BOOK III.

CONSPIRACY OF THE NOBLES

1565. Up to this point the general peace had it appears been the

sincere wish of the Prince of Orange, the Counts Egmont and Horn, and

their friends. They had pursued the true interests of their sovereign

as much as the general weal; at least their exertions and their actions

had been as little at variance with the former as with the latter.

Nothing bad as yet occurred to make their motives suspected, or to

manifest in them a rebellious spirit. What they had done they had done

in discharge of their bounden duty as members of a free state, as the

representatives of the nation, as advisers of the king, as men of

integrity and honor. The only weapons they had used to oppose the

encroachments of the court had been remonstrances, modest complaints,

petitions. They had never allowed themselves to be so far carried away

by a just zeal for their good cause as to transgress the limits of

prudence and moderation which on many occasions are so easily

overstepped by party spirit. But all the nobles of the republic did not

now listen to the voice of that prudence; all did not abide within the

bounds of moderation.

While in the council of state the great question was discussed whether

the nation was to be miserable or not, while its sworn deputies summoned

to their assistance all the arguments of reason and of equity, and while

the middle-classes and the people contented themselves with empty

complaints, menaces, and curses, that part of the nation which of all

seemed least called upon, and on whose support least reliance had been

placed, began to take more active measures. We have already described a

class of the nobility whose services and wants Philip at his accession

had not considered it necessary to remember. Of these by far the

greater number had asked for promotion from a much more urgent reason

than a love of the mere honor. Many of them were deeply sunk in debt,

from which by their own resources they could not hope to emancipate

themselves. When then, in filling up appointments, Philip passed them

over he wounded them in a point far more sensitive than their pride.

In these suitors he had by his neglect raised up so many idle spies and

merciless judges of his actions, so many collectors and propagators of

malicious rumor. As their pride did not quit them with their

prosperity, so now, driven by necessity, they trafficked with the sole

capital which they could not alienate--their nobility and the political

influence of their names; and brought into circulation a coin which only

in such a period could have found currency--their protection. With a

self-pride to which they gave the more scope as it was all they could

now call their own, they looked upon themselves as a strong intermediate

power between the sovereign and the citizen, and believed themselves

called upon to hasten to the rescue of the oppressed state, which looked

imploringly to them for succor. This idea was ludicrous only so far as

their self-conceit was concerned in it; the advantages which they

contrived to draw from it were substantial enough. The Protestant

merchants, who held in their hands the chief part of the wealth of the

Netherlands, and who believed they could not at any price purchase too

dearly the undisturbed exercise of their religion, did not fail to make

use of this class of people who stood idle in the market and ready to be

hired. These very men whom at any other time the merchants, in the

pride of riches, would most probably have looked down upon, now appeared

likely to do them good service through their numbers, their courage,

their credit with the populace, their enmity to the government, nay,

through their beggarly pride itself and their despair. On these grounds

they zealously endeavored to form a close union with them, and

diligently fostered the disposition for rebellion, while they also used

every means to keep alive their high opinions of themselves, and, what

was most important, lured their poverty by well-applied pecuniary

assistance and glittering promises. Few of them were so utterly

insignificant as not to possess some influence, if not personally, yet

at least by their relationship with higher and more powerful nobles; and

if united they would be able to raise a formidable voice against the

crown. Many of them had either already joined the new sect or were

secretly inclined to it; and even those who were zealous Roman Catholics

had political or private grounds enough to set them against the decrees

of Trent and the Inquisition. All, in fine, felt the call of vanity

sufficiently powerful not to allow the only moment to escape them in

which they might possibly make some figure in the republic.

But much as might be expected from the co-operation of these men in

a body it would have been futile and ridiculous to build any hopes on

any one of them singly; and the great difficulty was to effect a union

among them. Even to bring them together some unusual occurrence was

necessary, and fortunately such an incident presented itself. The

nuptials of Baron Montigny, one of the Belgian nobles, as also those of

the Prince Alexander of Parma, which took place about this time in

Brussels, assembled in that town a great number of the Belgian nobles.

On this occasion relations met relations; new friendships were formed

and old renewed; and while the distress of the country was the topic of

conversation wine and mirth unlocked lips and hearts, hints were dropped

of union among themselves, and of an alliance with foreign powers.

These accidental meetings soon led to concealed ones, and public

discussions gave rise to secret consultations. Two German barons,

moreover, a Count of Holle and a Count of Schwarzenberg, who at this

time were on a visit to the Netherlands, omitted nothing to awaken

expectations of assistance from their neighbors. Count Louis of Nassau,

too, had also a short time before visited several German courts to

ascertain their sentiments.

[It was not without cause that the Prince of Orange suddenly

disappeared from Brussels in order to be present at the election of

a king of Rome in Frankfort. An assembly of so many German princes

must have greatly favored a negotiation.]

It has even been asserted that secret emissaries of the Admiral Coligny

were seen at this time in Brabant, but this, however, may be reasonably

doubted.

If ever a political crisis was favorable to an attempt at revolution it

was the present. A woman at the helm of government; the governors of

provinces disaffected themselves and disposed to wink at insubordination

in others; most of the state counsellors quite inefficient; no army to

fall back upon; the few troops there were long since discontented on

account of the outstanding arrears of pay, and already too often

deceived by false promises to be enticed by new; commanded, moreover, by

officers who despised the Inquisition from their hearts, and would have

blushed to draw a sword in its behalf; and, lastly, no money in the

treasury to enlist new troops or to hire foreigners. The court at

Brussels, as well as the three councils, not only divided by internal

dissensions, but in the highest degree--venal and corrupt; the regent

without full powers to act on the spot, and the king at a distance; his

adherents in the provinces few, uncertain, and dispirited; the faction

numerous and powerful; two-thirds of the people irritated against popery

and desirous of a change--such was the unfortunate weakness of the

government, and the more unfortunate still that this weakness was so

well known to its enemies!

In order to unite so many minds in the prosecution of a common object a

leader was still wanting, and a few influential names to give political

weight to their enterprise. The two were supplied by Count Louis of

Nassau and Henry Count Brederode, both members of the most illustrious

houses of the Belgian nobility, who voluntarily placed themselves at the

head of the undertaking. Louis of Nassau, brother of the Prince of

Orange, united many splendid qualities which made him worthy of

appearing on so noble and important a stage. In Geneva, where he

studied, he had imbibed at once a hatred to the hierarchy and a love to

the new religion, and on his return to his native country had not failed

to enlist proselytes to his opinions. The republican bias which his

mind had received in that school kindled in him a bitter hatred of the

Spanish name, which animated his whole conduct and only left him with

his latest breath. Popery and Spanish rule were in his mind identical--

as indeed they were in reality--and the abhorrence which he entertained

for the one helped to strengthen his dislike for the other. Closely as

the brothers agreed in their inclinations and aversions the ways by

which each sought to gratify them were widely dissimilar. Youth and an

ardent temperament did not allow the younger brother to follow the

tortuous course through which the elder wound himself to his object.

A cold, calm circumspection carried the latter slowly but surely to his

aim, and with a pliable subtilty he made all things subserve his

purpose; with a foolhardy impetuosity which overthrew all obstacles,

the other at times compelled success, but oftener accelerated disaster.

For this reason William was a general and Louis never more than an

adventurer; a sure and powerful arm if only it were directed by a wise

head. Louis’ pledge once given was good forever; his alliances survived

every vicissitude, for they were mostly formed in the pressing moment of

necessity, and misfortune binds more firmly than thoughtless joy. He

loved his brother as dearly as he did his cause, and for the latter he

died.

Henry of Brederode, Baron of Viane and Burgrave of Utrecht, was

descended from the old Dutch counts who formerly ruled that province as

sovereign princes. So ancient a title endeared him to the people, among

whom the memory of their former lords still survived, and was the more

treasured the less they felt they had gained by the change. This

hereditary splendor increased the self-conceit of a man upon whose

tongue the glory of his ancestors continually hung, and who dwelt the

more on former greatness, even amidst its ruins, the more unpromising

the aspect of his own condition became. Excluded from the honors and

employments to which, in his opinion, his own merits and his noble

ancestry fully entitled him (a squadron of light cavalry being all which

was entrusted to him), he hated the government, and did not scruple

boldly to canvass and to rail at its measures. By these means he won

the hearts of the people. He also favored in secret the evangelical

belief; less, however, as a conviction of his better reason than as an

opposition to the government. With more loquacity than eloquence, and

more audacity than courage, he was brave rather from not believing in

danger than from being superior to it. Louis of Nassau burned for the

cause which he defended, Brederode for the glory of being its defender;

the former was satisfied in acting for his party, the latter

discontented if he did not stand at its head. No one was more fit to

lead off the dance in a rebellion, but it could hardly have a worse

ballet-master. Contemptible as his threatened designs really were, the

illusion of the multitude might have imparted to them weight and terror

if it had occurred to them to set up a pretender in his person. His

claim to the possessions of his ancestors was an empty name; but even a

name was now sufficient for the general disaffection to rally round. A

pamphlet which was at the time disseminated amongst the people openly

called him the heir of Holland; and his engraved portrait, which was

publicly exhibited, bore the boastful inscription:--

Sum Brederodus ego, Batavae non infima gentis

Gloria, virtutem non unica pagina claudit.

(1565.) Besides these two, there were others also from among the most

illustrious of the Flemish nobles the young Count Charles of Mansfeld,

a son of that nobleman whom we have found among the most zealous

royalists; the Count Kinlemburg; two Counts of Bergen and of Battenburg;

John of Marnix, Baron of Toulouse; Philip of Marnix, Baron of St.

