D. 1900.

----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Start--------

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The date of the ending of the Century.

Controversy as to whether the Nineteenth Century came to its

end at the ending of the year 1899 or the year 1900 seems

nearly incomprehensible to one who takes the trouble to begin

a counting of years from the beginning of the Christian Era,

and so reaches in his reckoning the fact that the first

century did not end until the 100th year was ended. That seems

to clear all confusion from the question, since the 200th,

300th, 400th, and so on up to the 1900th, must be the closing

years of the successive centuries, just as certainly as the

100th is the last year of the first century. Arithmetically,

there is no question left; but some minds refuse to recognize

the century as a merely arithmetical fact. They see in it an

entity of time with which the counting of years has little to

do. Their somewhat mystical view is set forth in the

following, which we quote from a communication that appeared

in the "New York Times":

"The centurial figures are the symbol, and the only symbol, of

the centuries. Once every hundred years there is a change in

the symbol, and this great secular event is of startling

prominence. What more natural than to bring the century into

harmony with its only visible mark? What more consonant with

order than to make each group of a hundred years correspond

with a single centennial emblem? Be it noticed that, apart

from the centennial emblems, there is absolutely nothing to

give the centuries any form. The initial figures 18 are time's

standard which the earth carries while it makes 100 trips around

the sun. Then a new standard, 19, is put up. Shall we wait now

a whole year for 1901, at the behest of the abacists? No, we

will not pass over the significant year 1900, which is stamped

with the great secular change, but with cheers we will welcome

it and the new century. The 1900 men, who compose the vast

majority of the people, say to their opponents: 'We freely

admit that the century you have in your mind, the artificial

century, begins in 1901, but the natural century (which we

prefer) begins in 1900.'"

{337}

A consistent application of this view to the defining and

naming of the centuries would seem to require that the years

which carry the initial figures 18 should make up the

Eighteenth, not the Nineteenth Century, and that we should

turn back our centurial nomenclature a whole round.

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The epoch of a transformation of the world.

In the last years of the Eighteenth Century a new epoch in

history was entered,—an epoch marked by many distinctions, but

most strikingly by what may be called the transformation of

the world. The earlier great ages had been ages of simple

expansion,—of a widening theatre for the leading races,—of a

widening knowledge of the earth and the heavens,—of a widening

range for human thought; but those expansive movements in

civilization led up, at last, to more wonderful processes of

transformation, which were just in their beginning when the

Nineteenth Century dawned. For all the generations of mankind

that had lived before this century, the earth, as a dwelling

place, remained nearly unchanged. They had cleared some

forests from its face, and smoothed some paths; but, in every

substantial feature, the France, for example, of Napoleon was

the unaltered Gaul that Julius Cæsar knew. Everywhere the

material conditions of life were essentially the same for the

man of the Eighteenth Century that they had been for the man

of the First. Then began the amazing work of the brain and

hand of man, by which he has been refashioning and refitting

the planet he inhabits, and making a new world for his

dwelling. As a habitable earth, to-day, it bears no likeness

to the earth on which the first day of this century dawned.

Its distances mean nothing that they formerly did; its

dividing seas and mountains have nothing of their old effect;

its pestilences have lost half their terror; its very storms

are sentinelled and rarely surprise us in our travels or our

work. Netted with steam and electric railways, seamed with

canals, wire-strung with telegraphic and telephonic lines, its

ocean-voyages made holiday excursions, its every-day labors,

of the forge, the plough, the sickle, the spindle, the loom,

the needle, and even of the pen, done with magical deftness by

machines, which its coal mines and its waterfalls lend forces

to move, it is nothing less than a new world that men are

making for themselves, out of that in which they lived at the

beginning of the era of mechanism and electricity and steam.

"Yet these are but outward features of the transformation that

is being wrought in the world. Socially, politically, and

morally, it has been undergoing a deeper change. A growth of

fellow-feeling which began in the last century has been an

increasing growth. It has not ended war, nor the passions that

cause war, but it is rousing an opposition which gathers

strength every year. It has made democratic institutions of

government so common that the few arbitrary governments now

remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful to the

people who endure them so long. It has broken old yokes of

conquest, and revived the independence of long subjugated

states. It has swept away unnatural boundary lines, which

separated peoples of kindred language and race. It is pressing

long-neglected questions of right and justice on the attention

of an classes of men, everywhere, and requiring that answers

shall be found.

"And, still, even these are but minor effects of the

prodigious change which the Nineteenth Century has brought

into the experience of mankind." Beyond them all in importance

are the new conceptions of the universe, and of the method of

God's working in it, which can, with no exaggeration, be said

to have imparted a wholly new spirit and quality to the human

mind. By what it learned from Copernicus, it was given a new

standpoint in thinking. By what it learned from Newton, it was

given a new and larger grasp. By what it has learned from

Darwin and Spencer it has been equipped with a new insight,

and looks at even the mystery of life as a problem to be

solved. "If we live in a world that is different from that

which our ancestors knew, it is still more the fact that we

think of a different universe, and feel differently in all our

relations to it."

_J. N. Larned,

History of England for the Use of Schools,

page 561._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Comparison of the Century with all preceding ages,

as regards man's power over Nature.

"No one, so far as I am aware, has yet pointed out the

altogether exceptional character of our advance in science and

the arts, during the century which is now so near its close.

In order to estimate its full importance and grandeur—more

especially as regards man's increased power over nature, and

the application of that power to the needs of his life to-day,

with unlimited possibilities in the future—we must compare it,

not with any preceding century, or even with the last

millennium, but with the whole historical period,—perhaps even

with the whole period that has elapsed since the stone age."

Such a comparison is made in the following lists of "the great

inventions and discoveries of the two eras":

"Of the Nineteenth Century."

1. Rail ways.

2. Steam-ships.

3. Electric Telegraphs.

4. The Telephone.

5. Lucifer Matches.

6. Gas illumination.

7. Electric lighting.

8. Photography.

9. The Phonograph.

10. Röntgen Rays.

11. Spectrum-analysis.

12. Anæsthetics.

13. Antiseptic Surgery.

14. Conservation of energy.

15. Molecular theory of Gases.

16. Velocity of Light directly measured

and Earth's Rotation experimentally shown.

17. The uses of Dust.

18. Chemistry, definite proportions.

19. Meteors and the Meteoritic Theory.

20. The Glacial Epoch.

21. The Antiquity of Man.

22. Organic Evolution established.

23. Cell theory and Embryology.

24. Germ theory of disease and

the function of the Leucocytes.

"Of all Preceding Ages."

1. The Mariner's Compass.

2. The Steam Engine.

3. The Telescope.

4. The Barometer and Thermometer.

5. Printing.

6. Arabic numerals.

7. Alphabetical writing.

8. Modern Chemistry founded.

9. Electric science founded.

10. Gravitation established.

11. Kepler's Laws.

12. The Differential Calculus.

13. The circulation of the blood.

14. Light proved to have finite velocity.

15. The development of Geometry.

{338}

"Of course these numbers are not absolute. Either series may

be increased or diminished by taking account of other

discoveries as of equal importance, or by striking out some

which may be considered as below the grade of an important or

epoch-making step in science or civilization. But the

difference between the two lists is so large, that probably no

competent judge would bring them to an equality. Again, it is

noteworthy that nothing like a regular gradation is

perceptible during the last three or four centuries. The

eighteenth century, instead of showing some approximation to

the wealth of discovery in our own age, is less remarkable

than the seventeenth, having only about half the number of

really great advances."

_A. R. Wallace,

The Wonderful Century,

chapter 15

(copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, New York,

quoted with permission)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Difference of the Century from preceding ages.

"In the last 100 years the world has seen great wars, great

national and social upheavals, great religious movements,

great economic changes. Literature and art have had their

triumphs and have permanently enriched the intellectual

inheritance of our race. Yet, large as is the space which

subjects like these legitimately fill in our thoughts, much as

they will occupy the future historian, it is not among these

that I seek for the most important and the most fundamental

differences which separate the present from preceding ages.

Rather is this to be found in the cumulative products of

scientific research, to which no other period offers a

precedent or a parallel. No single discovery, it may be, can

be compared in its results to that of Copernicus; no single

discoverer can be compared in genius to Newton; but, in their

total effects, the advances made by the 19th century are not

to be matched. Not only is the surprising increase of

knowledge new, but the use to which it has been put is new

also. The growth of industrial invention is not a fact we are

permitted to forget. We do, however, sometimes forget how much

of it is due to a close connection between theoretic knowledge

and its utilitarian application which, in its degree, is

altogether unexampled in the history of mankind. I suppose

that, at this moment, if we were allowed a vision of the

embryonic forces which are predestined most potently to affect

the future of mankind, we should have to look for them not in

the Legislature, nor in the Press, nor on the platform, nor in

the schemes of practical statesmen, nor the dreams of

political theorists, but in the laboratories of scientific

students whose names are but little in the mouths of men, who

cannot themselves forecast the results of their own labors,

and whose theories could scarcely be understood by those whom

they will chiefly benefit. …

"Marvellous as is the variety and ingenuity of modern

industrial methods, they almost all depend in the last resort

upon our supply of useful power; and our supply of useful

power is principally provided for us by methods which, so far

as I can see, have altered not at all in principle, and

strangely little in detail, since the days of Watt. Coal, as

we all know, is the chief reservoir of energy from which the

world at present draws, and from which we in this country must

always draw; but our main contrivance for utilizing it is the

steam engine, and, by its essential nature, the steam engine

is extravagantly wasteful. So that, when we are told, as if it

was something to be proud of, that this is the age of steam,

we may admit the fact, but can hardly share the satisfaction.

