CHAPTER X

SLAVERY AT LAST IMPELLED INTO A DEFENSIVE AGGRESSIVE

Until the crisis of 1850, slavery had never changed from purely defensive

tactics. This year made it seem that the north had fully resolved that

slavery should never be allowed another inch of new territory; and also

was very near, and was rapidly coming nearer to, the point of practically

preventing the enforcement of the fugitive slave law. We have explained

how slave property could not live unless it found new virgin soil in the

Territories; and we have also explained what a deadly blow it would

receive, in the refusal to restore fugitives. This refusal would be really

indirect abolition. Read the masterly sketch by Calhoun, in his speech

March 4, 1850, of the conquering advance of the anti-slavery party, until

now--to use his language--"the equilibrium between the two sections ...

had been destroyed;" and he demonstrates that the actual exercise of the

entire national political power must soon be in the hands of the

free-labor section. The south instinctively felt that the time for her old

tactics was over, and that she must do more than merely fend off the blows

of abolition. And, as we will tell in the next chapter, she found her new

leader in Toombs. Nullification as advocated by Calhoun was the extreme

energy of the pure defensive of the south. His proposed dual executive

amendment was merely that nullification be made a right granted to the

federal government instead of remaining one reserved to the States.

Toombs had grown up in the school of William H. Crawford. George R.

Gilmer, a follower of Crawford, tells of the latter: "He was violently

opposed to the nullification movement, considering it but an ebullition

excited by Mr. Calhoun's overleaping, ambition."[96]

Toombs scouted nullification. Under his lead his State, in 1850, adopted

the Georgia Platform quoted above. This platform was considerate and

resolute preparation for the southern offensive.

Next the south assumes initiative. Extension of slave-territory is so

great an economical _sine qua non_ that she attacks its barriers. Using

her control of the then dominant democratic party she got the Missouri

compromise repealed. Her main purpose in this was to wrench from the

anti-slavery men the weapon of congressional restriction, then deemed by

them the most powerful of all in their armory. She also contemplated

extorting a concession of all lands in the Territories which could be

profitably cultivated by slaves from the north, alarmed into apprehending

that otherwise slavery might be carried above 36.30'.

This repeal did more than anything else--more even than "Uncle Tom's

Cabin"--to arouse the north into mortal combat with slavery. The historian

cannot understand why the south procured it, if he ignores that energy of

southern nationalization which we have done our utmost to explain. This

nationalization had got into what we may call the last rapids, and was

bound to go over the precipice into the gulf of secession.

The bootless struggle by the south against overwhelming odds of northern

settlers to make Kansas a slave State was the sequel to the repeal of the

Missouri compromise. When the South understood that Kansas was really

gone, she advanced her forlorn hope in her endeavor to secure slavery in

the union. The essence of the compromise measures of 1850 was that the

demand of congressional non-interference with slavery in the States and

Territories, made by the south, was declared adopted as future policy. As

the forlorn hope just mentioned she now made the demand that the owner's

property in his slaves, if he should carry them into a Territory, should

be protected by congress until its people had made the constitution under

which the Territory would be admitted into the union. Her adherence to

this demand split the democratic party; and the election of Lincoln

ensued. This election meant that slavery--the property supporting more

than nine-tenths of the southern people, and which was virtually their

entire economic system--was put under a ban. There was nothing for it but

depreciation in the near future; soon more and more depreciation; until

after prolonged stagnation and paralysis the value of all her property

would collapse as did that of the continental currency. That was the way

it looked to her. We believe that the facts show that her conviction was

right. She felt with her whole soul that the time had come to invoke State

sovereignty. So she seceded, with intent to save the property of her

people and maintain their domestic peace. Of course she purposed an

equitable apportionment of the public domain between herself and the north

under which she would get the small part that suited slave agriculture.

The circumstances constrained the south throughout every part and parcel

of her offensive as powerfully as exhaustion of his supplies constrains

the commander of a garrison to a sortie upon what he has reason to believe

is the weakest point of the circumvallation. She was hypnotized by the

powers. They made her believe that she was always doing the right thing

to protect slavery when they were having her to do that only which assured

its destruction. She was all the while as conscientious as the mother who,

afraid of drafts, keeps the needed fresh air from her consumptive child

and thereby kills him.

We recognize the resistless play of the cosmic forces upon the sun, moon,

and stars; upon our earth; in the yearly round of the seasons; in the

ocean tides; in storms and heated terms; in vegetation; and in things

innumerable taken note of by the senses. But this is not all of their

empire. They sway individuals, communities, peoples, nations, making the

latter even believe that they are having their own way when in fact they

are most servilely doing the will of the powers.

The Brothers' War · 第 10 / 19 章