Aldegonde; with several others who joined the league, which, about the

middle of November, in the year 1565, was formed at the house of Von

Hanimes, king at arms of the Golden Fleece. Here it was that six men

decided the destiny of their country as formerly a few confederates

consummated the liberty of Switzerland, kindled the torch of a forty

years’ war, and laid the basis of a freedom which they themselves were

never to enjoy. The objects of the league were set forth in the

following declaration, to which Philip of Marnix was the first to

subscribe his name: “Whereas certain ill-disposed persons, under the

mask of a pious zeal, but in reality under the impulse of avarice and

ambition, have by their evil counsels persuaded our most gracious

sovereign the king to introduce into these countries the abominable

tribunal of the Inquisition, a tribunal diametrically opposed to all

laws, human and divine, and in cruelty far surpassing the barbarous

institutions of heathenism; which raises the inquisitors above every

other power, and debases man to a perpetual bondage, and by its snares

exposes the honest citizen to a constant fear of death, inasmuch as any

one (priest, it may be, or a faithless friend, a Spaniard or a

reprobate), has it in his power at any moment to cause whom he will to

be dragged before that tribunal, to be placed in confinement, condemned,

and executed without the accused ever being allowed to face his accuser,

or to adduce proof of his innocence; we, therefore, the undersigned,

have bound ourselves to watch over the safety of our families, our

estates, and our own persons. To this we hereby pledge ourselves, and

to this end bind ourselves as a sacred fraternity, and vow with a solemn

oath to oppose to the best of our power the introduction of this

tribunal into these countries, whether it be attempted openly or

secretly, and under whatever name it may be disguised. We at the same

time declare that we are far from intending anything unlawful against

the king our sovereign; rather is it our unalterable purpose to support

and defend the royal prerogative, and to maintain peace, and, as far as

lies in our power, to put down all rebellion. In accordance with this

purpose we have sworn, and now again swear, to hold sacred the

government, and to respect it both in word and deed, which witness

Almighty God!

“Further, we vow and swear to protect and defend one another, in all

times and places, against all attacks whatsoever touching the articles

which are set forth in this covenant. We hereby bind ourselves that no

accusation of any of our followers, in whatever name it may be clothed,

whether rebellion, sedition, or otherwise, shall avail to annul our oath

towards the accused, or absolve us from our obligation towards him. No

act which is directed against the Inquisition can deserve the name of a

rebellion. Whoever, therefore, shall be placed in arrest on any such

charge, we here pledge ourselves to assist him to the utmost of our

ability, and to endeavor by every allowable means to effect his

liberation. In this, however, as in all matters, but especially in the

conduct of all measures against the tribunal of the Inquisition, we

submit ourselves to the general regulations of the league, or to the

decision of those whom we may unanimously appoint our counsellors and

leaders.

“In witness hereof, and in confirmation of this our common league and

covenant, we call upon the holy name of the living God, maker of heaven

and earth, and of all that are therein, who searches the hearts, the

consciences, and the thoughts, and knows the purity of ours. We implore

the aid of the Holy Spirit, that success and honor may crown our

undertaking, to the glory of His name, and to the peace and blessing of

our country!”

This covenant was immediately translated into several languages, and

quickly disseminated through the provinces. To swell the league as

speedily as possible each of the confederates assembled all his friends,

relations, adherents, and retainers. Great banquets were held, which

lasted whole days--irresistible temptations for a sensual, luxurious

people, in whom the deepest wretchedness could not stifle the propensity

for voluptuous living. Whoever repaired to these banquets--and every

one was welcome--was plied with officious assurances of friendship, and,

when heated with wine, carried away by the example of numbers, and

overcome by the fire of a wild eloquence. The hands of many were guided

while they subscribed their signatures; the hesitating were derided, the

pusillanimous threatened, the scruples of loyalty clamored down; some

even were quite ignorant what they were signing, and were ashamed

afterwards to inquire. To many whom mere levity brought to the

entertainment the general enthusiasm left no choice, while the splendor

of the confederacy allured the mean, and its numbers encouraged the

timorous. The abettors of the league had not scrupled at the artifice

of counterfeiting the signature and seals of the Prince of Orange,

Counts Egmont, Horn, Mcgen, and others, a trick which won them hundreds

of adherents. This was done especially with a view of influencing the

officers of the army, in order to be safe in this quarter, if matters

should come at last to violence. The device succeeded with many,

especially with subalterns, and Count Brederode even drew his sword upon

an ensign who wished time for consideration. Men of all classes and

conditions signed it. Religion made no difference. Roman Catholic

priests even were associates of the league. The motives were not the

same with all, but the pretext was similar. The Roman Catholics desired

simply the abolition of the Inquisition, and a mitigation of the edicts;

the Protestants aimed at unlimited freedom of conscience. A few daring

spirits only entertained so bold a project as the overthrow of the

present government, while the needy and indigent based the vilest hopes

on a general anarchy. A farewell entertainment, which about this time

was given to the Counts Schwarzenberg and Holle in Breda, and another

shortly afterwards in Hogstraten, drew many of the principal nobility to

these two places, and of these several had already signed the covenant.

The Prince of Orange, Counts Egmont, Horn, and Megen were present at the

latter banquet, but without any concert or design, and without having

themselves any share in the league, although one of Egmont’s own

secretaries and some of the servants of the other three noblemen had

openly joined it. At this entertainment three hundred persons gave in

their adhesion to the covenant, and the question was mooted whether the

whole body should present themselves before the regent armed or unarmed,

with a declaration or with a petition? Horn and Orange (Egmont would

not countenance the business in any way) were called in as arbiters upon

this point, and they decided in favor of the more moderate and

submissive procedure. By taking this office upon them they exposed

themselves to the charge of having in no very covert manner lent their

sanction to the enterprise of the confederates. In compliance,

therefore, with their advice, it was determined to present their address

unarmed, and in the form of a petition, and a day was appointed on which

they should assemble in Brussels.

The first intimation the regent received of this conspiracy of the

nobles was given by the Count of Megen soon after his return to the

capital. “There was,” he said, “an enterprise on foot; no less than

three hundred of the nobles were implicated in it; it referred to

religion; the members of it had bound themselves together by an oath;

they reckoned much on foreign aid; she would soon know more about it.”

Though urgently pressed, he would give her no further information.

“A nobleman,” he said, “had confided it to him under the seal of

secrecy, and he had pledged his word of honor to him.” What really

withheld him from giving her any further explanation was, in all

probability, not so much any delicacy about his honor, as his hatred

of the Inquisition, which he would not willingly do anything to advance.

Soon after him, Count Egmont delivered to the regent a copy of the

covenant, and also gave her the names of the conspirators, with some few

exceptions. Nearly about the same time the Prince of Orange wrote to

her: “There was, as he had heard, an army enlisted, four hundred

officers were already named, and twenty thousand men would presently

appear in arms.” Thus the rumor was intentionally exaggerated, and the

danger was multiplied in every mouth.

The regent, petrified with alarm at the first announcement of these

tidings, and guided solely by her fears, hastily called together all the

members of the council of state who happened to be then in Brussels, and

at the same time sent a pressing summons to the Prince of Orange and

Count Horn, inviting them to resume their seats in the senate. Before

the latter could arrive she consulted with Egmont, Megen, and Barlaimont

what course was to be adopted in the present dangerous posture of

affairs. The question debated was whether it would be better to have

recourse to arms or to yield to the emergency and grant the demands of

the confederates; or whether they should be put off with promises, and

an appearance of compliance, in order to gain time for procuring

instructions from Spain, and obtaining money and troops? For the first

plan the requisite supplies were wanting, and, what was equally

requisite, confidence in the army, of which there seemed reason to doubt

whether it had not been already gained by the conspirators. The second

expedient would it was quite clear never be sanctioned by the king;

besides it would serve rather to raise than depress the courage of the

confederates; while, on the other hand, a compliance with their

reasonable demands and a ready unconditional pardon of the past would in

all probability stifle the rebellion in the cradle. The last opinion

was supported by Megen and Egmont but opposed by Barlaimont. “Rumor,”

said the latter, “had exaggerated the matter; it is impossible that so

formidable an armament could have been prepared so secretly and, so

rapidly. It was but a band of a few outcasts and desperadoes,

instigated by two or three enthusiasts, nothing more. All will be quiet

after a few heads have been struck off.” The regent determined to await

the opinion of the council of state, which was shortly to assemble; in

the meanwhile, however, she was not inactive. The fortifications in the

most important places were inspected and the necessary repairs speedily

executed; her ambassadors at foreign courts received orders to redouble

their vigilance; expresses were sent off to Spain. At the same time she

caused the report to be revived of the near advent of the king, and in

her external deportment put on a show of that imperturbable firmness

which awaits attack without intending easily to yield to it. At the end

of March (four whole months consequently from the framing of the

covenant), the whole state council assembled in Brussels. There were

present the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Arschot, Counts Egmont,

Bergen, Megen, Aremberg, Horn, Hosstraten, Barlaimont, and others; the

Barons Montigny and Hachicourt, all the knights of the Golden Fleece,

with the President Viglius, State Counsellor Bruxelles, and the other

assessors of the privy council. Several letters were produced which

gave a clearer insight into the nature and objects of the conspiracy.

The extremity to which the regent was reduced gave the disaffected a

power which on the present occasion they did not neglect to use.

Venting their long suppressed indignation, they indulged in bitter

complaints against the court and against the government. “But lately,”

said the Prince of Orange, “the king sent forty thousand gold florins

to the Queen of Scotland to support her in her undertakings against

England, and he allows his Netherlands to be burdened with debt.

