"reconstructed," as it is termed, in 1868, a negro school-keeper or
preacher, if known to be a republican in politics--as he generally
was--was hardly safe anywhere beyond the limits of a city. The negro
schools were often broken up by mobs, and sometimes black congregations
were attacked at night in their churches and dispersed by armed whites in
disguise. Now, the colored children troop securely to school, and the
colored churches and their congregations are sternly protected by law
everywhere. Seven years ago a colored person could hardly get justice, in
even the plainest case, from a jury of the other race. Now, in all of the
courts, he has the influence of white men to aid him, and rarely is an
unjust verdict rendered against him. He makes better friends of the
whites. There is no need for him to legislate or hold office over them; he
cannot yet do these things right for himself. He rises, however, and his
importance is felt more and more. His labor is a necessity. Learning to
use it aright, he will surely win all that he deserves. The healthful
sentiment prevails everywhere, at the north as at the south, and with the
late slave also, that to force his growth is as unfortunate to him as is
misjudged parental assistance, which often keeps adult children from ever
becoming self-reliant. The colored race in the south must be educated by
the struggle for existence into self-maintenance. This training, like the
material recuperation of the south, will require time, with patience and
hopefulness.
The negro tends resistlessly to a fixed position in his own class. He does
not wish to ride in the same railway-car with fine ladies and gentlemen,
nor could you persuade him to send his children to a mixed school to be
teased by white scholars. He will not be legislated out of his natural
circle, where he feels comfortable, into one where he will be ill at case.
He seeks for himself a separate home, school, church, and occupation, in
all of which he can, at a distance, imitate the white, to whom he is ever
looking up. The statute books may be covered with laws having a different
purpose, but they will be as powerless to check the current of separation
as prescribed rates of interest are impotent to keep down usury when
money is dear. In a domestic world, a company and circle of his own, the
negro will make a start for himself.
But the negro is grossly misunderstood. It is too generally forgotten that
he is many centuries below the white in evolution. Slavery has elevated
him far above the savagery of Africa, and introduced him to perhaps his
only chance of civilization.
His future in the south is a mystery. Many of his best friends do not
believe that he can hold all the great advantages that he has gained in
the last ten years. The whites have been muzzled by hostile government.
They were stunned, while the negro was stimulated, by emancipation. Their
natural effort to hold on to the _ante bellum_ system has also helped the
old slave. But, when small and diversified farming is fully developed, and
accumulating capital brings in the higher industries, there may be a
general need for more efficient and skilled labor than the average negro
can supply. While he is forever safe politically against the white, he may
not be economically safe.
In noticing the leading features of the New south, we have merely hinted
at her rich natural endowments. We have deemed of more importance the
character of her people, the new views and principles beginning to assert
themselves, the great economical changes following and to follow the
abolition of slavery, and the potent effects soon to be wrought by copious
immigration. For upon these the future mainly depends.
The south is in a thorough and long transition. Her fields are to be made
fertile and to smile beautifully with an infinite variety of products; her
provisional labor is to be gradually supplanted by a permanent system;
industries, trades, and manufactories are to be founded and everywhere
multiplied; she is to have local organizations which will foster more of
self-government; her common schools are to be reconstituted and rendered
truly serviceable to all; and she has also her part to do in literature,
science, and art, as well as in domestic and national politics. We must
not be oversanguine in hope of her immediate progress; but we can
certainly take courage, when we find that every one who perceptibly
influences society by precept or by example--whether he be prominent like
Gordon or Lamar, or only a humble planter leading the fore-row in his
fields--is seeking for and finding the right path. These leaders must, in
the nature of things, have a larger following every year. In due time,
their children and their children's children will make the south of a
piece with the more prosperous portions of our country.
* * * * *
[I intended to incorporate in the foregoing these two passages, but by
some inadvertence they were not printed in their several places:
I said of Von Holst:
"Though he does not equal Mommsen's vivid delineation of the effects
of Roman slavery, his work is in grateful contrast with most of the
anti- and pro-slavery literature of America, by reason of his freedom
from ethical declamation, and his presentation of the real evils of
slavery, in the light of social, and especially economical, laws."
I also said of the negro:
"His flexibility; his receptivity to civilization, so different from
the inveterate repugnance of the Indian; his satisfaction and almost
complete freedom from discontent, insuring him against any violent
change; the probably long necessity for his labor; are all great
things in his favor."]
INDEX
[To decide what is the right handle to a passage not pointed to by a
chapter title, and place it in an index where an average reader will
expect it, is often very hard. An alphabetical list of proper names and
rememberable words that are in or near passages which one may wish to look
for is much more easy to make than a minute subject-index, and it supplies
much surer clews. What an _Index Nominum_ does for the Latin or Greek
scholar suggests the serviceableness of this Index.]
A.
Abbott, Ernest Hamlin, 404.
Abbott, Dr. Lyman, 347, 405.
Abolitionists, root-and-branch, 15, 16, 84 _sq._
Achaean league, 62.
Adams, Charles F., 28, 57, 58, 347.
Adams, John, 59, 142.
Adams, John Q., 20, 256.
AEschines, 69.
AEsop, 343.
Africa, "poor, oppressed, bleeding," 180, 185.
Alamance, 77.
Alexander, Tom, 277.
Altgeld, 112.
Amana community, 409.
Aristides, 293.
Aristocracies, natural, 90.
Aristotle, 37, 39, 106.
Arnold, Matthew, 196, 376.
Athens, 89.
Atlanta stockade, 381.
B.
Bacon, 144.
Bagehot, 437.
Barnett, Samuel, 279.
"Battle Hymn of the Republic," 205.
Bayard, 241, 244.
Beatrice, 195.
Beauregard, 293, 316.
Beecher, Henry Ward, 152.
Beecher, Dr. Lyman, 189.
Benjamin, 239.
Benton, 126.
Bentonville, 60.
Bible, the, 39.
Binney, 64.
Bishop, J. P., 141.
Blaine, 39.
Boley, 374, 408.
Bonnivard, 128.
Breckinridge, 266.
Brockhaus, 296, 360.
Brooks, Preston S., 237.
Brown, John, 264, 270, 352.
Brown, Joseph E., 317.
Brown, Prof. William Garrot, 274, 289, 369.
Buena Vista, 310.
Bunyan, 145.
Burgoyne, 317.
Burke, 41, 187, 204.
Butler, 244.
C.
Caesar, 244, 343.
California, 40, 80.
Calhoun Correspondence, 100, 105, 123.
Calhoun, Floride, 99.
Calhoun, John C., 17, 18, 19, 22, 30, 40, 65 _sq._, 85, 89, 135, 143,
150, 152, 153, 158, 186, 208, 209, 212, 225, 226, 239, 247, 250,
251, 253, 254, 255, 299, 311, 351.
Casabianca, 319.
Cass, 239.
Catullus, 151, 278.
Centralizing and decentralizing forces in America, 5.
Channing, 196.
Chase (of Maryland), 54.
Chase, Salmon P., 21.
Choate, 146, 219.
Cicero, 15, 18, 38, 124, 144, 237.
Classics, ancient, 37.
Clay, 97, 246, 251.
Cleopatra, 19.
Cleveland, Grover, 325.