… We have, in truth, been little better than brilliant

spendthrifts. Every new invention seems to throw a new strain

upon the vast but not illimitable, resources of nature. Lord

Kelvin is disquieted about our supply of oxygen; Sir William

Crookes about our supply of nitrates. The problem of our coal

supply is always with us. Sooner or later the stored-up

resources of the world will be exhausted. Humanity, having

used or squandered its capital, will thenceforth have to

depend upon such current income as can be derived from that

diurnal heat of the sun and the rotation of the earth till, in

the sequence of the ages, these also begin to fail. …

"After all, however, it is not necessarily the material and

obvious results of scientific discoveries which are of the

deepest interest. They have affected changes more subtle and

perhaps less obvious which are at least as worthy of our

consideration and are at least as unique in the history of the

civilized world. No century has seen so great a change in our

intellectual apprehension of the world in which we live. Our

whole point of view has changed. The mental framework in which

we arrange the separate facts in the world of men and things

is quite a new framework. The spectacle of the universe

presents itself now in a wholly changed perspective. We not

only see more, but we see differently. The discoveries in

physics and in chemistry, which have borne their share in thus

re-creating for us the evolution of the past, are in process of

giving us quite new ideas as to the inner nature of that

material whole of which the world's traversing space is but an

insignificant part. Differences of quality once thought ultimate

are constantly being resolved into differences of motion or

configuration. What were once regarded as things are now known

to be movement. … Plausible attempts have been made to reduce

the physical universe, with its infinite variety, its glory of

color and of form, its significance and its sublimity, to one

homogeneous medium in which there are no distinctions to be

discovered but distinction of movement or of stress. And

although no such hypothesis can, I suppose, be yet accepted,

the gropings of physicists after this, or some other not less

audacious unification, must finally, I think, be crowned with

success. The change of view which I have endeavored to

indicate is purely scientific, but its consequences cannot be

confined to science. How will they manifest themselves in

other regions of human activity, in literature, in art, in

religion?"

_A. J. Balfour,

The Nineteenth Century

(Address before the University Extension Students

at Cambridge, August 2, 1900)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The intellectual and social trend of the Century.

"The two influences which have made the nineteenth century

what it is seem to me to be the scientific spirit and the

democratic spirit. Thus, the nineteenth century, singularly

enough, is the great interpretative century both of nature and

of the past, and at the same time the century of incessant and

uprooting change in all that relates to the current life of

men. It is also the century of national systems of popular

education, and at the same time of nation-great armies; the

century that has done more than any other to scatter men over

the face of the earth, and to concentrate them in cities; the

century of a universal suffrage that is based upon a belief in

the inherent value of the individual; and the century of the

corporation and the labor union, which in the domain of

capital and of labor threaten to obliterate the individual. …

{339}

"The mind has been active in all fields during this fruitful

century; but, outside of politics, it is to science that we

must look for the thoughts that have shaped all other

thinking. When von Helmholtz was in this country, a few years

ago, he said that modern science was born when men ceased to

summon nature to the support of theories already formed, and

instead began to question nature for her facts, in order that

they might thus discover the laws which these facts reveal. I

do not know that it would be easy to sum up the scientific

method, as the phrase runs, in simpler words. It would not be

correct to say that this process was unknown before the

present century; for there have been individual observers and

students of nature in all ages. … But it is true that only in

this century has this attitude toward nature become the

uniform attitude of men of science. …

"One of the chief results of the scientific method as applied

to nature and the study of the past is the change that it has

wrought in the philosophic conception of nature and of human

society. By the middle of the century, Darwin had given what

has been held to be substantial proof of the theory of the

development of higher forms out of lower in all living things;

and since then, the doctrine of evolution, not as a body of

exact teaching, but as a working theory, has obtained a

mastery over the minds of men which has dominated all their

studies and all their thinking. …

"Every public educational system of our day, broadly speaking,

is the child of the nineteenth century. The educational system

of Germany, which in its results has been of hardly less value

to mankind than to Germany itself, dates from the reconstitution

of the German universities after the battle of Jena. Whatever

system France may have had before the Revolution went down in

the cataclysm that destroyed the ancient regime, so that the

educational system of France also dates from the Napoleonic

period. In the United States, while the seeds of the public

school system may have been planted in the eighteenth, or

perhaps even in the seventeenth century, it has only been in

the nineteenth century, with the development of the country,

that our public school system has grown into what we now see;

while in England, the system of national education, in a

democratic sense, must be dated from 1870. … Out of the growth

of the democratic principle has come the belief that it is

worth while to educate all the children of the state: and out

of the scientific method, which has led to the general

acceptance of the evolutionary theory, has been developed the

advance in educational method which is so marked a feature of

the last decades of the century. …

"Not only has the scientific method furnished a philosophy of

nature and of human life, but, by the great increase in man's

knowledge of natural law to which it has led, it has resulted

in endless inventions, and these, in turn, have changed the

face of the world. … The rapid progress of invention during

the century has been coincident with one far-reaching change

in the habits of society, the importance of which is seldom

recognized. I refer to deposit banking. Of all the agencies

that have effected the world in the nineteenth century, I am

sometimes inclined to think that this is one of the most

influential. If deposit banking may not be said to be the

result of democracy, it certainly may be said that it is in

those countries in which democracy is most dominant that

deposit banking thrives best. … Some one has said that it

would have been of no use to invent the railroad, the

submarine cable, or the telephone at an earlier period of the

world's history, for there would have been no money at command

to make anyone of them available before this modern banking

system had made its appearance. If this be so, then indeed the

part that has been played by deposit banking in the

developments of the century cannot be overestimated.

"During the century the conditions of the world's commerce

have been radically altered. It is not simply that the

steamboat and the locomotive have taken the place of the

sailing-ship and the horse; that the submarine cable has

supplanted the mails; nor even that these agencies have led to

such improvements in banking facilities that foreign commerce

is done, for the most part, for hardly more than a brokerage

upon the transaction. These are merely accidents of the

situation. The fundamental factors have been the opening up of

virgin soil in vast areas to the cultivation of man, and the

discovery of how to create artificial cold, which makes it

possible to transport for long distances produce that only a

few years ago was distinctly classed as perishable. The net

result of these influences has been to produce a world

competition at every point of the globe. …

"Democracy, as a political theory, emphasizes the equality of

men and the equal rights and privileges of all men before the

law. The tendency of it has been, in this country, to develop

in multitudes of men great individuality and self-reliance.

Side by side with this tendency, however, we see the

corporation supplanting the individual capitalist, and the

trade union obliterating the individual laborer, as direct

agents in the work of the world. Strange as this contrast is,

both tendencies must be consistent with democracy, for the

corporation and the trade union flourish most where democracy

is most developed. Indeed, they seem to be successful and

powerful just because democracy pours into them both its vital

strength. …

"The tendency to democracy in politics is unquestionably the

dominant political fact of the century. … Outside of Russia,

and possibly even there, monarchical government in Europe is

obliged to depend for its support upon the great body of the

nation, instead of upon the power of the great and the noble.

… In the United States, the century, though it began with a

limited suffrage, ends with universal manhood suffrage, and

even with woman suffrage in some of the Western States. …

Undoubtedly, universal suffrage and the large immigration of

people without any experience in self-government have given

form to many of our problems; but I often think there is far

too great a disposition among us to magnify the difficulties

which these conditions present. …

{340}

The fact is, in my judgment, that our problems arise not so

much from universal suffrage as from the effect of the

multiplication table applied to all the problems of life. …

Anyone building a house in the country, when he has dug a well

has solved the problem of his water supply; but to supply

water for a great city calls for the outlay of millions of

dollars, and for the employment of the best engineering talent

in the land. Yet nothing has happened except that the problem

has been magnified. Thus the difficulties created by the

multiplication table are real; so that the very enlargement of

opportunity that democracy has brought with it has faced

democracy with problems far harder than were formerly

presented to any government. …

"To sum up, therefore, I should say that the trend of the

century has been to a great increase in knowledge, which has

been found to be, as of old, the knowledge of good and evil;

that this knowledge has become more and more the property of

all men rather than of a few; that, as a result, the very

increase of opportunity has led to the magnifying of the

problems with which humanity is obliged to deal; and that we

find ourselves, at the end of the century, face to face with

problems of world-wide importance and utmost difficulty, and

with no new means of coping with them other than the patient

education of the masses of men."

