CHAPTER II

A BEGINNING MADE WITH SLAVERY

As a distinguished southerner, familiar with the subject, says, slavery in

the United States was "a stupendous anachronism."[11] It is almost

incredible to the average northerner of to-day that the enlightened people

of the south sank backwards in social development a thousand years or

more, and hugged to their bosoms for several generations such a monstrous

evil and peril.

The co-operation of two facts fully explains the wonder just noted. Now

let us try to understand this.

The first fact is the part played by tobacco and cotton before the

anti-slavery sentiment became influential. At a time when there was

practically no industry but agriculture these two staples became the most

lucrative of all common American crops. Tobacco found its true soil in

Virginia, and cotton farther south. It developed in time that both could

be made far more profitably with African slaves than by free white labor,

the only other labor to be had. Of course you are to remember that slave

cultivation of tobacco did not become general in Virginia until near the

end of the seventeenth century, and that it was the invention of the gin

soon after the adoption of the federal constitution in 1789 that started

cotton production on a large scale. What you are especially to grasp here

is the economic conditions which naturally spread slavery from its

beginning at Jamestown, first over Virginia, and then throughout the

entire south, either settled in large measure from Virginia, or looking

thither for example. The Virginian who could not replace his exhausted

fields with virgin soil at home went with his slaves either west or south,

and hacked down enough of the primeval forest to give his working force

its quantum of arable land. We need not stop here to tell of rice and

cane, nor of other crops and industries which for a while engaged slave

labor in northern regions of the south where the soil did not suit

tobacco. The foregoing suggests adequately for this place how slavery

became general in the south.

The second fact is that the prevalent opinion of that time was far

different from that of to-day, for certain reasons, to which I would now

have you attend.

Long before the discovery of America personal slavery had fallen under the

ban of the christian church and become in Europe a thing of the past. The

Divine Comedy catalogues in detail the religious, political, moral, and

social events of its age. It is utterly silent throughout as to slavery.

Dante died in 1321, soon after he had finished the Divine Comedy. That was

nearly three hundred years before the appearance of African slavery in

Virginia.

Now for something of very great importance to us here, which occurred soon

afterwards, and before the introduction of African slavery into America.

It is that by the Renascence the literature of slaveholding Greece and

Rome suddenly acquired and long held commanding influence upon almost

every educator of the public in the enlightened world. It was in the last

quarter of the fourteenth century--some fifty years after Dante had

died--that the classics revived in Italy. Spreading thence over Europe,

they are found dominating the great Elizabethan divines, philosophers,

poets, and other opinion-forming writers at the end of the fifteenth

century. And during all of the time from the landing of the twenty

Africans at Jamestown by the Dutch man-of-war in 1619 until slavery had

become the solitary prop of southern industry and property, the Greek and

Latin ancient writers were in our mother country almost the sole subjects

of school or university education, and the main reading of all those that

read at all. And every page of this literature, studied with enthusiastic

worship and resorted to day in and day out for instruction and

inspiration, disclosed that in Greece and Rome the average family was

dependent for its maintenance upon slaves; and that so far from slavery

being a relic of barbarism, as the American root-and-branch abolitionists

afterwards fulminated in a platform, it was the very foundation of the

state in those two great nations whose philosophy, learning, science,

jurisprudence, poetry, art, and eloquence are still the models in every

enlightened land. Naturally the educated classes, now that it had been

several hundred years since slavery was a burning question, had forgotten

or had never heard of the old disinclination of the church, and could not

see any evil in that which their most admired and dearest ones had all

practised. The classics did not stop with giving slavery the negative

support just mentioned. Although such authors as Quintilian and Seneca,

and the later jurists--all of the discredited silver, and not of the

glorified Ciceronian and Augustan ages--do express, theatrically and

academically, anti-slavery opinions, yet what they say was merely dust in

the balance when weighed against the commendations of the institution to

be found in the writings of Aristotle, Plato, and Cicero, who had now

become the great idols of intellectual society.[12]

The church would not stay out in the cold and dark, whither it had been

suddenly and rudely cast by the Renascence. It woke up to discover that as

the African was a heathen barbarian it was God's mercy to kidnap him for a

christian master, and thus give him his only opportunity of saving his

soul. And although it is not right to enslave other races, the descendants

of Ham are an exception, who by reason of Noah's curse are to be the

servants of servants to the end of time--that is what Holy Church taught

by precept and example.