Clingman, 157.
Clinton, George, 96.
Cobb, Howell, 214, 229, 252, 253, 261, 285.
Cobb, T. R. R., 38, 39, 42, 48, 266.
Coleridge, 202.
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, the Anglo-African composer, 25.
Comings, S. H., 368, 419.
Cone, 218, 222.
Confederate States, its evolution similar to that of the United States,
53;
African slave-trade prohibited by its constitution, 55;
its commissioners, 74.
Cornwallis, 317.
Cosmic force and law, 26, 211.
Cotton, 35.
Cowper, 136.
Crawford, George W., 246.
Crawford, William H., 218.
Crittenden compromise, 262.
Crocket, 144.
Cromwell, Oliver, 274, 281.
Cromwell, Richard, 297, 298.
Cumming, Major Joseph B., 35, 321, 347, 348.
Curran, 437.
Curtis, 70.
D.
Dahlonega mint, 231, 245.
Dane, Nathan, 64.
Dante, 36, 129, 144.
Darwin, 119.
Davidson, Miss, 322.
Davis, Jefferson, 18, 19, 30, 262, 272, 284, 349.
Davis, Mrs. Jefferson, 22, 238, 300, 301, 302, 305, 306, 308, 315, 318,
323, 327.
Decameron, 170, 383.
Decatur, 79.
Declaration of independence, 41, 42.
Delaware, 45, 56.
Del Mar, 109.
Demodocus, 384.
Demosthenes, 18, 69, 124, 144, 258.
De Quincey, 145.
Dillon, 442.
Dispensary, South Carolina, 111.
Dixon, 369.
Doolittle, 266.
Douglas, Stephen A., 21, 262, 264, 266.
Douglass, Frederick, 25, 362, 414.
Dred Scott decision, 91.
DuBois, Professor, 171, 193, 344, 362, 365, 382, 384, 386, 387.
Duer, 233.
Dumas, father and son, 25.
E.
"Edwards's Sabbath Manual," 198.
Elizabeth, Queen, 38.
Epaminondas, 273.
Erichsen, Hugo, 360.
Erskine, 218, 237.
Everett, Edward, 70.
F.
Falstaff, 248.
Farmville, 60.
Faust, 118.
Fessenden, 243.
Fire-eaters, 15.
First Manassas, 73, 315.
Force-bill of 1833, 65 _sq._
Forrest, 290-293, 294.
Fort Darling, 283.
Fort Donelson, 283.
Foster, F. C., 396.
Frankland, 80.
Franklin, battle of, 60.
Freed Slave, the statue, 202.
Free-labor and slave-labor systems, their antagonism, 45 _sq._, 49.
Freeman, 62.
Fuegians, 361.
G.
Gaius, 141.
Galphin claim, 245 _sq._
Gardner, James, 286.
Garrison, 88, 350.
Georgia Platform, 8-11, 183, 209, 215, 259, 260, 261, 263, 266.
Germany, 77.
Gethsemane, 197.
Giddings, 152.
Goethe, 144.
Gordon, 273, 450.
Grady, 326.
Grant, U. S., 20, 30, 293.
Greeley, 326, 441.
Green, 235.
Grinke, Archibald H., 392.
Grover, 227.
Grundy, Mrs., 274.
"Gulliver's Travels," 202.
H.
Hale, 141, 244.
Ham, descendants of, 38.
Hamilton, Alexander, 59, 64, 141, 247.
Hamilton, Governor, 65.
Hamlet, 319.
Hammond, 246.
Hampton, 393, 411.
Hampton, Wade, 129.
Hannibal, 258, 294.
Hans, the Berlin horse, 25.
Hardeman, S. H., 279.
Harlan, 240 _sq._
Harris, Joel Chandler, 408.
Harvey, 141.
Hastings, 60.
Hawkins, Sir John, 38.
Hayne, Robert Y., 30, 82, 144.
Hayti, 360, 366 _sq._
Heine, 197.
Henry, Patrick, 21, 64, 97, 272.
Herculaneum, 43.
Hill, Ben, 277.
Hill, Mrs. Ben, 326.
Hilliard, 254.
Hoar, Senator, 404.
Holsey, Bishop, 362, 422.
Homer, 144.
Horace, 343.
Horatius, 249.
Houmas land, 246.
Howard, General, 406.
Howell, 54.
Hunter, 238.
Huschke, 141.
Huse, Caleb, 289.
I.
Iowa contested election, 240 _sq._
Ireland, 51, 52, 437.
Iroquois, 77, 126.
_Isabel_ (steamer), 245.
Italy, 77.
J.
Jackson, President, 283.
Jackson, Stonewall, 91, 259.
Jamaica, negroes of, 367 _sq._, 379.
Jamestown, 36, 37, 345.
Jefferson, 41, 53, 54, 56, 59, 106, 142, 147, 436.
Jesus, 40, 128, 352.
Jevons, 107.
Johnson, Andrew, 307.
Johnston, Joseph E., 284, 316.
K.
Kansas, 209.
Kent, Chancellor, 65.
Kentucky, 186.
Kimball House fire, 280.
King's Mountain, 61.
Knight, Landon, 296, 303, 305, 312, 316, 317, 319.
Ku-Klux, 369, 423.
L.
"Lana Rookh," 187.
Lamar, 450.
Landon, Miss, 177.
Langdon, John, 96.
Lassigeray, 293.
"Laus Deo," 205.
Lear, 128, 202.
Lee, R. E., 20, 21, 128, 259, 276, 299, 356.
Lee, Stephen D., 328.
Legare, 150.
Lewis, William H., 425.
Lexington, 77.
Lieber, 187.
Liebknecht, 112.
Lincoln, Abraham, 20, 21, 23, 30, 33, 64, 160, 169, 210, 262, 267.
"Little Giffen," 29.
Livy, 146.
Lloyd, H. D., 187.
Lodge, Henry Cabot, 70, 72, 133, 134, 136, 137, 146, 155.
Logan, General, 441.
Lower class of negroes, 24-26, 410 _sq._
Lucanian ox, 200.
Lucifer, 273.
Lucretius, 87.
Lumpkin, 83, 219, 222.
M.
Madison, 56-58, 64, 68, 96, 133.
Mallory, 272.
Mann, Horace, 152.
Mansfield, 141.
Maoris, 413.
March, 146.
Marshall, C. J., 141.
Martial, 278.
Marx Carl, 107, 124.
Maryland, 54.
Mason, Jeremiah, 136.
Maximilian, 298.
McClellan, 294
McClung, 309.
McDonald, 261.
McDuffie, 222.
McKinley, President, 357.
McMaster, 70, 134.
Megareans, 265.
Mell, Dr., 277.
Memorial Day, 322.
Mexico, 51.
Michaelangelo, 129.
Mill, John Stuart, 106, 107, 265.
Miller, Kelley, 392.
Milton, 136.
Missouri question, 40, 84, 209.
Mitchell, John, 240.
Mommsen, 260, 450.
Monitor, 289.
Monterey, 309.
Morgan, Joshua, 223.
Morgan, Lewis H., 76, 126.
Murphy, Edgar Gardner, 359, 404.
N.
Napoleon, 297 _sq._, 310.
Nationalization, American, 4, 5, 61-83.