Not to mention the unseasonableness of this subsidy and its fruitless

expenditure, why should he bring upon us the resentment of a queen, who

is both so important to us as a friend and as an enemy so much to be

dreaded?” The prince did not even refrain on the present occasion from

glancing at the concealed hatred which the king was suspected of

cherishing against the family of Nassau and against him in particular.

“It is well known,” he said, “that he has plotted with the hereditary

enemies of my house to take away my life, and that he waits with

impatience only for a suitable opportunity.” His example opened the

lips of Count Horn also, and of many others besides, who with passionate

vehemence descanted on their own merits and the ingratitude of the king.

With difficulty did the regent succeed in silencing the tumult and in

recalling attention to the proper subject of the debate. The question

was whether the confederates, of whom it was now known that they

intended to appear at court with a petition, should be admitted or not?

The Duke of Arschot, Counts Aremberg, Megen, and Barlaimont gave their

negative to the proposition. “What need of five hundred persons,” said

the latter, “to deliver a small memorial? This paradox of humility and

defiance implies no good. Let them send to us one respectable man from

among their number without pomp, without assumption, and so submit their

application to us. Otherwise, shut the gates upon them, or if some

insist on their admission let them be closely watched, and let the first

act of insolence which any one of them shall be guilty of be punished

with death.” In this advice concurred Count Mansfeld, whose own son was

among the conspirators; he had even threatened to disinherit his son if

he did not quickly abandon the league.

Counts Megen, also, and Aremberg hesitated to receive the petition; the

Prince of Orange, however, Counts Egmont, Horn, Hogstraten, and others

voted emphatically for it. “The confederates,” they declared, “were

known to them as men of integrity and honor; a great part of them were

connected with themselves by friendship and relationship, and they dared

vouch for their behavior. Every subject was allowed to petition; a

right which was enjoyed by the meanest individual in the state could not

without injustice be denied to so respectable a body of men.” It was

therefore resolved by a majority of votes to admit the confederates on

the condition that they should appear unarmed and conduct themselves

temperately. The squabbles of the members of council had occupied the

greater part of the sitting, so that it was necessary to adjourn the

discussion to the following day. In order that the principal matter in

debate might not again be lost sight of in useless complaints the regent

at once hastened to the point: “Brederode, we are informed,” she said,

“is coming to us, with an address in the name of the league, demanding

the abolition of the Inquisition and a mitigation of the edicts. The

advice of my senate is to guide me in my answer to him; but before you

give your opinions on this point permit me to premise a few words. I am

told that there are many even amongst yourselves who load the religious

edicts of the Emperor, my father, with open reproaches, and describe

them to the people as inhuman and barbarous. Now I ask you, lords and

gentlemen, knights of the Fleece, counsellors of his majesty and of the

state, whether you did not yourselves vote for these edicts, whether the

states of the realm have not recognized them as lawful? Why is that now

blamed, which was formerly declared right? Is it because they have now

become even more necessary than they then were? Since when is the

Inquisition a new thing in the Netherlands? Is it not full sixteen

years ago since the Emperor established it? And wherein is it more

cruel than the edicts? If it be allowed that the latter were the work

of wisdom, if the universal consent of the states has sanctioned them--

why this opposition to the former, which is nevertheless far more humane

than the edicts, if they are to be observed to the letter? Speak now

freely; I am not desirous of fettering your decision; but it is your

business to see that it is not misled by passion and prejudice.” The

council of state was again, as it always had been, divided between two

opinions; but the few who spoke for the Inquisition and the literal

execution of the edicts were outvoted by the opposite party with the

Prince of Orange at its head. “Would to heaven,” he began,--“that my

representations had been then thought worthy of attention, when as yet

the grounds of apprehension were remote; things would in that case never

have been carried so far as to make recourse to extreme measures

indispensable, nor would men have been plunged deeper in error by the

very means which were intended to beguile them from their delusion. We

are all unanimous on the one main point. We all wish to see the

Catholic religion safe; if this end can be secured without the aid of

the Inquisition, it is well, and we offer our wealth and our blood to

its service; but on this very point it is that our opinions are divided.

“There are two kinds of inquisition: the see of Rome lays claim to one,

the other has, from time immemorial, been exercised by the bishops. The

force of prejudice and of custom has made the latter light and

supportable to us. It will find little opposition in the Netherlands,

and the augmented numbers of the bishops will make it effective. To

what purpose then insist on the former, the mere name of which is

revolting to all the feelings of our minds? When so many nations exist

without it why should it be imposed on us? Before Luther appeared it

was never heard of; but the troubles with Luther happened at a time when

there was an inadequate number of spiritual overseers, and when the few

bishops were, moreover, indolent, and the licentiousness of the clergy

excluded them from the office of judges. Now all is changed; we now

count as many bishops as there are provinces. Why should not the policy

of the government adjust itself to the altered circumstances of the

times? We want leniency, not severity. The repugnance of the people is

manifest--this we must seek to appease if we would not have it burst out

into rebellion. With the death of Pius IV. the full powers of the

inquisitors have expired; the new pope has as yet sent no ratification

of their authority, without which no one formerly ventured to exercise

his office. Now, therefore, is the time when it can be suspended

without infringing the rights of any party.

“What I have stated with regard to the Inquisition holds equally good in

respect to the edicts also. The exigency of the times called them

forth, but are not those times passed? So long an experience of them

ought at last to have taught us that against hersey no means are less

successful than the fagot and sword. What incredible progress has not

the new religion made during only the last few years in the provinces;

and if we investigate the cause of this increase we shall find it

principally in the glorious constancy of those who have fallen

sacrifices to the truth of their opinions. Carried away by sympathy and

admiration, men begin to weigh in silence whether what is maintained

with such invincible courage may not really be the truth. In France and

in England the same severities may have been inflicted on the

Protestants, but have they been attended with any better success there

than here? The very earliest Christians boasted that the blood of the

martyrs was the seed of the church. The Emperor Julian, the most

terrible enemy that Christianity ever experienced, was fully persuaded

of this. Convinced that persecution did but kindle enthusiasm he betook

himself to ridicule and derision, and found these weapons far more

effective than force. In the Greek empire different teachers of heresy

have arisen at different times. Arius under Constantine, Aetius under

Constantius, Nestorius under Theodosius. But even against these

arch-heretics and their disciples such cruel measures were never resorted

to as are thought necessary against our unfortunate country--and yet

where are all those sects now which once a whole world, I had almost

said, could not contain? This is the natural course of heresy. If it is

treated with contempt it crumbles into insignificance. It is as iron,

which, if it lies idle, corrodes, and only becomes sharp by use. Let no

notice be paid to it, and it loses its most powerful attraction, the

magic of what is new and what is forbidden. Why will we not content

ourselves with the measures which have been approved of by the wisdom of

such great rulers? Example is ever the safest guide.

“But what need to go to pagan antiquity for guidance and example when we

have near at hand the glorious precedent of Charles V., the greatest of

kings, who taught at last by experience, abandoned the bloody path of

persecution, and for many years before his abdication adopted milder

measures. And Philip himself, our most gracious sovereign, seemed at

first strongly inclined to leniency until the counsels of Granvella and

of others like him changed these views; but with what right or wisdom

they may settle between themselves. To me, however, it has always

appeared indispensable that legislation to be wise and successful must

adjust itself to the manners and maxims of the times. In conclusion,

I would beg to remind you of the close understanding which subsists

between the Huguenots and the Flemish Protestants. Let us beware of

exasperating them any further. Let us not act the part of French

Catholics towards them, lest they should play the Huguenots against us,

and, like the latter, plunge their country into the horrors of a civil

war.”

[No one need wonder, says Burgundias (a vehement stickler for the

Roman Catholic religion and the Spanish party), that the speech of

this prince evinced so much acquaintance with philosophy; he had

acquired it in his intercourse with Balduin. 180. Barry, 174-178.

Hopper, 72. Strada, 123,124.]

It was, perhaps, not so much the irresistible truth of his arguments,

which, moreover, were supported by a decisive majority in the senate, as

rather the ruinous state of the military resources, and the exhaustion

of the treasury, that prevented the adoption of the opposite opinion

which recommended an appeal to the force of arms that the Prince of

Orange had chiefly to thank for the attention which now at last was paid

to his representations. In order to avert at first the violence of the

storm, and to gain time, which was so necessary to place the government

in a better sate of preparation, it was agreed that a portion of the

demands should be accorded to the confederates. It was also resolved to

mitigate the penal statutes of the Emperor, as he himself would

certainly mitigate them, were he again to appear among them at that day

--and as, indeed, he had once shown under circumstances very similar to

the present that he did not think it derogatory to his high dignity to

do. The Inquisition was not to be introduced in any place where it did

not already exist, and where it had been it should adopt a milder

system, or even be entirely suspended, especially since the inquisitors

had not yet been confirmed in their office by the pope. The latter

reason was put prominently forward, in order to deprive the Protestants

of the gratification of ascribing the concessions to any fear of their

own power, or to the justice of their demands. The privy council was

commissioned to draw out this decree of the senate without delay. Thus

prepared the confederates were awaited.

THE GUEUX.

The members of the senate had not yet dispersed, when all Brussels

resounded with the report that the confederates were approaching the

town. They consisted of no more than two hundred horse, but rumor

greatly exaggerated their numbers. Filled with consternation, the

regent consulted with her ministers whether it was best to close the

gates on the approaching party or to seek safety in flight? Both

suggestions were rejected as dishonorable; and the peaceable entry of

the nobles soon allayed all fears of violence. The first morning after

their arrival they assembled at Kuilemberg house, where Brederode

administered to them a second oath, binding them before all other duties

to stand by one another, and even with arms if necessary. At this

meeting a letter from Spain was produced, in which it was stated that a

certain Protestant, whom, they all knew and valued, had been burned

alive in that country by a slow fire. After these and similar

preliminaries he called on them one after another by name to take the

new oath and renew the old one in their own names and in those of the

absent. The next day, the 5th of April, 1556, was fixed for the

presentation of the petition. Their numbers now amounted to between

three and four hundred. Amongst them were many retainers of the high

nobility, as also several servants of the king himself and of the

duchess.