"Sir John Hawkins has the unenviable distinction of being the first

English captain of a slave-ship, about the year 1552."[13] His venture

proved a great success. Good Queen Bess reproached him for his

mistreatment of human beings. He answered that it was far better for the

African thus to become a slave in a christian community, than to live the

rest of his life in his native home of idolatry; and this was so

convincing that "in the subsequent expeditions of this most heartless

man-stealer, she was a partner and protector."[14] Until the end of the

seventeenth century the masses regarded the negro as being rather wild

beast than man, showing no more scruples in catching and making a drudge

of him than later generations did in lassoing wild horses and working them

under curb-bit, spur, and whip. And the more understanding ones, who

recognized that the negro belonged to humanity, re-enforced Aristotle[15]

and Pliny[16] with much that they found both in the Old and New

Testaments.[17] The many who preached liberty or the true religion posed

as humanitarians, pharisaically comparing themselves with the best

characters of Greece and Rome. The citizens of those great republics, they

said, in spite of their advanced democracy, tore men and women of their

own race and blood away from home and country and forced them with the

scourge to toil in chains, while we do that only with savages and

heathens, who cannot be civilized or christianized in any other way. We

eschew slavery in the abstract. We tolerate it only in the concrete, which

is the slavery of those destined for it by God and nature. Slave-catcher,

slaveholder, and the public seriously and conscientiously held this creed.

You must now add to the list of influences planting and stimulating

slavery in America the protection it got in the constitution under which

the federal government started in 1789. As Mr. Blaine says:

"The compromises on the slavery question, inserted in the

constitution, were among the essential conditions upon which the

federal government was organized. If the African slave-trade had not

been permitted to continue for twenty years, if it had not been

conceded that three-fifths of the slaves should be counted in the

apportionment of representatives in congress, if it had not been

agreed that fugitives from service should be returned to their owners,

the thirteen States would not have been able in 1787 'to form a more

perfect union.'"[18]

Think over it until you can fully take in the prodigious favor to slavery

which this countenance of it by the American bible of bibles naturally

created in the north and south.

The forces rapidly sketched in the foregoing were so powerful in their

co-operation to bring in slavery that its establishment and a long era of

vigorous growth were inevitable. Note the years during which they met no

sensible or only a fitful opposition. The first anti-slavery agitation

that shook the entire country was that over the Missouri question, which

having lasted a little more than two years ended in 1821, thirty-two years

after the adoption of the constitution. This agitation was only against

the extension of slavery. It was not until 1835 that the presentation to

Congress of petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of

Columbia disclosed to the far-seeing Calhoun alone that serious and mighty

aggression upon slavery in the States was commencing. Here we may date the

beginning of the abolition movement. But that movement did not become

respectable with the great mass of northern people until the application

of California in 1850 for admission into the union as a free State widened

the chasm between the sections so that it commenced to show to the dullest

eye, and "Uncle Tom's Cabin," which came out in 1852, stirred the north to

its depths. The growth of slavery was then and had been for a quarter of a

century complete. The soil, climate, and best agricultural interests of

the south, at a time when she was to be wholly agricultural or

economically nothing at all, the practice and precepts of the sages of

Greece and Rome, of the patriarchs of Israel, of Jesus and his disciples

and apostles, of the great and good of modern times,--all these had, with

oracular consensus, led her understanding and conscience into adopting,

nurturing, and on into extending slavery over her territory. Thus when

abolition first emerged into open day, slavery had become the very

economical life of the south. It had so permeated and informed the

combined property, social, and political structure, that abolition would

subvert the community fabric and beggar the population of the southern

States now living in content and comfort.

I trust that the foregoing shows you that it is not so strange after all

that slavery ran the career just described.

But some one says, how could the southerners as Americans, the especial

champions of liberty, stultify themselves by slaveholding? how could they

forget the world-arousing words of the declaration of independence that

all men are created equal, and endowed with unalienable rights to life,

liberty, and pursuit of happiness?