Nationalization, southern, 4, 6-14, 51-61, 436-438.
National Negro Business League, 402.
Nations, law of, 75.
Natural increase of slave property, 48, 49.
New England, 54, 59;
environment of Webster therein, 147-152.
New Jersey, 56.
New York, 54.
Niagara, 251.
Noah's curse, 38.
North Carolina, 80, 109.
O.
Oedipus, 279.
Oregon, 80, 84, 101, 226.
P.
Pace, J. M., 322.
Page, Thomas Nelson, 165, 384.
Parker, Theodore, 152.
Parsons, Prof. Frank, 109.
Pennsylvania, 54.
Pennsylvania ladies, two, 331.
Peonage decision, 373.
Pericles, 110, 265.
Philippine, the, 26.
Phillips, Wendell, 21, 88, 274, 356.
Pickett, 19.
Pierce, Bishop, 277.
Pierce, President, 299.
_Pilgrim, The_, 296.
"Pilgrim's Progress," 202.
Pingree, 112.
Pinkney, Gustavus M., 98, 112, 119.
Pinkney, William, 41, 79.
Plato, 37, 106, 144.
Plautus, 155, 195.
Pliny, 39.
Poe, 143, 150.
Polk, President, 103.
Pompeii, 43.
Pompey, 212.
Pope, 136.
Post, Louis F., 25, 403, 406.
Prentiss, S. S., 305.
Primary, Georgia, 111.
Primary, South Carolina, 111.
Princeton, 331.
Propontic, 259.
Prynne, Hester, 329.
Pugh, 239.
Q.
Quintilian, 37.
R.
Race question, 23-26.
Randolph, John, 69, 97, 222.
Ransy Sniffles, 87.
Rebellion, 81.
Reed, of South Carolina, 54.
Renascence, 36, 41.
"Republic of Republics," 64, 68, 69, 71, 72, 74.
Rhode Island, 56, 80.
Rhodes, James Ford, 17.
Ricardo, 108, 109, 286.
Roman law as to slavery, 42.
Roosevelt, President, 33, 425.
Ruskin, 202.
S.
Saint Pierre, 43.
Savage, 196.
Sawyer, 307.
Schurz, Carl, 134.
Scipio, 294.
Scott, General, 309.
Scribner, Anne, 406.
Sellers, Mulberry, 288.
Seneca, 37.
Seward, William H., 21, 22, 236.
Shakspeare, 30, 136, 138, 144, 278.
Sharpsburg, 273.
Sherman, General, 346.
Shiloh, 283.
Shirley, 136.
Simmons, 243.
Simonides, 171.
Slavery. (See chaps. ii., iii., x., xiv.)
Slavery, ancient contrasted with southern, 155 _sq._, 432.
Slave-trade, African, 46.
Smith, Adam, 107.
Smith, James M., 391.
Smith, W. B., 365.
Socrates, 196.
South Carolina, 54, 90, 111.
Southerners and northerners contrasted, 59-61.
Southern Mutual Fire Insurance Co., 225.
Spaight, 54.
Spencer, Herbert, 144.
Starke, W. Pinkney, 93, 94, 97, 100.
State, for the negroes, 413 _sq._
Staunton, 255.
Stephens, A. H., 21, 55, 69, 71, 82, 99, 106, 219, 221, 227, 232, 249,
251, 252, 254, 257, 264, 266, 268, 285, 286 _sq._, 290, 306, 430.
Story, 64.
Stovall, 222, 290.
Stowe, Mrs., 185, 187, 189, 197, 333.
Stuart, J. E. B., 294.
Sulla, 244.
Sullivan, 106.
Summer, Charles, 89, 152, 356.
Summer, Colonel, 312.
Surratt, Mrs., 298.
Switzerland, 77.
T.
Taylor, Dick, 273.
Taylor, Edward B., 364, 383.
Territories, intersectional strife over, 3, 46-49.
Texas, 51, 80, 101.
"The Fork," 397.
Thomas, Thomas W., 266.
Thomas, William Hannibal, 383.
Thucydides, 27.
Thurston, 381.
Ticknor, Dr., 29.
Tillinghast, 163, 166, 194, 361, 379, 380, 389, 392, 393, 411.
Timrod, 29, 322.
Titania, 198.
Tobacco, 35, 55.
Togoland, 344.
Toombs, 18, 19, 30, 32, 41, 90, 99, 130-135, 150, 164, 186, 191, 198,
208, 209, 284, 290, 292, 313, 380.
Toucey, 238.
Toussaint, 366.
Town-meeting, 90, 436.
Trent, 119.
Troup, 256.
Troy, 294.
Turner, Bishop, 416.
Tuskegee, 344, 411.
Tyrtaeus, 29.
U.
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," 40, 161 _sq._
Upper class of negroes, 24, 25, 370.
Upson, Frank L., 43.
V.
Van Buren, 230.
Vanderslice, 27.
Vergil, 145.
Vicksburg, 283.
Virginia, 35, 36, 45, 54, 59, 153.
Von Holst, 70, 101, 104, 119, 122, 123, 124, 439, 450.
W.
Waddell, James, 262.
Waddell, Moses, 93, 94.
Wade, 239, 243, 266.
Walker, J. B. A., 368.
Washington, Booker, 25, 380, 387, 402, 409, 411, 414, 415, 417, 419, 420.
Washington, Mrs. Booker, 395.
Washington, George, 19, 53, 56, 64, 115, 118, 282, 440.
Waterloo, 60.
Watson, Tom, 224.
Webster, Daniel, 19, 30, 64, 65 _sq._, 82, 83, 85, 100, 105, 113, 118,
120, 121, 247, 255, 266, 275 _sq._, 304, 307.
Wendell, Prof. Barrett, 28-30, 161, 162, 163, 206.
West Territory, 54.
White labor class, 336 _sq._
Whittier, 29, 88, 406.
Wilfer, Reginald, 207.
Willcox, Professor, 390, 403.
Wilmot proviso, 155, 227.
Wilson, General, 308.
Winthrop, 252.
Wirt, 141.
Wirz, 298.
Wright, Richard R., 344, 406.
Wright, Silas, 242.
Wyeth, 291.
Wynne, John, 156.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] "Where Black Rules White," article by Hugo Erichsen, in _The Pilgrim_
for July, 1905.
[2] De Officiis, 1, Sec. 89.
[3] Memoir of Jefferson Davis, vol. i. 579-583.
[4] Gettysburg, 164, 165.
[5] Quoted by himself in his Charleston speech, mentioned later on.
[6] Speech at the banquet of the New England Society of Charleston, S. C.
[7] A Literary History of America, 345.
[8] _Id._ 346.
[9] _Id._ 489.
[10] A Literary History of America, 494, 495.
[11] Major Joseph B. Cumming, speaking to the toast, "New Ideas, New
Departures, New South," at fourteenth annual dinner of New England Society
of Charleston, S. C., December 22, 1893.
[12] See Cobb, Slavery, xcvii, xcviii, for relevant citations. Chaps. V.
and VI. of the Historical Sketch, the former entitled "Slavery in Greece,"
and the latter, "Slavery among the Romans" (pp. lix-xcviii), are very
readable, learned, and adequate treatments of their respective subjects.