With the Counts of Nassau and Brederode at their head, and formed in

ranks of four by four, they advanced in procession to the palace; all

Brussels attended the unwonted spectacle in silent astonishment. Here

were to be seen a body of men advancing with too much boldness and

confidence to look like supplicants, and led by two men who were not

wont to be petitioners; and, on the other hand, with so much order and

stillness as do not usually accompany rebellion. The regent received

the procession surrounded by all her counsellors and the Knights of the

Fleece. “These noble Netherlanders,” thus Brederode respectfully

addressed her, “who here present themselves before your highness, wish

in their own name, and of many others besides who are shortly to arrive,

to present to you a petition of whose importance as well as of their own

humility this solemn procession must convince you. I, as speaker of

this body, entreat you to receive our petition, which contains nothing

but what is in unison with the laws of our country and the honor of the

king.”

“If this petition,” replied Margaret, “really contains nothing which is

at variance either with the good of the country, or with the authority

of the king, there is no doubt that it will be favorably considered.”

“They had learnt,” continued the spokesman, “with indignation and regret

that suspicious objects had been imputed to their association, and that

interested parties had endeavored to prejudice her highness against him;

they therefore craved that she would name the authors of so grave an

accusation, and compel them to bring their charges publicly, and in due

form, in order that he who should be found guilty might suffer the

punishment of his demerits.” “Undoubtedly,” replied the regent, “she

had received unfavorable rumors of their designs and alliance. She

could not be blamed, if in consequence she had thought it requisite to

call the attention of the governors of the provinces to the matter; but,

as to giving up the names of her informants to betray state secrets,”

she added, with an appearance of displeasure, “that could not in justice

be required of her.” She then appointed the next day for answering

their petition; and in the meantime she proceeded to consult the members

of her council upon it.

“Never” (so ran the petition which, according to some, was drawn up by

the celebrated Balduin), “never had they failed in their loyalty to

their king, and nothing now could be farther from their hearts; but they

would rather run the risk of incurring the displeasure of their

sovereign than allow him to remain longer in ignorance of the evils with

which their native country was menaced, by the forcible introduction of

the Inquisition and the continued enforcement of the edicts. They had

long remained consoling themselves with the expectation that a general

assembly of the states would be summoned to remedy these grievances; but

now that even this hope was extinguished, they held it to be their duty

to give timely warning to the regent. They, therefore, entreated her

highness to send to Madrid an envoy, well disposed, and fully acquainted

with the state and temper of the times, who should endeavor to persuade

the king to comply with the demands of the whole nation, and abolish the

Inquisition, to revoke the edicts, and in their stead cause new and more

humane ones to be drawn up at a general assembly of the states. But, in

the meanwhile, until they could learn the king’s decision, they prayed

that the edicts and the operations of the Inquisition be suspended.”

“If,” they concluded, “no attention should be paid to their humble

request, they took God, the king, the regent, and all her counsellors to

witness that they had done their part, and were not responsible for any

unfortunate result that might happen.”

The following day the confederates, marching in the same order of

procession, but in still greater numbers (Counts Bergen and Kuilemberg

having, in the interim, joined them with their adherents), appeared

before the regent in order to receive her answer. It was written on the

margin of the petition, and was to the effect, “that entirely to suspend

the Inquisition and the edicts, even temporarily, was beyond her powers;

but in compliance with the wishes of the confederates she was ready to

despatch one of the nobles to the king in Spain, and also to support

their petition with all her influence. In the meantime, she would

recommend the inquisitors to administer their office with moderation;

but in return she should expect on the part of the league that they

should abstain from all acts of violence, and undertake nothing to the

prejudice of the Catholic faith.” Little as these vague and general

promises satisfied the confederates, they were, nevertheless, as much as

they could have reasonably expected to gain at first. The granting or

refusing of the petition had nothing to do with the primary object of

the league. Enough for them at present that it was once recognized,

enough that it was now, as it were, an established body, which by its

power and threats might, if necessary, overawe the government. The

confederates, therefore, acted quite consistently with their designs,

in contenting themselves with this answer, and referring the rest to

the good pleasure of the king. As, indeed, the whole pantomime of

petitioning had only been invented to cover the more daring plan of the

league, until it should have strength enough to show itself in its true

light, they felt that much more depended on their being able to continue

this mask, and on the favorable reception of their petition, than on its

speedily being granted. In a new memorial, which they delivered three

days after, they pressed for an express testimonial from the regent that

they had done no more than their duty, and been guided simply by their

zeal for the service of the king. When the duchess evaded a

declaration, they even sent a person to repeat this request in a private

interview. “Time alone and their future behavior,” she replied to this

person, “would enable her to judge of their designs.”

The league had its origin in banquets, and a banquet gave it form and

perfection. On the very day that the second petition was presented

Brederode entertained the confederates in Kuilemberg house. About three

hundred guests assembled; intoxication gave them courage, and their

audacity rose with their numbers. During the conversation one of their

number happened to remark that he had overheard the Count of Barlaimont

whisper in French to the regent, who was seen to turn pale on the

delivery of the petitions, that “she need not be afraid of a band of

beggars (gueux);” (in fact, the majority of them had by their bad

management of their incomes only too well deserved this appellation.)

Now, as the very name for their fraternity was the very thing which had

most perplexed them, an expression was eagerly caught up, which, while

it cloaked the presumption of their enterprise in humility, was at the

same time appropriate to them as petitioners. Immediately they drank to

one another under this name, and the cry “long live the Gueux!” was

accompanied with a general shout of applause. After the cloth had been

removed Brederode appeared with a wallet over his shoulder similar to

that which the vagrant pilgrims and mendicant monks of the time used to

carry, and after returning thanks to all for their accession to the

league, and boldly assuring them that he was ready to venture life and

limb for every individual present, he drank to the health of the whole

company out of a wooden beaker. The cup went round and every one

uttered the same vow as be set it to his lips. Then one after the other

they received the beggar’s purse, and each hung it on a nail which he

had appropriated to himself. The shouts and uproar attending this

buffoonery attracted the Prince of Orange and Counts Egmont and Horn,

who by chance were passing the spot at the very moment, and on entering

the house were boisterously pressed by Brederode, as host, to remain and

drink a glass with them.

[“But,” Egmont asserted in his written defence “we drank only one

single small glass, and thereupon they cried ‘long live the king

and the Gueux!’ This was the first time that I heard that

appellation, and it certainly did not please me. But the times

were so bad that one was often compelled to share in much that was

against one’s inclination, and I knew not but I was doing an

innocent thing.” Proces criminels des Comtes d’Egmont, etc.. 7. 1.

Egmont’s defence, Hopper, 94. Strada, 127-130. Burgund., 185,

187.]

The entrance of three such influential personages renewed the mirth of

the guests, and their festivities soon passed the bounds of moderation.

Many were intoxicated; guests and attendants mingled together without

distinction; the serious and the ludicrous, drunken fancies and affairs

of state were blended one with another in a burlesque medley; and the

discussions on the general distress of the country ended in the wild

uproar of a bacchanalian revel. But it did not stop here; what they had

resolved on in the moment of intoxication they attempted when sober to

carry into execution. It was necessary to manifest to the people in

some striking shape the existence of their protectors, and likewise to

fan the zeal of the faction by a visible emblem; for this end nothing

could be better than to adopt publicly this name of Gueux, and to borrow

from it the tokens of the association. In a few days the town of

Brussels swarmed with ash-gray garments such as were usually worn by

mendicant friars and penitents. Every confederate put his whole family

and domestics in this dress. Some carried wooden bowls thinly overlaid

with plates of silver, cups of the same kind, and wooden knives; in

short the whole paraphernalia of the beggar tribe, which they either

fixed around their hats or suspended from their girdles: Round the neck

they wore a golden or silver coin, afterwards called the Geusen penny,

of which one side bore the effigy of the king, with the inscription,

“True to the king;” on the other side were seen two hands folded

together holding a wallet, with the words “as far as the beggar’s

scrip.” Hence the origin of the name “Gueux,” which was subsequently

borne in the Netherlands by all who seceded from popery and took up arms

against the king.

Before the confederates separated and dispersed among the provinces they

presented themselves once more before the duchess, in order to remind

her of the necessity of leniency towards the heretics until the arrival

of the king’s answer from Spain, if she did not wish to drive the people

to extremities. “If, however,” they added, “a contrary behavior should

give rise to any evils they at least must be regarded as having done

their duty.”

To this the regent replied, “she hoped to be able to adopt such

measures as would render it impossible for disorders to ensue; but if,

nevertheless, they did occur, she could ascribe them to no one but the

confederates. She therefore earnestly admonished them on their part to

fulfil their engagements, but especially to receive no new members into

the league, to hold no more private assemblies, and generally not to

attempt any novel and unconstitutional measures.” And in order to

tranquillize their minds she commanded her private secretary, Berti, to

show them the letters to the inquisitors and secular judges, wherein

they were enjoined to observe moderation towards all those who had not

aggravated their heretical offences by any civil crime. Before their

departure from Brussels they named four presidents from among their

number who were to take care of the affairs of the league, and also

particular administrators for each province. A few were left behind in

Brussels to keep a watchful eye on all the movements of the court.