_Seth Low,

The Trend of the Century

(Atlantic Monthly, August, 1898)._

NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Dominant lines in the intellectual development of the Century.

"The future historian of thought will no doubt regard the

promulgation and the rapid triumph of evolutionist doctrines

as the most remarkable phenomenon in the intellectual

development of the nineteenth century."

_Leslie Stephen,

Evolution and Religious Conceptions

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

"In the briefest sketch of what the nineteenth century has

done in literature, it is absolutely imperative to mention the

publication of 'The Origin of Species' [Darwin, 1859] and

'Principles of Psychology' [Spencer, 1855], because, although

neither work is written with an attractive elegance, each is

the starting point of an intellectual and moral revolution so

vast that every branch of life is affected by it, and

literature itself—in its lightest forms—can no longer ignore

the germinal forces with which evolution has quickened all our

emotions."

_Edmund Gosse,

A Century of English Literature

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

"To an earlier age knowledge was power, merely that and

nothing more; to us it is life and the 'summum bonum.'

Emancipation from the bonds of self, of one's own

prepossessions, importunately sought at the hands of that

rational power before which all must ultimately bow—this is

the characteristic that distinguishes all the great figures of

nineteenth century science from those of former periods."

_Professor Charles S. Peirce,

The Century's Great Men in Science

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

"The mark of the century has been a continuous attempt at a

comprehensive understanding of nature, after the manner of

Newton, but not limited or governed solely by his dynamical

ideas. … The Newtonian laws of dynamics as applied to matter

still hold, and will always hold, but they may no longer be

fundamental or ultimate, they may be derivatives from a still

deeper scheme; and it is towards this deeper scheme that

physicists at present are groping. The realization of a need

for some such scheme constitutes the chief philosophic feature

of the latter part of the century."

_Oliver J. Lodge.

The Scope and Tendencies of Physics

(Review of the Nineteenth Century,

in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The failures of the Century.

Its sinful mismanagement of the powers which Science has

given it.

"The Nineteenth Century … has been characterised by a

marvellous and altogether unprecedented progress in knowledge

of the universe and of its complex forces; and also in the

application of that knowledge to an infinite variety of

purposes, calculated, if properly utilized, to supply all the

wants of every human being, and to add greatly to the

comforts, the enjoyments, and the refinements of life. The

bounds of human knowledge have been so far extended that new

vistas have opened to us in directions where it had been

thought that we could never penetrate, and the more we learn

the more we seem capable of learning in the ever-widening

expanse of the universe. …

"But the more we realize the vast possibilities of human

welfare which science has given us, the more we must recognise

our total failure to make any adequate rational use of them.

With ample power to supply to the fullest extent necessaries,

comforts, and even luxuries for all, and at the same time

allow ample leisure for intellectual pleasures and æsthetic

enjoyments, we have yet so sinfully mismanaged our social

economy as to give unprecedented and injurious luxury to the

few, while millions are compelled to suffer a lifelong

deficiency of the barest necessaries for a healthy existence.

Instead of devoting the highest powers of our greatest men to

remedy these evils, we see the governments of the most

advanced nations arming their people to the teeth, and

expending much of their wealth and all the resources of their

science, in preparation for the destruction of life, of

property, and of happiness.

"With ample knowledge of the sources of health, we allow, and

even compel, the bulk of our population to live and work under

conditions which greatly shorten life; while every year we see

from 50,000 to 100,000 infants done to death by our criminal

neglect. In our mad race for wealth, we have made gold more

sacred than human life; we have made life so hard for the

many, that suicide and insanity and crime are alike

increasing. With all our labour-saving machinery and all our

command over the forces of nature, the struggle for existence

has become more fierce than ever before; and year by year an

ever-increasing proportion of our people sink into paupers'

graves.

"Even more degrading, and more terrible in its consequences,

is the unblushing selfishness of the greatest civilized

nations. While boasting of their military power, and loudly

proclaiming their Christianity, not one of them has raised a

finger to save a Christian people, the remnant of an ancient

civilization, from the most barbarous persecution, torture,

and wholesale massacre. A hundred thousand Armenians murdered

or starved to death while the representatives of the great

powers coldly looked on—and prided themselves on their

unanimity in all making the same useless protests—will surely

be referred to by the historian of the future, as the most

detestable combination of hypocrisy and inhumanity that the

world has yet produced, and as the crowning proof of the utter

rottenness of the boasted civilization of the Nineteenth

Century.

{341}

When the brightness of future ages shall have dimmed the

glamour of our material progress, the judgment of history will

surely be, that the ethical standard of our rulers was a

deplorably low one, and that we were unworthy to possess the

great and beneficent powers that science had placed in our

hands.

"But although this century has given us so many examples of

failure, it has also given us hope for the future. True

humanity, the determination that the crying social evils of

our time shall not continue; the certainty that they can be

abolished; an unwavering faith in human nature, have never

been so strong, so vigorous, so rapidly growing as they are

to-day."

_A. R. Wallace,

The Wonderful Century,

chapter 21

(copyright, Dodd, Mead &; Company, New York,

quoted with permission)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

Expansion of the European races during the Century.

Changes in the distribution of political power.

Dominance of the Anglo-American peoples.

Rise of the United States of America to the highest rank.

At a dinner given by the Manchester Statistical Society,

October 17, 1900, Sir Robert Giffen, the eminent statistician,

made a notable speech on the political ideas which the

statistics of the Nineteenth Century suggest. "The first of

these was the prodigious rate at which the civilized world—

the community of European nations and nations of European

origin—was growing. The population of Europe and of nations of

European origin like the United States might now be put at

something over 500,000,000. The United States themselves might

be put at nearly 80 millions; Russia in its recent census

showed a population which must already have grown to about 135

millions; Germany about 55 millions; the United Kingdom, with the

self-governing colonies of Canada and Australasia and the

white population of South Africa, 55 millions;

Austria-Hungary, 45 millions; France, 40 millions; Italy, 32

millions; Spain and Portugal, 25 millions; Scandinavian

countries, ten millions; Holland and Belgium, ten millions;

and other European countries, 20 millions. A century ago the

corresponding figure to this 500,000,000 would not have been

more than about 170,000,000. The economic development of the

people had been even more marvellous. The wealth of the people

all told, which would probably not have been reckoned at more

than £5,000,000,000 at the beginning of the century, must be

reckoned now by tens of thousands of millions.

"Again the development was for the most part not uniform among

the European populations. It was most marked in the

Anglo-American section. The increase here was from a

population of not more than about 20 millions, which was the

population of the United States and the United Kingdom

together 100 years ago, to a population of not less than 130

millions at the present time. Russia and Germany also showed

remarkable increases, but nothing like this. This astonishing

growth of population meant a great change in the relative

position of the European nations in the world—their relative

weight in international politics. Practically the non-European

races of the world had all the time been stationary, except in

India, where the 'pax Britannica' had permitted the native

population to expand. The result was that the forces of

civilization, as against those of the black and yellow races,

had become practically irresistible. The numbers were

relatively far greater than ever they were before, and the

economic force was indefinitely greater. A great change in the

distribution of political power among European nations

themselves was also indicated. The existence alone of the

United States implied an immense change. If we considered that

an empire like that of Britain had its strength rather

diminished than increased by the possession of territories

like India, then the United States having a larger European

population than that of the British Empire might be considered

the most powerful State in the world as far as population and

resources were concerned. No doubt Russia had a much larger

population, but the inferiority of the units was so great that

the preeminence of the United States was not in question.

Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom had all grown, while

France and Austria had by comparison remained stationary, so

that now the great world Powers were four only—the United

States, Britain, Russia, and Germany, with France a doubtful

fifth. The extent of the revolution that had taken place in a

century was evident, and obviously accounted for much that was

going on in international politics.

"If the forces now in existence continue to operate as they

had done in the past century for only a few more generations,

the close of the coming century must witness a further

transformation, whose beginnings would be apparent in the

lifetime of some amongst us. It was a reasonable probability

that unless some great internal change should take place in

the ideas and conduct of the European races themselves, the

population of 500 millions would in another century become one

of 1,500 to 2,000 millions. The black and yellow races still

remaining, as far as one could see, comparatively stationary,

this would make a greatly changed world. The yellow peril, for

instance, of which we heard so much, would have vanished,

because the yellow races themselves would be so much

outnumbered. What would be the 400 millions of China compared

with 1,500 to 2,000 millions of European race? Further

progress must also be made in the redistribution of power

among European nations. International politics would be more

and more limited to the affairs of what were already the four

great Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany,

and Russia. The most serious problem would of course be

whether the dilemma stated by Malthus and hitherto put aside

by the occupation of new lands, would at length become an

urgently practical question. It was impossible not to wonder

which of the two forces—the growth of population and the

increase of the needs of the growing population on the one

side, and the growth of invention and mechanical power in

supplying human wants on the other side—would gain as time

went on. Referring to the desire to secure new markets abroad,

Sir Robert Giffen said that the figures with which he had been

dealing pointed to quite another source of new markets. Surely

there could be no lack of new customers if the 500 millions of

the advanced races themselves were to be doubled in from 30 to

50 years and trebled or quadrupled in a century."