[13] Cobb, Slavery, cxii.
[14] _Id._
[15] Aristotle maintained the justice of wars undertaken to procure
slaves. See Cobb, Slavery, xii, foot-note 3, for references.
[16] "Pliny compares them to the drones among the bees, to be forced to
labor, even as the drones are compelled." _Id._ xcviii.
[17] In his chapter entitled "Slavery among the Jews" Mr. Cobb cites most
of the important passages. _Id._ xxxviii _sq._
[18] Twenty Years in Congress, vol. i. I.
[19] 1, 2, 2.
[20] _Id._ 1, 3, 1-2.
[21] Dig. 1, 1, 4, where, in an excerpt from Ulpian, it is said that all
human beings are _jure naturali_ (that is, by the law of nature) born
free.
We of to-day must not regard the last three passages cited from the Corpus
Juris Civilis as particularly reprehending the property of the master in
his slave. Cicero asserts that there is no private property whatever
according to the law of nature; that according to that law all things are
common property. He details some of the ways by which private
appropriation is made, such as long holding, entry into vacant lands,
capture in war, acquisition by contract, etc. According to this, a
prisoner of war stood on the same footing as a horse captured from the
enemy. By the law of nature there could be private property in neither.
But this law of nature was really repealed by the _jus gentium_, under
which both horse and prisoner alike became private property. If another
took either the horse or slave away from the owner, he would--to use
Cicero's language--violate the law of human society. De Officiis Lib. 1.
cap. 7, Secs. 20, 21.
[22] Inst. 1, 8, 1. When Mr. Cobb says that there is "but one voice in the
Digest and Code," book cited, xcviii, meaning that they give no
countenance to slavery, the statement is misleading.
[23] In the first chapter of his History of England Macaulay ascribes this
result to moral causes, and to religion as chief agent. He is only one of
many acute historians who overlook the play of economical forces.
[24] Cobb, Slavery, ccxviii (foot-note).
[25] See p. 437 _infra_, where I have compared the struggle of Ireland for
autonomy during the last half of the eighteenth century with that of the
south narrated in this book.
[26] Charleston Address mentioned above, 15.
[27] Hist. of Fed. Gov., 2d ed., 59.
[28] _Id._ 2.
[29] See the Republic of Republics, 4th ed. The references in the copious
index, under the names Dane, Henry, Story, Webster (Daniel, not Noah),
will suffice to put the student in the way to finding ample support of the
statements in the text.
[30] See Republic of Republics, 204-212 (chap. viii. of Part III.)
entitled "Daniel Webster's Masterpiece of Criticism," for copious proofs
of the statements made in the text. Hamilton, Madison, John Jay, and
Franklin are cited, and some eight or nine quotations from Washington are
made. The chapter is also instructive in showing State-rights utterances
of Webster made before and after the speech.
[31] See Stephens, War between the States, vol. i. 388, 389-392, 397-8;
and Republic of Republics, 4th ed., 207-211.
[32] War between the States, two volumes.
[33] The Republic of Republics; or, American Federal Liberty. By P. C.
Centz, Barrister, 4th ed., Boston, 1881. See what I said of it in 1882,
Am. Law Studies, Secs. 943, 944. Subsequent examination and comparison have
given me a still higher opinion of this book; which in its well-digested
presentation of evidence exhaustively collected, and complete
demonstration of its main proposition, to wit, that in the opinion of the
draftsmen, also of all the advocates of the constitution, and of the
people ratifying, the States were sovereign before adoption and would so
remain afterwards, is unique, and far foremost, in the literature of the
subject. Compare this strong statement of Henry Cabot Lodge, uttered in
1883:
"When the constitution was adopted by the votes of States at Philadelphia,
and accepted by the votes of States in popular conventions, it is safe to
say that there was not a man in the country, from Washington and Hamilton
on the one side, to George Clinton and George Mason on the other, who
regarded the new system as anything but an experiment by the States and
from which each and every State had the right peaceably to withdraw, a
right which was very likely to be exercised." Daniel Webster, 176.
[34] Republic of Republics, 4th ed., 23. The entire chapter entitled
"Secession and Coercion," _id._ 22-27, will repay consideration, setting
forth as it does what according to the author the brothers on each side
ought to have done under the law of nations.
[35] Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society, 103.
[36] Morgan, Ancient Society, 132.
[37] "It used to be a remark often made by Chief Justice Lumpkin, who was
a man himself of wonderful genius, profound learning, and the first of his
State, that Webster was always foremost amongst those with whom he acted
on any question, and that even in books of selected pieces, whenever
selections were made from Webster, these were the best in the book." A. H.
Stephens, War between the States, vol. i. 336.
[38] Ransy Sniffles is a character in Georgia Scenes, who has long been a
proverb in the south for one who habitually provokes personal encounters
among his neighbors.
[39] See _infra_, p. 436.
[40] See what he said February 20, 1860, in the United States senate, to
Clark, repeating the charge, as reported in the "Globe."
[41] W. Pinkney Starke, Account of Calhoun's Early Life, Calhoun
Correspondence, 69.
[42] The inscription on her tombstone states--so I have been
informed--that she died in May, 1802. In a short while afterwards he put
the mother of his future wife in her place and bestowed on her the highest
filial love.
[43] W. Pinkney Starke, Account of Calhoun's Early Life, Calhoun
Correspondence, 78.
[44] Starke's Account of Calhoun's Early Life, Calhoun Correspondence, 87.
[45] Life of John C. Calhoun. By Gutasvus M. Pinkney, of the Charleston,
S. C., Bar, Charleston, S. C., 1903.
[46] Calhoun Correspondence, 88.
[47] Von Holst, John C. Calhoun, 41.
[48] War between the States, vol. i. 341.
[49] A Disquisition on Government, and A Discourse on the Constitution and
Government of the United States, Works, vol. i.
[50] Works, vol. i. (A Disquisition on Government) 72.
[51] They were made in the United States Senate, one, September 19, 1837,
on the bill authorizing issue of treasury notes; the other, October 3,
1837, on his amendment of the bill just mentioned.
[52] His "Barbara Villiers" and his "History of Money in America" are very
important. But his most valuable addition to the few books which have
taught true monetary doctrine is his "Science of Money." While in this he
does not state the fundamental principle of good money as clearly as
Calhoun does, yet he assumes it most accurately and builds upon it
everywhere.
[53] "Rational Money," published by C. F. Taylor, 1520 Chestnut Street,
Philadelphia. The author does not show the deep insight and genial
originality of Calhoun and Del Mar; but he has presented the entire
subject with a judgment so sane in accepting the true and rejecting the
false in the belonging theory, that the book is the very best of existing
compilations.
[54] To be nominated in the South Carolina primary, a candidate for
governor or any other State place must receive a majority in the whole
State, one for congress a majority in the district, one for a county place
a majority in the county. Where no candidate receives a majority a new
primary is held only to decide between the two who got the largest vote.