Brederode, Kuilemberg, and Bergen at last quitted the town, attended by

five hundred and fifty horsemen, saluted it once more beyond the walls

with a discharge of musketry, and then the three leaders parted,

Brederode taking the road to Antwerp, and the two others to Guelders.

The regent had sent off an express to Antwerp to warn the magistrate of

that town against him. On his arrival more than a thousand persons

thronged to the hotel where he had taken up his abode. Showing himself

at a window, with a full wineglass in his hand, he thus addressed them:

“Citizens of Antwerp! I am here at the hazard of my life and my

property to relieve you from the oppressive burden of the Inquisition.

If you are ready to share this enterprise with me, and to acknowledge me

as your leader, accept the health which I here drink to you, and hold up

your hands in testimony of your approbation.” Hereupon he drank to

their health, and all hands were raised amidst clamorous shouts of

exultation. After this heroic deed he quitted Antwerp.

Immediately after the delivery of the “petition of the nobles,” the

regent had caused a new form of the edicts to be drawn up in the privy

council, which should keep the mean between the commands of the king and

the demands of the confederates. But the next question that arose was

to determine whether it would be advisable immediately to promulgate

this mitigated form, or moderation, as it was commonly called, or to

submit it first to the king for his ratification. The privy council who

maintained that it would be presumptuous to take a step so important and

so contrary to the declared sentiments of the monarch without having

first obtained his sanction, opposed the vote of the Prince of Orange

who supported the former proposition. Besides, they urged, there was

cause to fear that it would not even content the nation.

A “moderation” devised with the assent of the states was what they

particularly insisted on. In order, therefore, to gain the consent of

the states, or rather to obtain it from them by stealth, the regent

artfully propounded the question to the provinces singly, and first of

all to those which possessed the least freedom, such as Artois, Namur,

and Luxemburg. Thus she not only prevented one province encouraging

another in opposition, but also gained this advantage by it, that the

freer provinces, such as Flanders and Brabant, which were prudently

reserved to the last, allowed themselves to be carried away by the

example of the others. By a very illegal procedure the representatives

of the towns were taken by surprise, and their consent exacted before

they could confer with their constituents, while complete silence was

imposed upon them with regard to the whole transaction. By these means

the regent obtained the unconditional consent of some of the provinces

to the “moderation,” and, with a few slight changes, that of other

provinces. Luxemburg and Namur subscribed it without scruple. The

states of Artois simply added the condition that false informers should

be subjected to a retributive penalty; those of Hainault demanded that

instead of confiscation of the estates, which directly militated against

their privileges, another discretionary punishment should be introduced.

Flanders called for the entire abolition of the Inquisition, and desired

that the accused might be secured in right of appeal to their own

province. The states of Brabant were outwitted by the intrigues of the

court. Zealand, Holland, Utrecht, Guelders, and Friesland as being

provinces which enjoyed the most important privileges, and which,

moreover, watched over them with the greatest jealousy, were never asked

for their opinion. The provincial courts of judicature had also been

required to make a report on the projected amendment of the law, but we

may well suppose that it was unfavorable, as it never reached Spain.

From the principal cause of this “moderation,” which, however, really

deserved its name, we may form a judgment of the general character of

the edicts themselves. “Sectarian writers,” it ran, “the heads and

teachers of sects, as also those who conceal heretical meetings, or

cause any other public scandal, shall be punished with the gallows, and

their estates, where the law of the province permit it, confiscated; but

if they abjure their errors, their punishment shall be commuted into

decapitation with the sword, and their effects shall be preserved to

their families.” A cruel snare for parental affection! Less grievous

heretics, it was further enacted, shall, if penitent, be pardoned; and

if impenitent shall be compelled to leave the country, without, however,

forfeiting their estates, unless by continuing to lead others astray

they deprive themselves of the benefit of this provision. The

Anabaptists, however, were expressly excluded from benefiting by this

clause; these, if they did not clear themselves by the most thorough

repentance, were to forfeit their possessions; and if, on the other

hand, they relapsed after penitence, that is, were backsliding heretics,

they were to be put to death without mercy. The greater regard for life

and property which is observable in this ordinance as compared with the

edicts, and which we might be tempted to ascribe to a change of

intention in the Spanish ministry, was nothing more than a compulsory

step extorted by the determined opposition of the nobles. So little,

too, were the people in the Netherlands satisfied by this “moderation,”

which fundamentally did not remove a single abuse, that instead of

“moderation” (mitigation), they indignantly called it “moorderation,”

that is, murdering.

After the consent of the states had in this manner been extorted from

them, the “moderation” was submitted to the council of the state, and,

after receiving their signatures, forwarded to the king in Spain in

order to receive from his ratification the force of law.

The embassy to Madrid, which had been agreed upon with the confederates,

was at the outset entrusted to the Marquis of Bergen, who, however, from

a distrust of the present disposition of the king, which was only too

well grounded, and from reluctance to engage alone in so delicate a

business, begged for a coadjutor.

[This Marquis of Bergen is to be distinguished from Count William

of Bergen, who was among the first who subscribed the covenant.

Vigi. ad Hopper, Letter VII.]

He obtained one in the Baron of Montigny, who had previously been

employed in a similar duty, and had discharged it with high credit.

As, however, circumstances had since altered so much that he had just

anxiety as to his present reception in Madrid for his greater safety,

he stipulated with the duchess that she should write to the monarch

previously; and that he, with his companion, should, in the meanwhile,

travel slowly enough to give time for the king’s answer reaching him en

route. His good genius wished, as it appeared, to save him from the

terrible fate which awaited him in Madrid, for his departure was delayed

by an unexpected obstacle, the Marquis of Bergen being disabled from

setting out immediately through a wound which he received from the blow

of a tennis-ball. At last, however, yielding to the pressing

importunities of the regent, who was anxious to expedite the business,

he set out alone, not, as he hoped, to carry the cause of his nation,

but to die for it.

In the meantime the posture of affairs had changed so greatly in the

Netherlands, the step which the nobles had recently taken had so nearly

brought on a complete rupture with the government, that it seemed

impossible for the Prince of Orange and his friends to maintain any

longer the intermediate and delicate position which they had hitherto

held between the country and the court, or to reconcile the

contradictory duties to which it gave rise. Great must have been

the restraint which, with their mode of thinking, they had to put on

themselves not to take part in this contest; much, too, must their

natural love of liberty, their patriotism, and their principles of

toleration have suffered from the constraint which their official

station imposed upon them. On the other hand, Philip’s distrust, the

little regard which now for a long time had been paid to their advice,

and the marked slights which the duchess publicly put upon them, had

greatly contributed to cool their zeal for the service, and to render

irksome the longer continuance of a part which they played with so much

repugnance and with so little thanks. This feeling was strengthened by

several intimations they received from Spain which placed beyond doubt

the great displeasure of the king at the petition of the nobles, and his

little satisfaction with their own behavior on that occasion, while they

were also led to expect that he was about to enter upon measures, to

which, as favorable to the liberties of their country, and for the most

part friends or blood relations of the confederates; they could never

lend their countenance or support. On the name which should be applied

in Spain to the confederacy of the nobles it principally depended what

course they should follow for the future. If the petition should be

called rebellion no alternative would be left them but either to come

prematurely to a dangerous explanation with the court, or to aid it in

treating as enemies those with whom they had both a fellow-feeling and a

common interest. This perilous alternative could only be avoided by

withdrawing entirely from public affairs; this plan they had once before

practically adopted, and under present circumstances it was something

more than a simple expedient. The whole nation had their eyes upon

them. An unlimited confidence in their integrity, and the universal

veneration for their persons, which closely bordered on idolatry, would

ennoble the cause which they might make their own and ruin that which

they should abandon. Their share in the administration of the state,

though it were nothing more than nominal, kept the opposite party in

check; while they attended the senate violent measures were avoided

because their continued presence still favored some expectations of

succeeding by gentle means. The withholding of their approbation, even

if it did not proceed from their hearts, dispirited the faction, which,

on the contrary, would exert its full strength so soon as it could

reckon even distantly on obtaining so weighty a sanction. The very

measures of the government which, if they came through their hands, were

certain of a favorable reception and issue, would without them prove

suspected and futile; even the royal concessions, if they were not

obtained by the mediation of these friends of the people, would fail of

the chief part of their efficacy. Besides, their retirement from public

affairs would deprive the regent of the benefit of their advice at a

time when counsel was most indispensable to her; it would, moreover,

leave the preponderance with a party which, blindly dependent on the

court, and ignorant of the peculiarities of republican character, would

neglect nothing to aggravate the evil, and to drive to extremity the

already exasperated mind of the public.

All these motives (and it is open to every one, according to his good or

bad opinion of the prince, to say which was the most influential) tended

alike to move him to desert the regent, and to divest himself of all

share in public affairs. An opportunity for putting this resolve into

execution soon presented itself. The prince had voted for the immediate

promulgation of the newly-revised edicts; but the regent, following the

suggestion of her privy council, had determined to transmit them first

to the king. “I now see clearly,” he broke out with well-acted

vehemence, “that all the advice which I give is distrusted. The king

requires no servants whose loyalty he is determined to doubt; and far be

it from me to thrust my services upon a sovereign who is unwilling to

receive them. Better, therefore, for him and me that I withdraw from

public affairs.” Count Horn expressed himself nearly to the same

effect. Egmont requested permission to visit the baths of

Aix-la-Chapelle, the use of which had been prescribed to him by his

physician, although (as it is stated in his accusation) he appeared

health itself. The regent, terrified at the consequences which must

inevitably follow this step, spoke sharply to the prince. “If neither my

representations, nor the general welfare can prevail upon you, so far as

to induce you to relinquish this intention, let me advise you to be more

careful, at least, of your own reputation. Louis of Nassau is your

brother; he and Count Brederode, the heads of the confederacy, have

publicly been your guests. The petition is in substance identical with

your own representations in the council of state. If you now suddenly

desert the cause of your king will it not be universally said that you

favor the conspiracy?” We do not find it anywhere stated whether the

prince really withdrew at this time from the council of state; at all

events, if he did, he must soon have altered his mind, for shortly after

he appears again in public transactions. Egmont allowed himself to be

overcome by the remonstrances of the regent; Horn alone actually withdrew

himself to one of his estates,--[Where he remained three months

inactive.]--with the resolution of never more serving either emperor or

king. Meanwhile the Gueux had dispersed themselves through the provinces,

and spread everywhere the most favorable reports of their success.