_London Times, October 18, 1900._

{342}

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The lengthened average of human life.

"What has been the chief characteristic of the nineteenth

century? No two critics agree, nor can they, because each

prefers a different quality. One singles out science, another,

invention, as the dominant trait. A third, who looks mainly at

the political aspect of life, says democracy. Others, again,

say pessimism, philanthropy, doubt, or toleration. So many

features, so much diversity, argue at least for

many-sidedness.

"There is one characteristic, however, which distinguishes the

nineteenth century from all previous centuries—a

characteristic which has become too common to attract the

attention it deserves, although it really measures all the

rest: this is longevity. During the past one hundred years the

length of life of the average man in the United States and in

the more civilized parts of Europe has increased from a little

over 30 to about 40 years. A multitude of causes, mostly

physical, have contributed to this result. Foremost among

these should be placed

(1) whatever may be included under the general term sanitation;

(2) improved methods in medicine; and

(3) the more regular habits of living which are the direct

outcome of industrial life on a large scale.

"These are some of the evident means by which life has been

lengthened. Inventions, which have made production cheap and

the transportation of all products both cheap and easy, have

had an influence too great to be computed. And no doubt much

has been due to a general improvement in methods of

government; although, in the main, there has been much less

progress in practical government than is commonly supposed. No

great railroad company or banking house or manufacturing

corporation could prosper if its officers and employees were

chosen and kept in office according to the system by which

political offices, almost everywhere, are filled. 'None hut

experts wanted,' is the sign written over the entrance to

every profession, trade, and occupation—except government.

"But, whatever governments have done or left undone, the fact

to be insisted on here is, that the average man to-day lives

almost ten years longer than his grandfather lived."

_W. R. Thayer,

Longevity and Degeneration

(Forum, February, 1900)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Musical Century.

"Music is the only one of the fine arts of which it can be

said that it reached its highest development in the nineteenth

century. It is the modern art par excellence; and while

everybody has been told that it is the youngest of the arts,

few realize how much is implied in that assertion."

_Henry T. Finck,

The Musical Century

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Woman's Century.

"Victor Hugo predicted that the nineteenth century would be

known as Woman's Century. The comparison of the woman of 1800

and the woman of 1900 offers abundant proof of the correctness

of the prophecy."

_Mrs. Carrie C. Catt,

Women in the Industries and Professions

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

"In 1900 a third of all the college students in the United

States are women. Sixty per cent. of the pupils in the

secondary schools, both public and private, are girls—i. e.,

more girls are preparing for college than boys. Women having

in general more leisure than men, there is reason to expect

that there will soon be more women than men in our colleges

and graduate schools. The time, too, has passed when girls

went to college to prepare themselves solely for teaching or

for other bread-winning occupations. In considerable numbers

they now seek intellectual resources and the enrichment of

their private lives. Thus far between 50 and 60 per cent. of

women college graduates have at some time taught. In the

country at large more than 70 per cent. of the teaching is

done by women, in the North Atlantic portion over 80 per cent.

Even in the secondary schools, public and private, more women

than men are teaching, though in all other countries the

advanced instruction of boys is exclusively in the hands of

men. Never before has a nation intrusted all the school

training of the vast majority of its future population, men as

well as women, to women alone."

_Mrs. Alice F. Palmer,

The Higher Education of Women

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

The Age of Steel succeeding the Age of Iron.

"The age of iron, which passed away during the last century,

was succeeded by the age of Bessemer steel, which enjoyed a

reign of only thirty-six years, beginning, as it did, in 1864,

and is in turn now passing away to be succeeded by the age of

Siemens open-hearth steel. Already the product of open-hearth

is far beyond that of Bessemer in Britain, and such the writer

ventures to predict will soon be the case in the United

States."

_Andrew Carnegie,

The Development of Steel Manufacture

(New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901)._

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

As the "Age of Steam."

See (in volume 4)

STEAM ENGINE, STEAM LOCOMOTION, etc.; and

(in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICAL.

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:

As the "Electric Age."

See (in volume 2)

ELECTRICAL, DISCOVERY; and

(in this volume)

SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: End--------

NIPPUR, Explorations of the ruins of.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NIUCHWANG:

"Niuchwang, while a comparatively small city of but 60,000

population, is of especial importance to the United States as

a treaty port. It is located at the extreme north of the Gulf

of Pechili, considerably farther north than Tientsin, and is

of especial importance to the United States because of the

demand for goods from this country in that section. … The

proposed Russian railway line, which is projected through

Manchuria and the province of Shingking to the port of Port

Arthur, passes near Niuchwang and is to be connected by a

short line. Another line, to be built by British capital, will

connect Niuchwang with Shanhaikwan, which is already in railway

connection with Peking, the capital of the Empire."

_United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,

March, 1899, page 2196._

NIUCHWANG:

Russian occupation.

See (in this volume)

MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

NORFOLK ISLAND:

Change of government.

(in this volume)

AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1896.

{343}

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899.

Local Dispensary Laws.

An Act applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of

regulation for the liquor traffic (see, in this volume, SOUTH

CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899) to Fayetteville was passed by the

Legislature in 1897, and several smaller towns secured local

legislation to the same effect in 1899; but attempts to carry

a general dispensary law for the State were defeated.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.

Race war in Wilmington.

Wilmington, North Carolina, was the scene, in November, of

what can only be called a fierce revolution, whereby the city

government, dominated by the colored population, which

outnumbered the white, was violently overturned by the latter.

The race conflict was precipitated by an article in a Republican

newspaper, edited by a negro, which reflected on the honor of

some of the white women, and caused wild excitement among the

white men. The offending newspaper office was destroyed and

its editor fled. Resistance being offered, furious fighting

occurred, in which a considerable number of negroes was

killed, many were wounded, and hundreds were driven by terror

from the town. White Republican officials were also expelled

or took to flight, and their opponents secured control of city

affairs.

NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

Constitutional amendment for the qualification of the suffrage.

By a constitutional amendment, adopted in August, 1900, the

following qualification of the suffrage was established:

"SECTION 4.

Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able

to read and write any section of the constitution in the

English language: and, before he shall be entitled to vote, he

shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the year

in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous

year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the

constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867,

or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws

of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and

no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the

right to register and vote at any election in this State by

reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification

herein prescribed, provided he shall have registered in

accordance with the terms of this section prior to December,

1908. The general assembly shall provide for the registration

of all persons entitled to vote without the educational

qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before

November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record

of such registration, and all persons so registered shall

forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by

the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2

of this article: Provided, Such person shall have paid his

poll tax as above required."

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Canadian:

Self-government granted.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER).

NORWAY.

See (in this volume)

SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

NOVA SCOTIA.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

NOVA ZEMBLA, Recent exploration of.

See (in this volume)

POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1900.

NUFFAR,

NIFFER, Explorations at.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

NUPÉ, British subjugation of.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

NUREMBERG: A. D. 1900.

Remarkable growth in five years.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

NYASSALAND.

See (in this volume)

BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

O.

OIL RIVERS PROTECTORATE, The.

See (in this volume)

NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

OLD-AGE INSURANCE: In Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

In New South Wales.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1900.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

In New Zealand.

See (in this volume)

NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899;

and AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

OLD-AGE PENSIONS:

The question in England.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1896; and 1899-1900.

OLNEY, Richard:

Correspondence with Lord Salisbury on the Venezuela boundary

question.

See (in this volume)

VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

OLYMPIC GAMES, Revival of.

See (in this volume)

ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

The Trans-Mississippi Exposition.

A highly successful Trans-Mississippi Exposition was opened on

the 1st of June and closed on the last day of October, having

been attended by 2,600,000 people. Buildings and grounds were

prepared with beautiful effect, at a cost of $2,500,000.

OMDURMAN:

Capital of the Khalifa.

Capture by the Anglo-Egyptian Army.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

ONTARIO.

See (in this volume)

CANADA.

"OPEN DOOR,"

The commercial policy of the.

See (in this volume)

CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

OPIUM COMMISSION, Report of the.

See (in this volume)

INDIA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1895.

Proposed federal union with the Transvaal.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ORANGE FREE STATE).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.

Treaty with the South African Republic.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):

A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1899-1900.

Making common cause with the South African Republic.

War with Great Britain.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):

A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), and after.

ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1900 (May.)

Proclamation of annexation to the British dominions.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

{344}

OSMAN DIGNA.

See (in this volume)

EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

OTIS, General:

Reports as Military Governor of the Philippines.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

OTTAWA: A. D. 1900.

Great fire.

The city of Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada, and the

lumber manufacturing town of Hull, on the opposite side of the

Ottawa River, were both devastated, on the 26th of April, by

one of the most destructive fires of the century. It

originated in the upsetting of a lamp in a dwelling in Hull.

This was at half-past ten o'clock in the morning. A big gale

blowing from the northeast made quick work of the inflammable

houses in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had

reached the river-bank and leaped across to the Ottawa side.