The primary first mentioned is a State primary, held on the last Tuesday
of August. At this date, the crop--to use planting parlance--having been
laid by for some six weeks, the voters have had ample opportunity from
reading the papers, talks with one another, and hearing speeches to inform
themselves fully. Just across the Savannah in Georgia, the State
democratic executive committee, so called, being the faithful organ of the
railroads, has since 1898 put the primary in the early days of June, in
busiest crop-time. This precludes any real canvass. It also keeps
thousands from voting; and so the always full turnout of railroad regulars
and workers--which is but a relatively small portion of the body of
electors--wins a plurality. The committee allows a plurality to nominate,
as of course a plurality can be had more easily than a majority. To be
sure of the State senate, nominations to it are made by a convention
instead of a primary. And conventions in the congressional districts
nominate candidates for the lower house.
Contrasting the results--in South Carolina nomination is really the voice
of the people; in Georgia the people seem to get, while the railroads
really get, the governor, and, as everybody now expects, the railroads and
liquor men always have at least twenty-three of the forty-four senators.
I believe that the Swiss-like grip of the people of South Carolina upon
their liberties, shaming Georgia so greatly as it does, is mainly due to
the influence of Calhoun. That influence is still benignly powerful, even
where unrecognized.
I think that if the dispensary law were so altered as to give each county
the purchase of its liquor by, say, its supervisor, nominated by this
primary, the opportunity of graft, now discrediting the administration of
the law with many, would be effectually closed. There would then be
everywhere a trustworthy official, of their own election, to keep the
people advised as to proper prices and cost. It would be to lose all
chance of re-election for the official to cheat the public by colluding
with the liquor sellers.
[55] Life of John C. Calhoun, 225-229.
[56] _Id._
[57] Heyward thus translates: "Reason and good sense express themselves
with little art. And when you are seriously intent on saying something, is
it necessary to hunt for words?"
[58] Von Holst, John C. Calhoun, 133.
[59] _Id._ 141.
[60] Von Holst, John C. Calhoun, 148.
[61] As illustrating his anti-tariff progress, see what he says in his
letter of July, 1828, to James Monroe, Correspondence, 266; what in that
to his relative, Noble, of January, 1829, _id._ 269, 270; in that to
Samuel L. Gouvernour, of February, 1832, _id._ 310, 311; and what as to
benefit from having concentrated opinions in south, in that to his
brother-in-law, _id._ 313, 314.
[62] Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States,
Works, vol. i. 392.
[63] Discourse on the Constitution and Government of the United States,
Works, vol. i. 393.
[64] Ancient Society, 147, 148.
[65] A Disquisition on Government, Works, vol. i. 92-96. Compare for
Calhoun's treatment Benton's report of his conversations, and the
pertinent excerpts he gives from Calhoun's speech in the United States
Senate of February 15 and 16, 1833, Thirty Years' View, vol. i. 335 _sq._
[66] Daniel Webster, 50.
[67] _Id._ 45, 46.
[68] _Id._ 46.
[69] _Id._ 48.
[70] In his _Encyclopedia Americana_ article Mr. Carl Schurz strains as
hard as Mr. Lodge does in his biography to conceal the real position of
Webster. I commend the homespun reasoning of this paragraph to all such.
[71] Daniel Webster, 59.
[72] McMaster, Daniel Webster, 88.
[73] Daniel Webster, 52.
[74] Dartmouth College Causes.--Mr. Lodge's narrative, Daniel Webster,
74-98--is a very helpful introduction to the book just mentioned.
[75] Lodge, Daniel Webster, 22.
[76] _Id._ 22.
[77] The twelve words meant are, "The congress shall have power to
regulate commerce among the several States."
[78] Huschke ought to have stated this fact at page 19 of his edition of
Gaius, in order to give the latter his full posthumous glory.
[79] We support our statement in this sentence by quoting below in this
footnote two passages which stand a page or two apart in the Plymouth
oration, italicizing one word in the former, and one word and a clause in
the other, which, if Webster had taken accurate note of the intellectual
ferment then active throughout all New England, he would have made much
stronger:
"We may flatter ourselves that the means of education at present enjoyed
in New England are not only adequate to the diffusion of the elements of
knowledge among all classes, but sufficient also for _respectable_
attainments in literature and the sciences."
"With nothing in our past history to discourage us, and with _something_
in our present condition and prospects to animate us, let us hope, that,
as it is our fortune to live in an age when we may behold a wonderful
advancement of the country in all its other great interests, _we may see
also equal progress and success attend the cause of letters_."
[80] Daniel Webster, 318-321.
[81] _Ante_, 28-30.
[82] Literary History of America, 354.
[83] _Id._
[84] Consider his virtual confession when Mrs. Davis good humoredly taxes
him with saying in his speeches hard things of slavery which he knew from
actual observation to be fictions. Memoir of Jefferson Davis, vol. i. 581.
[85] Lecture in Tremont Temple, Stephens, War between the States, vol. i.
637, 638 (Appendix G).
[86] The Negro in Africa and America, by Alexander Tillinghast, M. A., N.
Y., 1902.
This really scientific work, very complete though very brief, is as
indispensable to whomsoever would enlighten the country upon the race
question, as is the latest and best text-book to the lawyer considering a
case under the law treated therein.
Mr. Page's "The Negro: The Southerner's Problem," N. Y., 1904, has not the
scientific merit of the last. But it most ably advocates the side
generally taken by the south.
Both books are free from blinding passion and prejudice.
[87] Book cited, 88. The italics are mine.
[88] _Id._ 88.
[89] The Negro in Africa and America, 88, 89. Italics mine, again.
[90] Uncle Tom's Cabin and Key, Riverside ed., vol. i. p. xviii.
[91] These quotations from The Author's Introduction, Riverside ed.,
lviii, lix. The last sentence italicized by me.
[92] Tremont Temple Lecture, Stephens, War between the States, vol. i.
641. The italics are mine.
[93] Professor DuBois, born in 1868, in New England, whose writings show
that his mind has been soaked to saturation in abolition misstatement and
bitterness, and that consequently he is utterly unfamiliar with either the
average negro slave of the south and the conditions and effects of slavery
in the section, attributes the present unchastity of the negroes to the
frequent separation of man and wife by the master. Here is what he says:
"The plague-spot in sexual relations is easy marriage and easy separation.
This is no sudden development, nor the fruit of emancipation. It is the
plain heritage from slavery. In those days Sam, with his master's consent,
took up with Mary. No ceremony was necessary, and in the busy life of the
great plantations of the Black Belt it was usually dispensed with. If now
the master needed Sam's work in another part of the same plantation, or if
he took a notion to sell the slave, Sam's married life with Mary was
usually unceremoniously broken, and then it was clearly to the master's
interest to have both of them take new mates. This widespread custom of
two centuries has not been eradicated in thirty years." The Souls of Black
Folk, 142.
This statement is utterly untrue, as Professor DuBois can easily find out
from thousands of most credible witnesses. I never knew of a single such
separation. Of course, I will not say that there were none at all. But I
do say, in contradiction of his assertion, as flat as contradiction can
be, that the separations which he describes were not common. Every
impartial investigator who has formed his opinion from the actual evidence
knows that the unchastity of the negro slave of America was an inheritance
from Africa. I do not dispute the assertion often made that there were and
are still chaste negro tribes of that continent. But our negroes did not
come from them. They came from the West Africans, accurately described
above in citations from Mr. Tillinghast.