According to their assertions, religious freedom was finally assured; and

in order to confirm their statements they helped themselves, where the

truth failed, with falsehood. For example, they produced a forged letter

of the Knights of the Fleece, in which the latter were made solemnly to

declare that for the future no one need fear imprisonment, or banishment,

or death on account of religion, unless he also committed a political

crime; and even in that case the confederates alone were to be his

judges; and this regulation was to be in force until the king, with the

consent and advice of the states of the realm, should otherwise dispose.

Earnestly as the knights applied themselves upon the first information of

the fraud to rescue the nation from their delusion, still it had already

in this short interval done good service to the faction. If there are

truths whose effect is limited to a single instant, then inventions which

last so long can easily assume their place. Besides, the report, however

false, was calculated both to awaken distrust between the regent and the

knights, and to support the courage of the Protestants by fresh hopes,

while it also furnished those who were meditating innovation an

appearance of right, which, however unsubstantial they themselves knew it

to be, served as a colorable pretext for their proceedings. Quickly as

this delusion was dispelled, still, in the short space of time that it

obtained belief, it had occasioned so many extravagances, had introduced

so much irregularity and license, that a return to the former state of

things became impossible, and continuance in the course already commenced

was rendered necessary as well by habit as by despair. On the very first

news of this happy result the fugitive Protestants had returned to their

homes, which they had so unwillingly abandoned; those who had been in

concealment came forth from their hiding-places; those who had hitherto

paid homage to the new religion in their hearts alone, emboldened by

these pretended acts of toleration, now gave in their adhesion to it

publicly and decidedly. The name of the “Gueux” was extolled in all the

provinces; they were called the pillars of religion and liberty; their

party increased daily, and many of the merchants began to wear their

insignia. The latter made an alteration in the “Gueux” penny, by

introducing two travellers’ staffs, laid crosswise, to intimate that they

stood prepared and ready at any instant to forsake house and hearth for

the sake of religion. The Gueux league, in short, had now given to things

an entirely different form. The murmurs of the people, hitherto impotent

and despised, as being the cries of individuals, had, now that they were

concentrated, become formidable; and had gained power, direction, and

firmness through union. Every one who was rebelliously disposed now

looked on himself as the member of a venerable and powerful body, and

believed that by carrying his own complaints to the general stock of

discontent he secured the free expression of them. To be called an

important acquisition to the league flattered the vain; to be lost,

unnoticed, and irresponsible in the crowd was an inducement to the timid.

The face which the confederacy showed to the nation was very unlike that

which it had turned to the court. But had its objects been the purest,

had it really been as well disposed towards the throne as it wished to

appear, still the multitude would have regarded only what was illegal in

its proceedings, and upon them its better intentions would have been

entirely lost.

PUBLIC PREACHING.

No moment could be more favorable to the Huguenots and the German

Protestants than the present to seek a market for their dangerous

commodity in the Netherlands. Accordingly, every considerable town now

swarmed with suspicious arrivals, masked spies, and the apostles of

every description of heresy. Of the religious parties, which had sprung

up by secession from the ruling church, three chiefly had made

considerable progress in the provinces. Friesland and the adjoining

districts were overrun by the Anabaptists, who, however, as the most

indigent, without organization and government, destitute of military

resources, and moreover at strife amongst themselves, awakened the least

apprehension. Of far more importance were the Calvanists, who prevailed

in the southern provinces, and above all in Flanders, who were

powerfully supported by their neighbors the Huguenots, the republic of

Geneva, the Swiss Cantons, and part of Germany, and whose opinions, with

the exception of a slight difference, were also held by the throne in

England. They were also the most numerous party, especially among the

merchants and common citizens. The Huguenots, expelled from France, had

been the chief disseminators of the tenets of this party. The Lutherans

were inferior both in numbers and wealth, but derived weight from having

many adherents among the nobility. They occupied, for the most part,

the eastern portion of the Netherlands, which borders on Germany, and

were also to be found in some of the northern territories. Some of the

most powerful princes of Germany were their allies; and the religious

freedom of that empire, of which by the Burgundian treaty the

Netherlands formed an integral part, was claimed by them with some

appearance of right. These three religious denominations met together

in Antwerp, where the crowded population concealed them, and the

mingling of all nations favored liberty. They had nothing in common,

except an equally inextinguishable hatred of popery, of the Inquisition

in particular, and of the Spanish government, whose instrument it was;

while, on the other hand, they watched each other with a jealousy which

kept their zeal in exercise, and prevented the glowing ardor of

fanaticism from waxing dull.

The regent, in expectation that the projected “moderation” would be

sanctioned by the king, had, in the meantime, to gratify the Gueux,

recommended the governors and municipal officers of the provinces to be

as moderate as possible in their proceedings against heretics;

instructions which were eagerly followed, and interpreted in the widest

sense by the majority, who had hitherto administered the painful duty of

punishment with extreme repugnance. Most of the chief magistrates were

in their hearts averse to the Inquisition and the Spanish tyranny, and

many were even secretly attached to one or other of the religious

parties; even the others were unwilling to inflict punishment on

their countrymen to gratify their sworn enemies, the Spaniards.

All, therefore, purposely misunderstood the regent, and allowed the

Inquisition and the edicts to fall almost entirely into disuse.

This forbearance of the government, combined with the brilliant

representations of the Gueux, lured from their obscurity the

Protestants, who, however, had now grown too powerful to be any longer

concealed. Hitherto they had contented themselves with secret

assemblies by night; now they thought themselves numerous and formidable

enough to venture to these meetings openly and publicly. This license

commenced somewhere between Oudenarde and Ghent, and soon spread through

the rest of Flanders. A certain Herrnann Stricker, born at Overyssel,

formerly a monk, a daring enthusiast of able mind, imposing figure, and

ready tongue, was the first who collected the people for a sermon in the

open air. The novelty of the thing gathered together a crowd of about

seven thousand persons. A magistrate of the neighborhood, more

courageous than wise, rushed amongst the crowd with his drawn sword, and

attempted to seize the preacher, but was so roughly handled by the

multitude, who for want of other weapons took up stones and felled him

to the ground, that he was glad to beg for his life.

[The unheard-of foolhardiness of a single man rushing into the

midst of a fanatical crowd of seven thousand people to seize before

their eyes one whom they adored, proves, more than all that can be

said on the subject the insolent contempt with which the Roman

Catholics of the time looked down upon the so-called heretics as an

inferior race of beings.]

This success of the first attempt inspired courage for a second. In the

vicinity of Aalst they assembled again in still greater numbers; but on

this occasion they provided themselves with rapiers, firearms, and

halberds, placed sentries at all the approaches, which they also

barricaded with carts and carriages. All passers-by were obliged,

whether willing or otherwise, to take part in the religious service, and

to enforce this object lookout parties were posted at certain distances

round the place of meeting. At the entrance booksellers stationed

themselves, offering for sale Protestant catechisms, religious tracts,

and pasquinades on the bishops. The preacher, Hermann Stricker, held

forth from a pulpit which was hastily constructed for the occasion out

of carts and trunks of trees. A canvas awning drawn over it protected

him from the sun and the rain; the preacher’s position was in the

quarter of the wind that the people might not lose any part of his

sermon, which consisted principally of revilings against popery. Here

the sacraments were administered after the Calvinistic fashion, and

water was procured from the nearest river to baptize infants without

further ceremony, after the practice, it was pretended, of the earliest

times of Christianity. Couples were also united in wedlock, and the

marriage ties dissolved between others. To be present at this meeting

half the population of Ghent had left its gates; their example was soon

followed in other parts, and ere long spread over the whole of East

Flanders. In like manner Peter Dathen, another renegade monk, from

Poperingen, stirred up West Flanders; as many as fifteen thousand

persons at a time attended his preaching from the villages and hamlets;

their number made them bold, and they broke into the prisons, where some

Anabaptists were reserved for martyrdom. In Tournay the Protestants

were excited to a similar pitch of daring by Ambrosius Ville, a French

Calvinist. They demanded the release of the prisoners of their sect,

and repeatedly threatened if their demands were not complied with to

deliver up the town to the French. It was entirely destitute of a

garrison, for the commandant, from fear of treason, had withdrawn it

into the castle, and the soldiers, moreover, refused to act against

their fellow-citizens. The sectarians carried their audacity to such

great lengths as to require one of the churches within the town to be

assigned to them; and when this was refused they entered into a league

with Valenciennes and Antwerp to obtain a legal recognition of their

worship, after the example of the other towns, by open force. These

three towns maintained a close connection with each other, and the

Protestant party was equally powerful in all. While, however, no one

would venture singly to commence the disturbance, they agreed

simultaneously to make a beginning with public preaching. Brederode’s

appearance in Antwerp at last gave them courage. Six thousand persons,

men and women, poured forth from the town on an appointed day, on which

the same thing happened in Tournay and Valenciennes. The place of

meeting was closed in with a line of vehicles, firmly fastened together,

and behind them armed men were secretly posted, with a view to protect

the service from any surprise. Of the preachers, most of whom were men

of the very lowest class--some were Germans, some were Huguenots--and

spoke in the Walloon dialect; some even of the citizens felt themselves

called upon to take a part in this sacred work, now that no fears of the

officers of justice alarmed them. Many were drawn to the spot by mere

curiosity to hear what kind of new and unheard-of doctrines these

foreign teachers, whose arrival had caused so much talk, would set

forth. Others were attracted by the melody of the psalms, which were

sung in a French version, after the custom in Geneva. A great number

came to hear these sermons as so many amusing comedies such was the

buffoonery with which the pope, the fathers of the ecclesiastical

council of Trent, purgatory, and other dogmas of the ruling church were

abused in them. And, in fact, the more extravagant was this abuse and

ridicule the more it tickled the ears of the lower orders; and a

universal clapping of hands, as in a theatre, rewarded the speaker who

had surpassed others in the wildness of his jokes and denunciations.