The fire then retraced its steps in Hull, and destroyed a

group of factories. It "blazed a crescent-shaped path five

miles long and a mile wide, destroying in its journey the

public buildings and the residential part of Hull, the

industrial area of the Chaudiere, and the suburbs of the

Ottawa laboring classes at Mechanicsburg, Rochesterville, and

Hintonburg. Fully 15,000 people were rendered homeless, and

$15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated."

_Canadian Magazine, July, 1900._

OTTOMAN BANK:

Attack of Armenian revolutionists at Constantinople.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

P.

PAARDEBERG, Battle of.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):

A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

PACT OF HALEPA, The.

See (in this volume)

TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

PAGO PAGO: Acquisition by the United States.

See (in this volume)

SAMOAN ISLANDS.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1897-1901.

The Zionist movement for Jewish colonization.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

PALESTINE: A. D. 1898.

Visit of the German Emperor.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

PALESTINE: A. D. 1901.

Turkish restriction on Jewish visits.

See (in this volume)

JEWS: A. D. 1901.

PALMER, General John M.:

Candidacy for the American Presidency in 1896.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

PAMIR REGION, The:

Anglo-Russian agreement concerning.

See (in this volume)

AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

PAMPANGAS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PANA, Riotous coal-mining strike at.

See (in this volume)

INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

PANAMA CANAL, The: A. D. 1900.

See (in this volume)

PANAMA CANAL;

and (in this volume)

CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION, The.

See (in this volume)

BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

PANGASINANS, The.

See (in this volume)

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

PAN-GERMANIC UNION.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

----------PAPACY: Start--------

PAPACY: A. D. 1894.

Conference with Eastern Patriarchs.

A conference of Eastern Patriarchs to consider the reunion of

the Eastern Churches (Armenian, Maronite, Melchite, etc.) with

the Church of Rome was opened at the Vatican, in October,

under the presidency of the Pope. The meeting had no result.

PAPACY: A. D. 1894-1895.

The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (March).

Resumption of authority over the Coptic Church.

The authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church was resumed

on the 30th of March, 1896, after a suspension of four

centuries, by the re-establishment of the Catholic

Patriarchate of Alexandria. Bishop Macarius was appointed

Patriarch and two bishops were appointed for Upper and Lower

Egypt.

PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (September).

Decision on the invalidity of Anglican orders.

In September, 1896, the final decision of the Vatican, on a

reopened question as to the validity of ordinations under the

ritual of the Church of England, was announced by Pope Leo

XIII. in a bull which declares: "After long study, I must

confirm the decree of my predecessors, that all ordinations

made under the Anglican rite are absolutely invalid." Soon

after the decision was announced, a writer in the

"Contemporary Review" gave the following account of

circumstances connected with it:

"The question of Anglican Orders was taken up in connection

with the appeal for union made by Leo XIII. in the Encyclical'

Præclara' of 1894, and more particularly in his letter to the

English people. The group of Anglicans of whom Lord Halifax is

the spokesman took this appeal seriously, and ever since that

time negotiations have been going on more or less continuously

between them and the Vatican. … The idea of an incorporate

union, so dear to Lord Halifax, and so much favoured in the

first instance by the Pope, could only be carried out on the

basis of a prior admission that the Anglican Church had an

existence as a Church, and was therefore in a position to

discuss a union with the Roman Church.

{345}

Once recognise the validity of her Orders, and it would be

possible to go into conference as to the points of difference

between the two Churches, and the means of coming to an

agreement. It is quite certain that the Pope entered heartily

into these views. The Abbé Duchesne was accordingly deputed to

inquire into the validity of the Anglican Orders, and was well

aware that a favourable conclusion would be very well

received. This was before the Abbé was put at the head of the

French College at Rome. He made his investigation, arrived at

the conclusion that the Orders were valid, sent his report to

the Vatican, and received from Cardinal Rampolla a letter of

thanks and congratulations, together with a grand silver

medal, which the Holy Father sent him as a sign of his

satisfaction and particular goodwill. All this happened in the

winter of 1894-95.

"In the autumn of 1895 the idea of union was in higher favour

at the Vatican than ever. Cardinal Rampolla encouraged the

foundation of the 'Revue Anglo-Romaine,' a journal devoted to

the treatment of problems concerning the union of Churches,

and particularly the re-union of the Anglican Church, and

edited by the Abbé Portal, a French priest, and a personal

friend of Lord Halifax. This movement in favour of union was,

however, regarded by the Catholics in England with no little

apprehension and mistrust, and their opposition alone would

have been sufficient to wreck it for the time being. Cardinal

Vaughan viewed the idea of incorporate union as a chimera, but

treated the efforts to realise it as a real danger. … Leo, who

would fain have maintained an attitude of judicial

impartiality, soon found out that he must take a side: he must

either definitely encourage the hopes of the Anglicans, or he

must do something to calm the excited fears of the Catholics.

Even at Rome, if we except the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, who

for a long time fondly hoped that they could make this policy

of union a means of accomplishing very large results,

theological opinion was adverse to the validity. Were there

not, indeed, decisions of the Sacred Congregations which

settled the dispute? There were, but in spite of them all the

Pope was not disabused of his fancy. Compelled at last to take

some action, he named a Commission of theologians, which sat

at Rome in the spring of the present year [1896], under the

presidency of Cardinal Mazzella. … The theologians set forth

the arguments which favoured their respective views; papers

were written, and, after a series of deliberations, a report

was placed in the hands of the Pope. No conclusion was arrived

at: none could be come to in this preliminary assembly. Only the

materials for a judgment were worked out, in case his Holiness

should think fit to pronounce a decision. … The Pope himself

tells us, in the Bull Apostolicæ Curæ, that he left the final

examination of the question to the congregation of cardinals

called ' Suprema.' … The 'Suprema' met on July 16, under the

presidency of the Pope. All the cardinals were of opinion that

the matter had been long since decided, and that the debates

in the preliminary commission had served to show how wise the

decision had been. … The Bull declaring Anglican Orders null

and void was published about the middle of September."

_Catholicus,

The Pope and the Anglicans: The Policy of the Bull

(Contemporary Review, December, 1896)._

PAPACY: A. D. 1897.

Influence in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PAPACY: A. D. 1898 (January).

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the

Manitoba School Question.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1899.

Secession of German Catholics in Austria from the Church.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1000.

PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (January).

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain

opinions "called by some 'Americanism.'"

The following passages are from the translation of an

encyclical letter addressed, on the 22d of January, 1899, by

Pope Leo XIII. to Cardinal Gibbons, for communication to the

bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church in America:

"To Our Beloved Son, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Cardinal Priest

of the Title Sancta Maria, Beyond the Tiber, Archbishop of

Baltimore: … We have often considered and admired the noble

gifts of your nation which enable the American people to be

alive to every good work which promotes the good of humanity

and the splendor of civilization. Although this letter is not

intended, as preceding ones, to repeat the words of praise so

often spoken, but rather to call attention to some things to

be avoided and corrected; still because it is conceived in

that same spirit of apostolic charity which has inspired all

our letters, we shall expect that you will take it as another

proof of our love; the more so because it is intended to

suppress certain contentions which have arisen lately among

you to the detriment of the peace of many souls.

"It is known to you, beloved son, that the biography of Isaac

Thomas Hecker, especially through the action of those who

undertook to translate or interpret it in a foreign language,

has excited not a little controversy, on account of certain

opinions brought forward concerning the way of leading

Christian life. We, therefore, on account of our apostolic

office, having to guard the integrity of the faith and the

security of the faithful, are desirous of writing to you more

at length concerning this whole matter.

"The underlying principle of these new opinions is that, in

order to more easily attract those who differ from her, the

Church should shape her teachings more in accord with the

spirit of the age and relax some of her ancient severity and

make some concessions to new opinions. Many think that these

concessions should be made not only in regard to ways of

living, but even in regard to doctrines which belong to the

deposit of the faith. They contend that it would be opportune,

in order to gain those who differ from us, to omit certain

points of her teaching which are of lesser importance, and to

tone down the meaning which the Church has always attached to

them. It does not need many words, beloved son, to prove the

falsity of these ideas if the nature and origin of the

doctrine which the Church proposes are recalled to mind. The

Vatican Council says concerning this point: 'For the doctrine

of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a

philosophical invention to be perfected by human ingenuity,

but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of

Christ to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence

that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be

retained which our Holy Mother, the Church, has once declared,

nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense

or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them.'

_Constitutis de Fide Catholica, Chapter iv._ …

{346}

"Let it be far from anyone's mind to suppress for any reason

any doctrine that has been handed down. Such a policy would

tend rather to separate Catholics from the Church than to

bring in those who differ. There is nothing closer to our

heart than to have those who are separated from the fold of

Christ return to it, but in no other way than the way pointed

out by Christ.

"The rule of life laid down for Catholics is not of such a

nature that it cannot accommodate itself to the exigencies of

various times and places. The Church has, guided by her Divine

Master, a kind and merciful spirit, for which reason from the

very beginning she has been what St. Paul said of himself: 'I

became all things to all men that I might save all.'