[94] Uncle Tom's Cabin and Key, Riverside ed., vol. i. p. lxxxix _sq._
[95] Uncle Tom's Cabin and Key, Riverside ed., vol. ii. 273.
[96] Georgians, 128.
[97] The Life of Robert Toombs, 29-49 (New York, Cassell Pub. Co.).
[98] Bethany, A Story of the Old South, 10 _sq._
[99] Johnston and Browne's Life of A. H. Stephens, 218.
[100] Toombs thus anticipates the trenchant but kindly criticism by
Woodrow Wilson of congressional ways of governing. Congressional Gov.
58-192, and in other places.
[101] What he says July 29, 1857, on death of Preston S. Brooks is a good
example of the forced and labored style of his set speeches. Stephens
often said that his set speeches were failures. And unless they were made,
as that on the invasion of States, that on the duty of congress to protect
slavery in the Territories, and his justification of secession, January 7,
1861, under the excitement of a great cause, working the same effect upon
him as the ardor of extemporaneous effort, his set speeches are below the
mark. And I wish he had more carefully revised the three just mentioned,
following the example of Cicero, Erskine and Webster, who habitually
corrected and improved their words after they had been spoken. He does not
seem to have given his good speeches--the extemporaneous ones--any
systematic correction. Of all speakers and orators I ever knew or heard
of, he has used the file the least. It is my belief that he did not know
how to use it. Had he but polished just some of his best unpremeditated
efforts; as for instances his first speech for the retired naval officers;
his most important utterances under various heads of internal
improvements; his humorous anti-pension harangues; and his titanic
struggle in vain with his own party to keep Harlan seated--what a find
they would be for the school speech books of the future! His lecture on
slavery, delivered in Tremont Temple, Boston, January 24, 1859,--a good
copy of which is given by Stephens (The War between the States, vol. i.
625-647)--is the best specimen extant, within my knowledge, of his
deliberate style. If I may make such a distinction, it was carefully
revised, but never corrected. The reader will find it, I believe, the very
ablest of all the many defences of slavery in the south.
Mrs. Davis states that during the times of excitement concerning the
compromise of 1850, "He [Toombs] would sit with one hand full of the
reporter's notes of his speeches, for correction," with a French play in
the other, over which he was roaring with laughter. (Memoir of Jefferson
Davis, vol. i. 411.) As his speech of December 13, 1849, and the Hamilcar
speech of June next following, need very little correction, I incline to
believe that he did at least try to revise them. Naturally leading such a
novel movement as he then was--it will be fully explained a little later
on--he would desire to send forth his views in only carefully considered
words, and probably he corrected the proofs of the two speeches just
mentioned with something like diligence. In his pleadings, law-briefs,
sketches of proposed statutes, letters, etc., of which I saw much in his
last years, he was so palpably indifferent towards improving his first
draft that one might know it came from lifelong habit.
[102] Third Session, 240-244.
[103] _Globe_, 35th Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 360 (I am thus particular
in giving this reference, from a sense of justice to the memory of George
W. Crawford, which is now and then ignorantly aspersed because of the
Galphin claim).
[104] See his argument, May 25, 1858, for putting duties on the home
valuation of imports; note also how familiar he is with trade, the motive
of smuggling, the relation of exchange; also what he says of the tariff of
1857, _Globe_, 35th Cong., 1st Sess., 466, 467, 470. For his mastery of
trade and commerce, see what he says June 9, 1858, especially pp.
2832-2834.
[105] Stephens, War between the States, vol. ii. 338.
[106] War between the States, vol. ii. 186.
[107] Address in the Supreme Court of Georgia, March 9, 1886.
[108] War between the States, vol. ii. 217.
[109] Waddell, Life of Linton Stephens, 237.
[110] The rare perfection of Catullus's spontaneous poetic expression is
something like adequately represented in two quotations made by Baehrens,
one from Niebuhr, and the other from Macaulay, especially in the former.
Catulli Veronensis, Liber II. 42.
[111] War Between the States, vol. ii. 329-333.
[112] Pleasant A. Stovall, The Life of Robert Toombs, 218.
[113] The War between the States, vol. ii. 781 (Appendix).
[114] The supplies for the Confederate Army, How they were obtained in
Europe and How paid for.--Personal Reminiscences and Unpublished history.
By Caleb Huse, Major and Purchasing Agent, C. S. A. Boston, Press of T. R.
Marvin & Son, 1904.
I commend this narrative to Professor Brown. Should he study it he will
have cause to retract what he has written (The Lower South in American
History, 164) in disparagement of this resource. Had Toombs, or Stephens,
or Cobb been president and represented by such an extraordinarily able
agent, the Confederate States would have got ironclads, broken the
blockade, kept out invaders, and had a money that would have held its own
much better than the greenbacks unsustained by cotton or anything like it.
From what I know of these men I am sure the right agent would have been
found.
[115] Book cited, 164, 165.
[116] Stovall, Life of Robert Toombs, 226.
[117] Wyeth, Life of General Nathan Bedford Forrest, 268, 269.
[118] _Id._ 271.
[119] See his 14th chapter.
[120] "I see a vision of awful shapes--mighty presences of gods arrayed
against Troy." _AEneid_, II. 622-23, Transl. by JOHN CONINGTON, _Writings_,
II., Longmans, Green & Co. (1872).
[121] In six consecutive numbers of the _Pilgrim_, beginning with that of
October, 1903. This is a monthly, edited by Willis J. Abbot, and published
by the Pilgrim Magazine Co., _Ltd._, Battle Creek, Mich.
[122] Memoir of Jefferson Davis, vol. i. 59.
[123] Memoir, vol. i. 86.
[124] _Id._ 52, 53.
[125] Memoir, _Id._ vol. i. 59, 60.
[126] Mrs. Davis tells all the details most delightfully; Memoir, vol. i.
207-212.
[127] Memoir, vol. i. 214, 215. Compare what Stephens says of the speech
made by President Davis at the African church in Richmond in February,
1865, just after the return of our Commissioners who had sought in vain
for terms of peace which the south could consider. We give the part of the
passage pertinent here.
"The newspaper sketches of that speech were meagre, as well as inaccurate
... and ... came far short of so presenting its substance even, as to give
those who did not hear it anything like an adequate conception of its full
force and power. It was not only bold, undaunted, and confident in tone,
but had that loftiness of sentiment and rare form of expression, as well
as magnetic influence in its delivery, by which the passions of the people
are moved to their profoundest depths, and roused to the highest pitch of
excitement. Many who had heard this Master of Oratory in his most
brilliant displays in the senate and on the hustings, said they never
before saw him so really majestic. The occasion, and the effects of the
speech, as well as all the circumstances under which it was made, caused
the minds of not a few to revert to like appeals by Rienzi and
Demosthenes." War between the States, vol. ii. 623, 824.
[128] Memoir, vol. i. 146, 147.
[129] Landon Knight, "The Real Jefferson Davis," already cited.
[130] Landon Knight, "The Real Jefferson Davis."
[131] Mrs. Davis's Memoir, vol. i. 392.
[132] In his fourth chapter.
[133] Memoir, vol. ii. 18.
[134] _Id._ 32, 33.
[135] Memoir, vol. ii. 180-183.