But the ridicule which was thus cast upon the ruling church was,

nevertheless, not entirely lost on the minds of the hearers, as neither

were the few grains of truth or reason which occasionally slipped in

among it; and many a one, who had sought from these sermons anything but

conviction, unconsciously carried away a little also of it.

These assemblies were several times repeated, and each day augmented the

boldness of the sectarians; till at last they even ventured, after

concluding the service to conduct their preachers home in triumph, with

an escort of armed horsemen, and ostentatiously to brave the law. The

town council sent express after express to the duchess, entreating her

to visit them in person, and if possible to reside for a short time in

Antwerp, as the only expedient to curb the arrogance of the populace;

and assuring her that the most eminent merchants, afraid of being

plundered, were already preparing to quit it. Fear of staking the royal

dignity on so hazardous a stroke of policy forbade her compliance; but

she despatched in her stead Count Megen, in order to treat with the

magistrate for the introduction of a garrison. The rebellious mob, who

quickly got an inkling of the object of his visit, gathered around him

with tumultuous cries, shouting, “He was known to them as a sworn enemy

of the Gueux; that it was notorious he was bringing upon them prisons

and the Inquisition, and that he should leave the town instantly.” Nor

was the tumult quieted till Megen was beyond the gates. The Calvinists

now handed in to the magistrate a memorial, in which they showed that

their great numbers made it impossible for them henceforward to assemble

in secrecy, and requested a separate place of worship to be allowed them

inside the town. The town council renewed its entreaties to the duchess

to assist, by her personal presence, their perplexities, or at least to

send to them the Prince of Orange, as the only person for whom the

people still had any respect, and, moreover, as specially bound to the

town of Antwerp by his hereditary title of its burgrave. In order to

escape the greater evil she was compelled to consent to the second

demand, however much against her inclination to entrust Antwerp to the

prince. After allowing himself to be long and fruitlessly entreated,

for he had all at once resolved to take no further share in public

affairs, he yielded at last to the earnest persuasions of the regent

and the boisterous wishes of the people. Brederode, with a numerous

retinue, came half a mile out of the town to meet him, and both parties

saluted each other with a discharge of pistols. Antwerp appeared to

have poured out all her inhabitants to welcome her deliverer. The high

road swarmed with multitudes; the roofs were taken off the houses in

order that they might accommodate more spectators; behind fences, from

churchyard walls, even out of graves started up men. The attachment of

the people to the prince showed itself in childish effusions. “Long

live the Gueux!” was the shout with which young and old received him.

“Behold,” cried others, “the man who shall give us liberty.” “He brings

us,” cried the Lutherans, “the Confession of Augsburg!” “We don’t want

the Gueux now!” exclaimed others; “we have no more need of the

troublesome journey to Brussels. He alone is everything to us!” Those

who knew not what to say vented their extravagant joy in psalms, which

they vociferously chanted as they moved along. He, however, maintained

his gravity, beckoned for silence, and at last, when no one would listen

to him, exclaimed with indignation, half real and half affected, “By

God, they ought to consider what they did, or they would one day repent

what they had now done.” The shouting increased even as he rode into

the town. The first conference of the prince with the heads of the

different religious sects, whom he sent for and separately interrogated,

presently convinced him that the chief source of the evil was the mutual

distrust of the several parties, and the suspicions which the citizens

entertained of the designs of the government, and that therefore it must

be his first business to restore confidence among them all. First of

all he attempted, both by persuasion and artifice, to induce the

Calvinists, as the most numerous body, to lay down their weapons, and in

this he at last, with much labor, succeeded. When, however, some wagons

were soon afterwards seen laden with ammunition in Malines, and the high

bailiff of Brabant showed himself frequently in the neighborhood of

Antwerp with an armed force, the Calvinists, fearing hostile

interruption of their religious worship, besought the prince to allot

them a place within the walls for their sermons, which should be secure

from a surprise. He succeeded once more in pacifying them, and his

presence fortunately prevented an outbreak on the Assumption of the

Virgin, which, as usual, had drawn a crowd to the town, and from whose

sentiments there was but too much reason for alarm. The image of the

Virgin was, with the usual pomp, carried round the town without

interruption; a few words of abuse, and a suppressed murmur about

idolatry, was all that the disapproving multitudes indulged in against

the procession.

1566. While the regent received from one province after another the

most melancholy accounts of the excesses of the Protestants, and while

she trembled for Antwerp, which she was compelled to leave in the

dangerous hands of the Prince of Orange, a new terror assailed her from

another quarter. Upon the first authentic tidings of the public

preaching she immediately called upon the league to fulfil its promises

and to assist her in restoring order. Count Brederode used this pretext

to summon a general meeting of the whole league, for which he could not

have selected a more dangerous moment than the present. So ostentatious

a display of the strength of the league, whose existence and protection

had alone encouraged the Protestant mob to go the length it had already

gone, would now raise the confidence of the sectarians, while in the

same degree it depressed the courage of the regent. The convention took

place in the town of Liege St. Truyen, into which Brederode and Louis of

Nassau had thrown themselves at the head of two thousand confederates.

As the long delay of the royal answer from Madrid seemed to presage no

good from that quarter, they considered it advisable in any case to

extort from the regent a letter of indemnity for their persons.

Those among them who were conscious of a disloyal sympathy with the

Protestant mob looked on its licentiousness as a favorable circumstance

for the league; the apparent success of those to whose degrading

fellowship they had deigned to stoop led them to alter their tone; their

former laudable zeal began to degenerate into insolence and defiance.

Many thought that they ought to avail themselves of the general

confusion and the perplexity of the duchess to assume a bolder tone and

heap demand upon demand. The Roman Catholic members of the league,

among whom many were in their hearts still strongly inclined to the

royal cause, and who had been drawn into a connection with the league by

occasion and example, rather than from feeling and conviction, now heard

to their astonishment propositions for establishing universal freedom of

religion, and were not a little shocked to discover in how perilous an

enterprise they had hastily implicated themselves. On this discovery

the young Count Mansfeld withdrew immediately from it, and internal

dissensions already began to undermine the work of precipitation and

haste, and imperceptibly to loosen the joints of the league.

Count Egmont and William of Orange were empowered by the regent to treat

with the confederates. Twelve of the latter, among whom were Louis of

Nassau, Brederode, and Kuilemberg, conferred with them in Duffle, a

village near Malines. “Wherefore this new step?” demanded the regent

by the mouth of these two noblemen. “I was required to despatch

ambassadors to Spain; and I sent them. The edicts and the Inquisition

were complained of as too rigorous; I have rendered both more lenient.

A general assembly of the states of the realm was proposed; I have

submitted this request to the king because I could not grant it from my

own authority. What, then, have I unwittingly either omitted or done

that should render necessary this assembling in St. Truyen? Is it

perhaps fear of the king’s anger and of its consequences that disturbs

the confederates? The provocation certainly is great, but his mercy is

even greater. Where now is the promise of the league to excite no

disturbances amongst the people? Where those high-sounding professions

that they were ready to die at my feet rather, than offend against any

of the prerogatives of the crown? The innovators already venture on

things which border closely on rebellion, and threaten the state with

destruction; and it is to the league that they appeal. If it continues

silently to tolerate this it will justly bring on itself the charge of

participating in the guilt of their offences; if it is honestly disposed

towards the sovereign it cannot remain longer inactive in this

licentiousness of the mob. But, in truth, does it not itself outstrip

the insane population by its dangerous example, concluding, as it is

known to do, alliances with the enemies of the country, and confirming

the evil report of its designs by the present illegal meeting?”

Against these reproaches the league formally justified itself in a

memorial which it deputed three of its members to deliver to the council

of state at Brussels.

“All,” it commenced, “that your highness has done in respect to our

petition we have felt with the most lively gratitude; and we cannot

complain of any new measure, subsequently adopted, inconsistent with

your promise; but we cannot help coming to the conclusion that the

orders of your highness are by the judicial courts, at least, very

little regarded; for we are continually hearing--and our own eyes attest

to the truth of the report--that in all quarters our fellow-citizens are

in spite of the orders of your highness still mercilessly dragged before

the courts of justice and condemned to death for religion. What the

league engaged on its part to do it has honestly fulfilled; it has, too,

to the utmost of its power endeavored to prevent the public preachings;

but it certainly is no wonder if the long delay of an answer from Madrid

fills the mind of the people with distrust, and if the disappointed

hopes of a general assembly of the states disposes them to put little

faith in any further assurances. The league has never allied, nor ever

felt any temptation to ally, itself with the enemies of the country. If

the arms of France were to appear in the provinces we, the confederates,

would be the first to mount and drive them back again. The league,

however, desires to be candid with your highness. We thought we read

marks of displeasure in your countenance; we see men in exclusive

possession of your favor who are notorious for their hatred against us.