"History proves clearly that the Apostolic See, to which has

been intrusted the mission not only of teaching but of

governing the whole Church, has continued 'in one and the same

doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same

judgment.'

_Constitutis de fide, Chapter iv._

"But in regard to ways of living she has been accustomed to so

yield that, the divine principle of morals being kept intact,

she has never neglected to accommodate herself to the

character and genius of the nations which she embraces. Who

can doubt that she will act in this same spirit again if the

salvation of souls requires it? In this matter the Church must

be the judge, not private men who are often deceived by the

appearance of right. In this, all who wish to escape the blame

of our predecessor, Pius the Sixth, must concur. He condemned

as injurious to the Church and the spirit of God who guides

her the doctrine contained in proposition lxxviii of the Synod

of Pistoia, 'that the discipline made and approved by the

Church should be submitted to examination, as if the Church

could frame a code of laws useless or heavier than human

liberty can bear.'

"But, beloved son, in this present matter of which we are

speaking, there is even a greater danger and a more manifest

opposition to Catholic doctrine and discipline in that opinion

of the lovers of novelty, according to which they hold such

liberty should be allowed in the Church, that her supervision

and watchfulness being in some sense lessened, allowance be

granted the faithful, each one to follow out more freely the

leading of his own mind and the trend of his own proper

activity. They are of opinion that such liberty has its

counterpart in the newly given civil freedom which is now the

right and the foundation of almost every secular state.

"In the apostolic letters concerning the constitution of

states, addressed by us to the bishops of the whole Church, we

discussed this point at length; and there set forth the

difference existing between the Church, which is a divine

society, and all other social human organizations which depend

simply on free will and choice of men. It is well, then, to

particularly direct attention to the opinion which serves as

the argument in behalf of this greater liberty sought for and

recommended to Catholics.

"It is alleged that now the Vatican decree concerning the

infallible teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff having been

proclaimed that nothing further on that score can give any

solicitude, and accordingly, since that has been safe-guarded

and put beyond question a wider and freer field both for

thought and action lies open to each one. But such reasoning

is evidently faulty, since, if we are to come to any

conclusion from the infallible teaching authority of the

Church, it should rather be that no one should wish to depart

from it and moreover that the minds of all being leavened and

directed thereby, greater security from private error would be

enjoyed by all. And further, those who avail themselves of

such a way of reasoning seem to depart seriously from the

over-ruling wisdom of the Most High—which wisdom, since it was

pleased to set forth by most solemn decision the authority and

supreme teaching rights of this Apostolic See—willed that

decision precisely in order to safeguard the minds of the

Church's children from the dangers of these present times.

"These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty,

the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any

possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions

one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to

the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now

a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever

before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of

duty.

"We, indeed, have no thought of rejecting everything that

modern industry and study has produced; so far from it that we

welcome to the patrimony of truth and to an ever-widening

scope of public well-being whatsoever helps toward the

progress of learning and virtue. Yet all this, to be of any

solid benefit, nay, to have a real existence and growth, can

only be on the condition of recognizing the wisdom and

authority of the Church. …

"From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are

not able to give approval to those views which, in their

collective sense, are called by some 'Americanism.' But if by

this name are to be understood certain endowments of mind

which belong to the American people, just as other

characteristics belong to various other nations, and if,

moreover, by it is designated your political condition and the

laws and customs by which you are governed, there is no reason

to take exception to the name. But if this is to be so

understood that the doctrines which have been adverted to

above are not only indicated, but exalted, there can be no

manner of doubt that our venerable brethren, the bishops of

America, would be the first to repudiate and condemn it as

being most injurious to themselves and to their country. For

it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among you

some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be

different from what it is in the rest of the world.

"But the true church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by

unity of government, and she is catholic also. Since God has

placed the centre and foundation of unity in the chair of

Blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for

'where Peter is, there is the church.' Wherefore, if anybody

wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able

to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome

addressed to Pope Damasus; 'I, acknowledging no other leader

than Christ, am bound in fellowship with Your Holiness: that

is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the church was built

upon him as its rock, and that whosoever gathereth not with

you, scattereth.' …"

_American Catholic Quarterly Review,

April, 1899._

{347}

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (September-October).

Church and State in Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (December).

Pope Leo XIII. on the French Associations Bill.

See (in this volume))

FRANCE; A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the

Holy Year Nineteen Hundred.

Its extension for six months.

The following is the text of the Papal proclamation of the

Universal Jubilee, in its English translation, as published in

the "American Catholic Quarterly Review":

"To all the Faithful of Christ who shall read these Letters,

Health and Apostolic Benediction. The century, which, by the

grace of God, we have ourselves seen almost from its

commencement, draws rapidly to its close. Willingly have we

followed the institutions of our predecessors in so ordering

things that they may redound in the good of all Christian

peoples, and which may be perhaps for them the last proof of

our care to the government of the Sovereign Pontificate. We

speak of the Great Jubilee introduced in ancient times among

Christian customs and observed by our predecessors, who

bestowed upon the years of general jubilee the title of the

Holy Year, because it was usual for such a year to be blessed

by a greater number of holy ceremonies, as these furnish the

most copious means of help for the correction of morals and

the leading of souls to sanctity.

"We have ourselves seen with our own eyes the fruitful result

of the last solemn celebration of the Holy Year. It was in the

Pontificate of Leo XII, and we were as yet in the years of our

youth. It was truly a grand sight to see then the manifestations

of religious fervor in Rome. We can remember as if the scene

were still before our eyes, the immense concourse of pilgrims,

the multitudes which flocked processionally to one or other of

the great basilicas, the sacred orators who preached in the

public streets, and the most frequented quarters of the city

resounding with the Divine praises. The Sovereign Pontiff

himself, with a numerous suite of Cardinals and in the sight

of all the people, gave a noble example of piety and charity.

"From such thoughts as these we turn with renewed sorrow to

the times in which we now live; for such practices of piety,

when without hindrance they were fulfilled under the eyes of

all the citizens, augmented admirably the fervor and piety of

the whole people; but now, on account of the changed condition

of Rome, it is impossible to renew them, for in order to do so

in any measure we must depend upon the arbitration of others.

But however that may be, God, who ever blesses salutary

counsels, will concede—such is our hope—success to this our

design, undertaken solely for Him and for His glory. At what

do we aim or what do we wish? Nothing else truly than to

render more easy the way of eternal salvation to the souls

confided to us, and for this end to administer to the infirm

of spirit those remedies which it has pleased our Lord Jesus

Christ to place in our hands. This administration seems to us

not alone a duty of our apostolic office, but a duty which is

peculiarly necessary to our times. The present age, however,

cannot be said to be sterile, either in regard to good works

or to Christian virtues. Thanks be to God, we have examples of

both in abundance, nor is there any virtue, however lofty and

arduous its attainment and practice, in which many are not

found to signalize themselves, because it is a power proper to

the Christian religion, Divinely founded, inexhaustible and

perpetual, to generate and nourish virtue. Yet, casting our

eyes around, we see, on the other hand, with what blindness,

with what persistent error, whole peoples are hurrying to

eternal ruin. And this thought strikes bitterly to our

heart—how many Christians, led away by the license of hearing

and of thought, absorbing with avidity the intoxicating errors

of false doctrine, go on day by day dissipating and destroying

the grand gift of the faith. Hence arise repugnance to

Christian living, that insatiable appetite for the things of

this world, and hence cares and thoughts alienated from God

and rooted in the world. It is almost impossible to express in

words the damage which has already accrued from this

iniquitous source to the very foundations of society. The

minds of men ordinarily rebellious, the blind tendency of

popular cupidity, hidden perils, tragical crimes, are nothing

more to those who seek their source and cause than the

unrestrained strife to possess and enjoy the goods of this

world.

"It is of supreme importance, therefore, to public no less

than private life, to admonish men as to the duties of their

state, to arouse souls steeped in forgetfulness of duty, to

recall to the thought of their own salvation those who run

imminent risk of perishing and of losing through their

negligence and pride those celestial and unchangeable rewards

for the possession of which we are born. This is the aim of

the Holy Year. The Church, mindful only of her intrinsic

benignity and mercy as a most tender Mother, studies at this

time, with love and by every means within her ample power, to

re-conduct souls to better counsels and to promote in each

works of expiation by means of penance and emendation of life.

To this end, multiplying prayers and augmenting the fervor of

the faithful, she seeks to appease the outraged majesty of God

and to draw down His copious and celestial gifts. She opens

wide the rich treasury of indulgences, of which she is the

appointed dispenser, and exhorts the whole of Christianity to

the firm hope of pardon. She is purely intent upon vanquishing

with unconquerable love and sweetness the most rebellious

wills. How, then, may we not hope to obtain, with God's help,

rich fruits and profuse, and such as are most adapted to the

present needs?