[136] Mr. Landon Knight is happy in showing the fidelity, diligence,
courage, and unsurpassed conscientiousness, of Mr. Davis in his
presidency, and especially how he bore himself amid the multiplying
disasters of the last two years.
[137] "We embraced the cause [i. e., of the Confederate States] in the
spirit of lovers. True lovers all were we--and what true lover ever loved
less because the grave had closed over the dear and radiant form?--And so
we--we, at least, who as men and women inhaled the true spirit of that
momentous time--come together on these occasions not only with the fresh
new flowers in our hands, but with the old memories in our thoughts and
the old, but ever fresh, lover spirit in our hearts, and seek to make
these occasions not unworthy of the cause we loved unselfishly and of
these its sleeping defenders." Major Joseph B. Cumming, in introducing
General Butler, orator of the day, when the Confederate soldiers' graves
were decorated at the Augusta (Ga.) cemetery in 1895.
[138] The celebration at Covington, Georgia, April 26, 1866, was complete.
My friend Hon. J. M. Pace has just shown me a copy of the local newspaper
issued the next day, containing an account of the ceremony and the rarely
appropriate address which he made as part thereof. The fact is that the
observance of Memorial Day commenced everywhere in the south at the time
just mentioned.
[139] Encyc. Americana, article "Ant."
[140] Uncle Tom's Cabin and Key, vol. i. 206 (Riverside ed.).
[141] Says John Mitchell: "The Southern States, which have made rapid
progress, especially in cotton manufacturing, have, as a general rule, not
responded to the demand for a shorter working-day--the south lacking
effective labor organizations to compel such legislation." (Organized
Labor, 122.) He might have said the same as to the desired prohibition of
child labor.
[142] _Infra_, pp. 431-438.
[143] The Souls of Black Folk, 254.
[144] In an address mentioned in the next footnote Major Joseph B. Cumming
rightly insists that this is the proper name for what is called "the
American Civil War" with some show of justification, and "the war of
rebellion" without any justification whatever.
[145] Address of Major Joseph B. Cumming, entitled "The Great War," before
Camp 435 of United Confederate Veterans, Augusta, Ga., Memorial Day, 1902.
[146] I Timothy vi. 1-4. I have quoted the Twentieth Century Testament
because of its extremely faithful version. Of course the italics are mine.
[147] "Where Black Rules White," by Hugo Erichsen, in the _Pilgrim_ for
July, 1905, deserves the title "Hayti As It Is." The Americana article
ought to be conspicuously labelled "Hayti Whitewashed."
[148] Bureau of Labor Bulletin, No. 48, September, 1903, pp. 1006, 1013,
1019.
[149] _Id._ 1020.
[150] Bishop Lucius H. Holsey, D.D., of the colored M. E. Church, is much
more in touch and sympathy with the negro masses than Professor DuBois.
Here is something recently said by him:
"_As long as the two races live in the same territory in immediate
contact, their relations will be such as to intermingle in that degree
that half-bloods, quarter-bloods and a mongrel progeny will result._ This
is not only going on now, but is destined to annihilate the true typical
ante-bellum negro type, and put in his place a stronger, a longer lived,
and a more Anglo-Saxon-like homogeneous race. In other words, the negro to
come will not be the negro of the emancipation proclamation, but he will
be the Anglo-Saxonized Afro-American. It seems true, as has been said, 'No
race can look the Anglo-Saxon in the face and live.' Certainly no other
race can hold its own in his immediate presence. Being in immediate
contact and underrating the mental and moral virtues of others and
exercising a sovereignty over them, his opportunities are enlarged to make
other races his own in consanguinity. This he never fails to do." Address
before the National Sociological Society at the Lincoln Temple
Congregational Church, The Possibilities of the Negro in Symposium, 107
(Atlanta, Ga.).
In the same address, just a little above the quotation just made, this
occurs: "Legal intermarriage in the south, although not wrong in its
consummation, is a matter as yet undebatable, and belongs only to the
future." _Id._ 107.
These words of Bishop Holsey are weighty proof that the negroes strongly
desire and expect amalgamation.
[151] Edward B. Taylor, _The Outlook_, July 16, 1904, p. 670.
[152] The Souls of Black Folk, 106.
[153] See Exodus xxii. 16.
[154] The Souls of Black Folk, 106.
[155] May 6, 1905. Having finished my work I read two days ago, "The Color
Line. A Brief in behalf of the Unborn." By William Benjamin Smith, N. Y.,
1905. It ably and vividly explains the transcendent importance of keeping
the blood of Caucasians in America uncontaminated with that of the
African, and demonstrates that to do this the color line must be rigidly
maintained between negroid as well as coal-black, on one side, and white
on the other. The utter impossibility of making the man of a particular
race like the man of another extremely remote one by even the most careful
education is shown with startling effect. The inability of the black to
hold his own against white competition, and his gradual and sure expulsion
is proved by overwhelming evidence. The book is useful as an introduction
to all the literature of the subject. The only fault that I note is its
excessive warmth and combativeness--especially in the first half. With the
dispassionate serenity of Mr. Tillinghast, it would have been perfect.
[156] The quotations which immediately follow are from a letter of J. B.
A. Walker, dated Tuskegee, Ala., July 27, 1904, written to S. H. Comings,
who has kindly permitted me to make use of it.
[157] Lower South in Am. Hist. 223. When Professor Brown read "The
Clansman" doubtless his hesitation ended.
[158] Clyatt _v._ United States, March 13, 1905.
[159] Possibly this is the village of Boley, mentioned in the next
chapter.
[160] They are Stephen, a slave, _v._ State, 2 Ga. 225; Jesse, a slave,
_v._ State, 20 Ga. 161.
[161] See Tillinghast, The Negro in Africa and America, 10-14.
[162] New Encyc. Britan., Article, "Jamaica."
[163] Working with the Hands, 40.
[164] Tillinghast, book cited above, 180, 181. Consider the quotation
there made from Thurston, the negro manager, in which he asserts that it
is only by this means that negro operatives can be made to do good work.
[165] Souls of Black Folk, 9.
[166] During the years after the war until the end of 1881, when I came to
Atlanta, I kept my eye upon the negro preachers in the country. Whenever I
could closely observe one and had opportunity of sifting members of his
congregation, I generally found him to be _vir gregis_. My acquaintances
tell me that there has been no perceptible change. Compare what Mr. Edward
B. Taylor, a northern man, now residing in Columbia, S. C., says of "the
immoral negro preacher" in _The Outlook_ of July 16, 1904.
[167] William Hannibal Thomas, a negro of Massachusetts, says the same as
to the early corruption of children and "marital immoralities" both of the
poor, the ignorant, and the degraded among the freed people, and also of
those who assume to be educated and refined. Quoted by Mr. Page, The
Negro; The Southerner's Problem, 82-84.
[168] Encyc. Am. Article, "Negro in America."
[169] Noticing Mr. Page's book just mentioned, Professor DuBois treats
William Hannibal Thomas as utterly unworthy of credit. All of us in the
south familiar with negroes know that Thomas's statement quoted by Mr.
Page is unqualifiedly true.