This has already been answered. The slaveholding republics of Greece and

Rome had advanced in democracy so far beyond anything to be found in

Europe at the revival of learning, that from that time on for many years

the political doctrine in the recovered classics was the very greatest of

all the intellectual influences that made for mere democracy. The

celebrated passage in which Burke eulogizes the stubborn maintenance of

their freedom by free slaveholders has been the text of speakers from

Pinkney, addressing the United States senate on the Missouri question, to

Toombs, lecturing in Tremont Temple, Boston, and it has never been

confuted. History shows no instance where such men ever reproached

themselves for slaveholding, and while it was profitable put it aside

because it is undemocratic.

As to the words which you quote from the declaration of independence,

Jefferson, the draftsman, doubtless, meant them to include the African;

but the majority of the congress making it, and the American people

actually ratifying it, almost unanimously held that the African was not

enough of man to come within the words.

A Roman law parallel aptly illustrates. In the Institutes it is said that

slavery is contrary to the law of nature, for under this every one is born

free;[19] and again, that slavery was established by the _jus gentium_

under which a man is made subject to the dominion of another _contra

naturam_, that is, against nature, against _jus naturale_, or the law of

nature.[20] And in the Pandects this is weakly echoed.[21] But the actual

enactment of the _corpus juris civilis_ fortifies slavery as it had been

established all over the world by the _jus gentium_ with these plain

words: "The master has power of life and death over his slave; and

whatever property the slave acquires, he acquires for the master."[22]

Our forefathers making the declaration of independence, and the Romans of

Justinian's time, sentimentalized in the same words over the natural right

to equality and liberty of all human beings, and also resolutely held on

to their slaves. The solemn assertion that all men are created equal and

of inalienable liberty made by American slaveholders was but a repetition

of what Roman slaveholders had already said; and it is curious that the

fact has not attracted due attention.

I fancy that my objector now shoots his last bolt. He exclaims that

southerners were incredibly dull and obtuse not to discern that

resistlessly puissant economical, political, moral, and intellectual

forces, not of America only but of the entire world, were leaguing

together against slavery, and therefore they ought to have fled in time

from the coming wrath and evil day.

A satisfactory reply need not postulate any other than ordinary

intelligence and alertness for the south. Note how people dwell near

overflowing rivers, or a sea of tidal waves, or live volcanoes, or in

earthquake districts, or near a tribe of scalping redskins, where they,

their wives and children, keep merry as the day is long until calamity

comes. The warning of the abolitionists was too late. Suppose we had given

the inhabitants of Herculaneum or Pompeii or St. Pierre timely counsel to

abandon their homes and settle beyond the reach of eruption. How many

would have done it? I knew hundreds of people, and among all of them there

was but one who showed by his actions that he foresaw the early fall of

slavery. That was Mr. Frank L. Upson of Lexington, Georgia, a highly

accomplished and well-informed man. In 1856, I think it was, he sold all

of his slaves, declaring as his reason that he believed if he kept them he

would see them freed without compensation. He was so serious that he

declared this even to his purchasers. They merely laughed, and everybody

else laughed too, to think how green he was to give them the good bargain

that he did. But after the war he enjoyed comfort from the money those

slaves had brought him, when all his neighbors had been plunged into hard

times by emancipation. There may have been others that did like him. There

could not have been many such, for I have never been able to hear of a

single one.

We did like the rest of mankind do or would have done. We stuck to our

homes and business until the tidal wave washed them away. Yet there are

wise ones who are positive that had we not been far more dull and

unforeseeing than the average we would have understood many years before

the final convulsion that the forces arrayed against slavery were

irresistible, and surrendered it in time to get compensated emancipation.

Look at the monopolists now preying upon the public in every corner of the

land. They are confident that their holdings are impregnable against

democracy coming invincibly against them. Look at the great mass of our

population, shutting the fresh air out of their houses in order to be

comfortably warm, and thereby rearing parents--especially mothers--who

unawares are incessantly developing tuberculosis to destroy themselves and

their children. Some years hence when resumption by government of its

functions now granted to private persons has dispossessed all the

monopolists, and when every dwelling-house is kept perfectly ventilated

and free from infected air, there will be other wise ones to believe that

hindsight is just the same as foresight, and to inveigh against the

monopolists and parents just mentioned for their unwonted stupidity and

improvidence.

The Brothers' War · 第 2 / 19 章