"Several extraordinary solemnities, the notices of which we

believe to be already sufficiently diffused, and which will

serve in some manner to consecrate the end of the nineteenth

century and the beginning of the twentieth, greatly increase

the advantage of the opportunity now given. We speak of the

honors to be rendered at this time in every part of the world

to Jesus Christ as our Redeemer. On this account we were

profuse in our approbation and praise of a project which had

its source in the piety of private individuals, and, in fact,

what could be more holy and salutary? All that which man

should hope for and desire is contained in the only-begotten

Son of God, our Salvation, Life, and Resurrection.

{348}

To desire to abandon Him is to desire eternal perdition. We

could never silence adoration, praise, thanksgiving due to our

Lord Jesus Christ, and without intermission they should be

repeated everywhere, for in every place no thanksgiving, no

honor, can be so great but that it may be increased. Our age

produces perhaps many men who are forgetful and ungrateful,

who ordinarily respond to the mercy of their Divine Saviour

with disdain and to His gifts with offenses and injuries.

Certainly the lives of many are so far removed from His laws

and His precepts as to argue in themselves ungrateful and

malicious souls. And what shall we say to see renewed again in

these times and not once alone, the blasphemy of the Arian

heresy regarding the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Courage, then,

and to work, all you who with this new and most beautiful

proposition seek to excite the piety of the people to new

fervor. Do what you can in such manner that you impede not the

course of the Jubilee and the appointed solemnities. Let it be

added that in the forthcoming manifestations of faith and

religion this special intention shall be kept in view—hatred

of all that which within our memory has been impiously said or

done, especially against the Divine Majesty of our Lord Jesus

Christ, and to satisfy publicly for the injuries publicly

inflicted upon Him. Now if we are really in earnest, we must

know that to repent of evil done, and, having implored peace

and pardon of God, to exercise ourselves with great diligence,

in the duties necessary to virtue, and to assume those we have

cast aside, is the means of satisfaction most desirable and

assured, and which bears upon it the impress of truth. Since

the Holy Year offers to all the opportunities which we have

touched on in the beginning, it is a necessary provision that

the Christian people enter upon it full of courage and of

hope.

"For which reason, raising our eyes to heaven and praying from

our heart that God, so rich in mercy, would vouchsafe to

concede benignly His blessing and favor to our desires and

works, and would illuminate with His Divine light the minds of

all men, and move their souls to conform with His holy will

and inestimable goodness, We, following in this the example of

the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors, with the assent of the

Cardinals of the Holy Roman College, our Venerable Brethren,

in virtue of these letters, with the authority of Christ, of

the blessed Peter and Paul, and with our own authority, order

and promulgate from this hour the great and universal jubilee,

which will commence in this holy city of Rome at the first

Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ of the year

1899, and which will close at first Vespers of the Nativity of

our Lord of the year 1900. May all redound to the glory of

God, the salvation of souls, and the good of the Church.

During this year of jubilee we concede and impart mercifully

in our Lord full indulgence, remission and pardon of sin to

all faithful Christians of either sex, who, being truly

penitent shall confess and communicate, visiting devoutly the

Roman basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, St. John Lateran, and

St. Mary Major, at least once a day for twenty days

continuously or at intervals; that is, the obligation is to be

fulfilled between the first Vespers of each day and the last

Vespers of the day following, whether the Faithful be citizens

of Rome or not, if they are residing permanently in Rome. If

they come to Rome as pilgrims, then they must visit the said

basilicas in the same manner for ten days, praying devoutly to

God for the exaltation of Holy Church, for the extirpation of

heresies, for peace and concord amongst Christian princes, and

for the salvation of the whole Christian people.

"And since it may happen to many that with all their good-will

they cannot or can only in part carry out the above, being

either, while in Rome or on their journey, impeded by illness

or other legitimate causes, we, taking into account their

good-will, can, when they are truly repentant and have duly

confessed and communicated, concede to them the participation

in the same indulgences and remission of sins as if they had

actually visited the basilicas on the days appointed. Rome,

therefore, invites you lovingly to her bosom, beloved

children, from all parts of the world, who have means of

visiting her. Know also that to a good Catholic in this sacred

time it is fitting that he come to Rome guided purely by

Christian faith, and that he should renounce especially the

satisfaction of sight-seeing merely idle or profane, turning

his soul rather to those things which predispose him to

religion and piety. And that which tends greatly so to

predispose him, if he look within, is the natural character of

the city, a certain character divinely impressed upon her, and

not to be changed by human means, nor by any act of violence.

For Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, chose only,

amongst all its cities, that of Rome to be the centre of an

action more than earthly, consecrating it to Himself. Here He

placed, and not without long and careful preparation, the

throne of His own empire; here He commanded that the see of

His Vicar should be raised to the perpetuity of time; here He

willed that the light of revealed truth should be jealously

and inviolably guarded, and that from here light should be

diffused throughout the whole earth in such a manner that

those who are alienated from the faith of Rome are alienated

from Christ. The religious monuments raised by our fathers,

the singular majesty of her temples, the tomb of the Apostles,

the Catacombs of the martyrs, all serve to increase the aspect of

holiness and to impress those who visit her in the spirit of

faith. Whosoever knows the voice of such monuments feels that

he is no pilgrim in a foreign city, but a citizen in his own,

and by God's grace he will realize this fact at his going,

more forcibly than at his coming.

"We wish, in order that these present letters may be brought

more easily under the notice of all, that printed copies,

signed by a public notary and furnished with the seal of some

ecclesiastical dignitary, shall be received with the same

faith as would be given to the original by those who have

heard or read it.

"To no one will it be lawful to alter any word of this our

disposition, promulgation, concession, and will, or to rashly

oppose it. If any should presume to make any such attempt, let

them know that they incur thereby the indignation of God

Almighty and of His Apostles Peter and Paul.

"Given at St. Peter's, Rome, on the 11th of May, in the year

of the Incarnation of our Lord 1899, and the 22d of our

Pontificate. C. Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, Pro-Datory. L. Card.

MACCHI.

{349}

"Witnessed on behalf of the Curia: G. DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI.

Registered in the Secretariate of Briefs, J. CUGNONI. In the

year of the Nativity of our Lord 1899, on the 11th day of May,

feast of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 22d year

of the Pontificate of our Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo

XIII, by Divine Providence Pope, I have read and solemnly

promulgated the present apostolical letters in the presence

of the people, in the porch of the Holy Patriarchal Vatican

Basilica. GIUSEPPE DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI, Official of the

Curia."

On the termination of the "holy year," by a letter "given at

Rome in the year of Our Lord 1901," the Pope announced: "We

do, therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, of the

Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, extend and

prorogue, for a period of six months, the Great Jubilee which

has just been celebrated in the Holy City. Wherefore, to all

the faithful of both sexes, in all parts of the earth,

including even those that have come to Rome during the past

year and there or elsewhere gained the Jubilee under any

conditions, we grant and accord mercifully in the Lord, for

once, the fullest indulgence, remission and pardon of their

sins, the annual Paschal confession and communion being,

however, not valid as conditions for gaining the Jubilee,

provided that within six months from the date of the

publication in each diocese of this letter they visit the

cathedral in the episcopal city or the principal church in

other parts of the different dioceses, together with three

other churches in the same place, as appointed by the Ordinary

either directly or through his officials, the parish priests

or Vicar Foran, at least once a day for fifteen continuous or

uninterrupted days, natural or ecclesiastical (the

ecclesiastical day being that which commences with the first

vespers of one day and ends with the dusk of the day

following), and pray devoutly to God for the exaltation of the

Church, the extirpation of heresy, the concord of Catholic

princes and the salvation of the Christian people. In places

where there are not four churches, power is granted in the

same way to the Ordinaries to fix a smaller number or

churches, or even one church where there is only one, in which

the faithful may make the full number of visits, separate and

distinct, on the same natural or ecclesiastical day, in such a

way that the sixty visits be distributed through fifteen

continuous or interrupted days."

Provisions relating to the circumstances of persons at sea or

traveling, or in religious community, or in prison, are

prescribed in the papal letter, and special privileges and

powers are granted to "Jubilee confessors,"

PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social and

Christian Democracy.

In a letter dated January 18, 1901, addressed "to the

Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Local

Ordinaries in communion with the Apostolic See," the Pope has

discussed the subjects of Democracy and Socialism, with

reference to controverted views and opinions "defining what

Catholics ought to think," and giving them "some injunctions

so as to make their own action larger in scope and more

beneficial to the commonwealth." The letter opens with these

words: "Venerable Brethren—Grave economical disputes in more

than one country have long been raging; peace and concord are

affected; the violence of the disputants grows every day,

insomuch that the thoughts of the wiser part are laden with

doubt, and apprehension. These disputes arise in the first

instance from widespread philosophical and moral error. The

scientific resources belonging to the age, increased

facilities of communication and appliances of all kinds for

economizing labor and making it more productive have resulted

in a keener struggle for existence. Through the malefic

influence of agitators the gulf between rich and poor has been

widened, so that frequent disturbances arise and even great

calamities seem impending such as would bring ruin on a

country."