[170] That part of Department of Commerce and Labor Bureau Census,
Bulletin 8, called "The Negro Farmer," is by him. Consider the extravagant
claims made therein for the magnitude of negro farming in the United
States in the comment on Table xxxv. p. 92. Professor DuBois is also
author of the "Negro Landholder of Georgia," Bulletin of Department of
Labor, No. 35, July, 1901.
[171] Bulletin 8, before cited, 75.
[172] Article, "Negro Education," Encyclopedia Americana.
[173] Professor DuBois, Bulletin 8, cited above, 73.
[174] _Id._ 77.
[175] Book cited, 183-185.
[176] _Id._ 184.
[177] Book cited, 184.
[178] _Id._ 184.
[179] Bureau of Statistics--Bulletin No. 28, p. 71.
[180] _Id._ 72.
[181] Extract from a letter of Hon. James M. Smith to the author. He is, I
believe, the largest planter in Georgia. His lands lie in the adjoining
edges of Oglethorpe county, which is in the Black Belt, and of Madison
county, which is outside. From his experience, and because of the great
accuracy of his observation, which I have noted for nearly forty years, I
regard him as better qualified than any one else who can be suggested, to
give a correct opinion on the subjects he deals with in the quotation.
Especially do I emphasize his exceptional advantages for comparing whites
and negroes as farmers, tenants, croppers, and laborers for standing
wages, in making cotton.
[182] Book cited above, 121, 122.
[183] The Voice of the Negro, September, 1904 (Atlanta, Ga.)--Consider
picture of "Board of Directors of the True Reformers' Bank, Richmond,
Va.," in number of same magazine for November, 1904. These directors are
nine in all, and there is but one who is decidedly black. Six of them look
to be more than three-quarters white. The number for March, 1905, contains
a sketch of William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, Ph.D., stating that the
Professor's ancestry is largely white and his color a rich brown. The
picture of his mother shows her hair to be straight and her complexion
bright.
[184] Book cited above, 213-215.
[185] The Voice of the Negro, October, 1904, p. 435.
[186] Department of Commerce and Labor Bureau of the Census, Bulletin 8,
Negroes in the United States, p. 13.
[187] I have in mind his late articles in the _Outlook_.
[188] See his "Problems of the Present South."
[189] Autobiography of Seventy Years, vol. ii. 60-62.
[190] By Anne Scribner, and copied in the _Public_ of September 17, 1904,
from the Chicago _Evening Post_.
[191] The passage with the context quoted by Dr. Booker Washington,
"Working with the Hands," 238.
[192] Issue of October 15, 1904.
[193] Encyclopedia Americana, Article "Negro Education."
[194] But the most drastic provisions to keep the greedy whites from
preying upon the negroes as they did upon the Indians most be adopted,
such as permitting the negro State to tax without limit whites owning
property or doing business therein. This will prevent the result
anticipated by Booker Washington.
[195] The best thing upon the joint education of hand and brain known to
me is "Pagan _vs._ Christian Civilization," by S. H. Comings (Charles H.
Kerr & Co., Chicago). The title does not indicate, as it ought to do, the
special purpose of the book to show that to give the scholar expertness
with his hands at the first and thus develop his self-supporting ability
is far better than to cram his memory. What the author says in maintenance
of his proposition, that our industrial schools should be operated upon a
plan that will make the scholar pay as he goes, out of his own work, for
his subsistence and expense of education during the entire course,
deserves respectful and thoughtful consideration. In its brevity, and at
the same time variety and fulness, coming as it does at the beginning of a
new era, it reminds me of Sullivan's tract which some years ago started
the American agitation for direct legislation, with store of examples and
exposition almost sufficient for its entire needs.
The above had been written when Booker Washington's "Working with the
Hands" came along. The well-chosen title informs accurately as to the
subject of the book. Its scope covers working with the hands from its
beginning in childhood to the close of life. As illustration of his
principles Dr. Washington circumstantially tells of the beneficent
industrial and moral training given at Tuskegee, in all its many
departments, to children, youth, and adults, in everything which it is
important that a negro of either sex should know how to do. Besides its
wisdom, its attention-commanding and interest-exciting style deserves high
commendation. Any reader longing for the day of real education to dawn who
opens the book will go to the end, without skipping, in a delightful
gallop. It is my conviction that it will be of far more advantage to the
white industrial and technological schools than to those for which it is
specially intended by the author.
[196] Book cited, 119.
[197] See Collier's Weekly for November 26, 1904.
[198] The English translation of the first volume of Von Holst's
"Constitutional and Political History of the United States" has just been
published. The titles of the ninth and tenth chapters, to wit, "The
Economic Contrast between the Free and Slave States," and "Development of
the Economic Contrast between the Free and Slave States," are very apt and
striking, and the contents of the chapters are profoundly original and
instructive. Having ample space, the author has, among other merits, well
handled the following incidents and consequences of slavery:
1. Implacable hostility of slave and non-slave labor.
2. Self-protecting necessity to slavery of continuous expansion, and, to
insure this expansion, necessity that the south keep political mastery of
the country.
3. Economic importance to south of invention of cotton-gin in 1793.
4. Exclusive possession by north of wholesale trade.
5. Greater immigration to north.
6. Missouri Compromise, and rise therefrom of geographical parties.
7. Internal improvements and tariff passing inter-geographical question.
8. Economic decay of south due to slavery, and not to tariff.
9. Opposition of slavery to the spirit of the age.
The following is a brief statement of the chief demerits of the two
chapters:
1. Misstatement that there were different circles of slaveholders;
overstatement of inhumanity of masters; and unjust disparagement of
character of smaller slaveholders.
2. Failure to note the great absorbing energy of slave property.
3. Failure to note the lack of a population of free workers.
But the work, considering the short time the clouds of battle have had to
clear away, recollecting, too, that the author is a foreigner, is,
excepting a little heated partisanship here and there, a most valuable
contribution to the history of our country.
[199] I see now--in 1905--that the statement in the text was a great
mistake; and that nadir was not reached until some fifteen or twenty years
later.
THE INDIAN DISPOSSESSED
By SETH K. HUMPHREY
With sixteen full-page illustrations from photographs
300 pages. 12mo. Cloth, $1.50 net. Postpaid, $1.64.
A plain, connected, carefully prepared narrative of the actual and proved
dealings of the United States government with the subdued Indian--the
Reservation Indian. The author's account of governmental oppression and
ill-faith, and of successive removals of the Indians from their homes to
regions unattractive to white settlers, and of the confiscation of Indian
property, are supported by extracts from official records. After chapters
describing the experience of the Umatillas (with whom the government held
to its treaty), the Flathead Indians of the Bitter Root, the Nez Perces,
the Poncas, and the Mission Indians, comes an important chapter on
"Dividing the Spoils," with a graphic and moving description of the scenes
at the opening of the Cherokee Strip, drawn from the author's personal
experiences. A chapter is devoted to an exposure of the Rosebud
Reservation bill,--the latest example of governmental confiscation,--while
the final chapter gives an original and convincing explanation of the
remarkable persistence of vicious influences in our Indian system, in the
face of the equally persistent desire of the American people to grant the
Indian fair play. Helen Jackson's "A Century of Dishonor" has received a
valuable companion work in the present book.
LITTLE, BROWN, & CO., _Publishers_
254 WASHINGTON STREET, BOSTON