The Pope then refers to his early encyclicals ("Quod

Apostolici Muneris," issued in 1878, on the error in

socialistic opinions, and "Rerum Novarum," issued in 1891, on

"the rights and duties binding together the two classes of

capitalists and laborers"), and to the good influence which he

finds reason to believe they have had, and says further:

"Thus, therefore, under the guidance of the Church, some sort

of concerted action and institutional provision has been set

up among Catholics for the protection of the lower classes,

who are very often as much the victims of dangerous

machinations and snares as they are suffering from hardship

and poverty. The creed of the benefactor of the people had

originally no name of its own; that of Christian Socialism and

its derivatives, which some brought in, has not undeservedly

grown obsolete. Afterward many wanted, very rightly, to name

it Popular Christianity. In some places those who devote

themselves to such work are called Christian Socialists;

elsewhere it is called Christian Democracy, and its supporters

Christian Democrats, as opposed to the Social Democracy, which

Socialists uphold. Of these two appellations, certainly that

of Christian Socialists, if not also of Christian Democracy,

is offensive to many right-minded people, inasmuch as they

think there is a perilous ambiguity attaching to it. They are

afraid of the name for several reasons—popular government may

be covertly promoted or preferred to other forms of political

constitution; the influence of Christianity may seem to be

confined to the benefit of the common people, all other ranks

being as it were left out in the cold; beneath the specious

designation may lurk some design or other of subverting all

legitimate authority, being civil and religious.

"There is now commonly much dispute, and sometimes over-bitter

dispute, on this topic, and we deem it our duty to put an end

to the controversy by defining what Catholics ought to think;

moreover we intend to give them some injunctions so as to make

their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the

commonwealth.

"What Social Democracy means, and what Christian ought to

mean, does not surely admit of doubt. The former, more or less

extreme, as the case may be, is by many carried to such

extravagance of wickedness as to reckon human satisfaction

supreme and acknowledge nothing higher, to pursue bodily goods

and those of the natural world, and to make the happiness of man

consist in attaining and enjoying them. Hence they would have

the supreme power in a state to be in the hands of the common

people, in such sort that all distinction or rank being

abolished and every citizen made equal to every other, all

might have equal access also to the good things of life; the

law of lordship is to be abolished, private fortunes

confiscated and even socialization of the appliances of labor

carried out.

{350}

But Christian Democracy, as Christian, ought to have as its

foundation the principles laid down by divine faith, having

regard, indeed, to the temporal advantage of the lower orders,

but designing therewith to fit their minds for the enjoyment

of things eternal. Accordingly, to Christian Democracy, let

there be nothing more sacred than law and right; let it bid

the right of having and holding be kept inviolate; let it

maintain the diversity of ranks which properly belong to a

well-ordered state; in fine, let it prefer for human

association that form and character which its divine author

has imposed upon it. Clearly, therefore, Social and Christian

Democracy can have nothing in common; the difference between

them is no less than that between the sectarianism of

socialism and the profession of the Christian law.

"Far be it from any one to pervert the name of Christian

Democracy to political ends. For although democracy by its

very name and by philosophical usage denotes popular rule, yet

in this application it must be employed altogether without

political significance, so as to denote nothing whatever

besides this beneficent Christian action upon the people. For

natural morality and the precepts of the Gospel, for the very

reason that they transcend the chances of human existence,

must necessarily be independent of any particular form of

civil government and adapt themselves to all, so long as there

is nothing to conflict with virtue and right. They are,

therefore, and remain in themselves, absolutely external to

all conflict of parties and vicissitudes of occurrence, so

that, under whatever kind of government, people may and ought

to abide by these precepts, which bid them love God above all

and their neighbors as themselves. This has ever been the

morality of the Church: by it Roman Pontiffs have constantly

dealt with states whatever might be their executive

government. And this being so, the mind and action of

Catholics, when devoted to promoting the good of the lower

orders, cannot by any possibility aim at embracing and

introducing any one form of government in preference to

another.

"Just in the same way must Christian Democracy repudiate the

other ground of offense, which arises from paying so much

regard to the interests of the lower classes as to seem to

pass over the higher, who are nevertheless of equal importance

to the preservation and development of the State. The

Christian law of charity, which we have just mentioned,

forbids this. It is large enough to embrace all ranks as the

aim and the task of those who would have the common people in

a Christian spirit on the one hand suitably relieved, and, on

the other, preserved against the contagion of socialism. …

"We have recalled these various topics on which we have before

this found occasion to dilate according to our ability, and we

trust that all dispute over the name of Christian Democracy

may now be laid aside, as well as any suspicion of dangerous

signification attaching to it. This trust we rightly cherish.

For making exception of the ideas of certain persons regarding

the force and virtue of this kind of Christian Democracy,

ideas which are not free from extravagance or error, surely

there will be no single person to find fault with an endeavor,

conformably to the law of nature and of God, to do merely

this, to make the lives of laborers and artisans more

tolerable, and gradually to give them the opportunity of

self-culture, so that at home and in the world they may freely

fulfil the obligations of virtue and religion, may feel

themselves to be men, and not mere animals, Christian men, not

pagans, and so strive with more felicity and earnestness to

attain that 'one thing needful,' that final good, for which we

came into the world. This is belonging to one and the same

family, the offspring of the same all-beneficent Father,

redeemed by one Saviour and called to the same eternal

inheritance. …

"God forbid that under the name of Christian democracy should

lie the surreptitious aim of throwing off all obedience and

turning away from those in lawful authority. The law of

nature, no less than that of Christ, enjoins respect for all

such as in their several degree hold office in the State, and

further enjoins obedience to their lawful commands. This is

the only attitude worthy of a man and a Christian, and ought

to be taken up heartily and as a matter of duty, 'for

conscience's sake,' as the Apostle himself has admonished,

when he ordained: 'Let every soul be subject to the highest

powers.' …

"We spoke just now advisedly of virtue and religion. For it is

the opinion of some, which is caught up by the masses, that

the social question, as they call it, is 'economical' merely.

The precise opposite is the truth—that it is first of all

moral and religious, and for that reason its solution is to be

expected mainly from the moral law and the pronouncements of

religion. … Without the instincts which Christian wisdom

implants and keeps alive, without providence, self-control,

thrift, endurance and other natural qualities, you may try

your hardest, but prosperity you cannot provide. That is the

reason why we have never encouraged Catholics to form

associations for the assistance of the poor, or introduce

other schemes of the kind, without at the same time warning

them that such things must not be attempted without the

sanction of religion, without its inclusion and aid. … It is a

laudable charity not merely to relieve the temporary needs of

the poor, but to have an organized system of relief; this will

be a more real and reliable assistance. It must be considered

still more laudable to desire to instill into the minds of the

mechanic and of the laborer notions of thrift and prudence, so

that they may at least in part make provision for their

declining years. It is an aim which not only relieves the cost

of the wealthy, but it is a moral step for the poor

themselves; it encourages them to approve their position,

while it keeps them away from temptations, checks

self-indulgence and leads them on to virtuous behavior. …

"Finally, we again enjoin with greater insistence that

whatever schemes people take up in the popular cause, whether

individually or in association, they should remember that they

must be entirely submissive to episcopal authority. Do not let

them be beguiled by an excessive ardor for charitable

enterprise, which, if it induces any relaxation of due

obedience, is itself false, unproductive of solid benefit and

displeasing to God. Those who please God are those who are

ready to give up their own ideas and listen to the bidding of

the rulers of the Church, absolutely as to His own."

_Catholic Union and Times,

February 21, 1901._

{351}

PARIS: A. D. 1897.

Burning of the Charity Bazaar.

An awful destruction of life was caused on the 4th of May by

fire breaking out in a charity bazaar, held in the Rue Jean

Goujon, at Paris. Temporary structures had been erected, of

wood and other combustible materials, to represent a street of

Old Paris shops, and the flames ran through them like

wildfire. The place was thronged with people, mostly of the

aristocratic class and more than 200 are said to have

perished.

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (April-November).

Exposition.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

PARIS: A. D. 1900 (September).

Gigantic banquet to the Mayors of France.

See (in this volume)

FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

PARIS, Treaty of (1898), between the United States and Spain.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PARKHURST, Reverend Dr. Charles:

His attack on the Tammany administration of New York City.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

PARLIAMENT, The British:

Ceremonious opening by King Edward VII.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, Austrian.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

----------PARTIES AND FACTIONS, POLITICAL

AND POLITICO-RELIGIOUS: Start--------

PARTIES:

Afrikander Bund, or Bondsmen.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):

A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; 1898(MARCH-OCTOBER);

and 1900 (DECEMBER).

PARTIES:

Agrarian Protectionists, German.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

PARTIES:

Anti-Imperialists.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PARTIES:

Anti-Semites.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;

FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after;

GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Blancos, or Whites.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:

The Bond.

See above,

AFRIKANDER BUND.

PARTIES:

Centre (Catholic, of Germany).

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D.1898 (JUNE).

PARTIES:

Christian Social party.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Clerical party, Austria.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

PARTIES:

Colorados, or Reds.

See (in this volume)

URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

PARTIES:

Deutsch Fortschrittliche.