We daily hear that persons are warned from associating with us, as with

those infected with the plague, while we are denounced with the arrival

of the king as with the opening of a day of judgment--what is more

natural than that such distrust shown to us should at last rouse our

own? That the attempt to blacken our league with the reproach of

treason, that the warlike preparations of the Duke of Savoy and of other

princes, which, according to common report, are directed against

ourselves; the negotiations of the king with the French court to obtain

a passage through that kingdom for a Spanish army, which is destined,

it is said, for the Netherlands--what wonder if these and similar

occurrences should have stimulated us to think in time of the means of

self-defence, and to strengthen ourselves by an alliance with our

friends beyond the frontier? On a general, uncertain, and vague rumor

we are accused of a share in this licentiousness of the Protestant mob;

but who is safe from general rumor? True it is, certainly, that of our

numbers some are Protestants, to whom religious toleration would be a

welcome boon; but even they have never forgotten what they owe to their

sovereign. It is not fear of the king’s anger which instigated us to

hold this assembly. The king is good, and we still hope that he is also

just. It cannot, therefore, be pardon that we seek from him, and just

as little can it be oblivion that we solicit for our actions, which are

far from being the least considerable of the services we have at

different times rendered his majesty. Again, it is true, that the

delegates of the Lutherans and Calvinists are with us in St. Truyen;

nay, more, they have delivered to us a petition which, annexed to this

memorial, we here present to your highness. In it they offer to go

unarmed to their preachings if the league will tender its security to

them, and be willing to engage for a general meeting of the states. We

have thought it incumbent upon us to communicate both these matters to

you, for our guarantee can have no force unless it is at the same time

confirmed by your highness and some of your principal counsellors.

Among these no one can be so well acquainted with the circumstances of

our cause, or be so upright in intention towards us, as the Prince of

Orange and Counts Horn and Egmont. We gladly accept these three as

meditators if the necessary powers are given to them, and assurance is

afforded us that no troops will be enlisted without their knowledge.

This guarantee, however, we only require for a given period, before the

expiration of which it will rest with the king whether he will cancel or

confirm it for the future. If the first should be his will it will then

be but fair that time should be allowed us to place our persons and our

property in security; for this three weeks will be sufficient. Finally,

and in conclusion, we on our part also pledge ourselves to undertake

nothing new without the concurrence of those three persons, our

mediators.”

The league would not have ventured to hold such bold language if it had

not reckoned on powerful support and protection; but the regent was as

little in a condition to concede their demands as she was incapable of

vigorously opposing them. Deserted in Brussels by most of her

counsellors of state, who had either departed to their provinces, or

under some pretext or other had altogether withdrawn from public

affairs; destitute as well of advisers as of money (the latter want had

compelled her, in the first instance, to appeal to the liberality of the

clergy; when this proved insufficient, to have recourse to a lottery),

dependent on orders from Spain, which were ever expected and never

received, she was at last reduced to the degrading expedient of entering

into a negotiation with the confederates in St. Truyen, that they should

wait twenty-four days longer for the king’s resolution before they took

any further steps. It was certainly surprising that the king still

continued to delay a decisive answer to the petition, although it was

universally known that he had answered letters of a much later date, and

that the regent earnestly importuned him on this head. She had also, on

the commencement of the public preaching, immediately despatched the

Marquis of Bergen after the Baron of Montigny, who, as an eye-witness of

these new occurrences, could confirm her written statements, to move the

king to an earlier decision.

1566. In the meanwhile, the Flemish ambassador, Florence of Montigny,

had arrived in Madrid, where he was received with a great show of

consideration. His instructions were to press for the abolition of the

Inquisition and the mitigation of the edicts; the augmentation of the

council of state, and the incorporation with it of the two other

councils; the calling of a general assembly of the states, and, lastly,

to urge the solicitations of the regent for a personal visit from the

king. As the latter, however, was only desirous of gaining time,

Montigny was put off with fair words until the arrival of his coadjutor,

without whom the king was not willing to come to any final

determination. In the meantime, Montigny had every day and at any hour

that he desired, an audience with the king, who also commanded that on

all occasions the despatches of the duchess and the answers to them

should be communicated to himself. He was, too, frequently admitted to

the council for Belgian affairs, where he never omitted to call the

king’s attention to the necessity of a general assembly of the states,

as being the only means of successfully meeting the troubles which had

arisen, and as likely to supersede the necessity of any other measure.

He moreover impressed upon him that a general and unreserved indemnity

for the past would alone eradicate the distrust, which was the source of

all existing complaints, and would always counteract the good effects of

every measure, however well advised. He ventured, from a thorough

acquaintance with circumstances and accurate knowledge of the character

of his countrymen, to pledge himself to the king for their inviolable

loyalty, as soon as they should be convinced of the honesty of his

intentions by the straightforwardness of his proceedings; while, on the

contrary, he assured him that there would be no hopes of it as long as

they were not relieved of the fear of being made the victims of the

oppression, and sacrificed to the envy of the Spanish nobles. At last

Montigny’s coadjutor made his appearance, and the objects of their

embassy were made the subject of repeated deliberations.

1566. The king was at that time at his palace at Segovia, where also he

assembled his state council. The members were: the Duke of Alva; Don

Gomez de Figueroa; the Count of Feria; Don Antonio of Toledo, Grand

Commander of St. John; Don John Manriquez of Lara, Lord Steward to the

Queen; Ruy Gomez, Prince of Eboli and Count of Melito; Louis of Quixada,

Master of the Horse to the Prince; Charles Tyssenacque, President of the

Council for the Netherlands; Hopper, State Counsellor and Keeper of the

Seal; and State Counsellor Corteville. The sitting of the council was

protracted for several days; both ambassadors were in attendance, but

the king was not himself present. Here, then, the conduct of the

Belgian nobles was examined by Spanish eyes; step by step it was traced

back to the most distant source; circumstances were brought into

relation with others which, in reality, never had any connection; and

what had been the offspring of the moment was made out to be a

well-matured and far-sighted plan. All the different transactions and

attempts of the nobles which had been governed solely by chance, and to

which the natural order of events alone assigned their particular shape

and succession, were said to be the result of a preconcerted scheme for

introducing universal liberty in religion, and for placing all the power

of the state in the hands of the nobles. The first step to this end

was, it was said, the violent expulsion of the minister Granvella,

against whom nothing could be charged, except that he was in possession

of an authority which they preferred to exercise themselves. The second

step was sending Count Egmont to Spain to urge the abolition of the

Inquisition and the mitigation of the penal statutes, and to prevail on

the king to consent to an augmentation of the council of state. As,

however, this could not be surreptitiously obtained in so quiet a

manner, the attempt was made to extort it from the court by a third and

more daring step--by a formal conspiracy, the league of the Gueux. The

fourth step to the same end was the present embassy, which at length

boldly cast aside the mask, and by the insane proposals which they were

not ashamed to make to their king, clearly brought to light the object

to which all the preceding steps had tended. Could the abolition of the

Inquisition, they exclaimed, lead to anything less than a complete

freedom of belief? Would not the guiding helm of conscience be lost

with it? Did not the proposed “moderation” introduce an absolute

impunity for all heresies? What was the project of augmenting the

council of state and of suppressing the two other councils but a

complete remodelling of the government of the country in favor of

the nobles?--a general constitution for all the provinces of the

Netherlands? Again, what was this compact of the ecclesiastics in their

public preachings but a third conspiracy, entered into with the very

same objects which the league of the nobles in the council of state and

that of the Gueux had failed to effect?

However, it was confessed that whatever might be the source of the evil

it was not on that account the less important and imminent. The

immediate personal presence of the king in Brussels was, indubitably,

the most efficacious means speedily and thoroughly to remedy it. As,

however, it was already so late in the year, and the preparations alone

for the journey would occupy the short tine which was to elapse before

the winter set in; as the stormy season of the year, as well as the

danger from French and English ships, which rendered the sea unsafe, did

not allow of the king’s taking the northern route, which was the shorter

of the two; as the rebels themselves meanwhile might become possessed of

the island of Walcheren, and oppose the lauding of the king; for all

these reasons, the journey was not to be thought of before the spring,

and in absence of the only complete remedy it was necessary to rest

satisfied with a partial expedient. The council, therefore, agreed to

propose to the king, in the first place, that he should recall the papal

Inquisition from the provinces and rest satisfied with that of the

bishops; in the second place, that a new plan for the mitigation of the

edicts should be projected, by which the honor of religion and of the

king would be better preserved than it had been in the transmitted

“moderation;” thirdly, that in order to reassure the minds of the

people, and to leave no means untried, the king should impart to the

regent full powers to extend free grace and pardon to all those who had

not already committed any heinous crime, or who had not as yet been

condemned by any judicial process; but from the benefit of this

indemnity the preachers and all who harbored them were to be excepted.

On the other hand, all leagues, associations, public assemblies, and

preachings were to be henceforth prohibited under heavy penalties; if,

however, this prohibition should be infringed, the regent was to be at

liberty to employ the regular troops and garrisons for the forcible

reduction of the refractory, and also, in case of necessity, to enlist

new troops, and to name the commanders over them according as should be

deemed advisable. Finally, it would have a good effect if his majesty

would write to the most eminent towns, prelates, and leaders of the

nobility, to some in his own hand, and to all in a gracious tone, in

order to stimulate their zeal in his service.

When this resolution of his council of state was submitted to the king

his first measure was to command public processions and prayers in all

the most considerable places of the kingdom and also of the Netherlands,

imploring the Divine guidance in his decision. He appeared in his own

person in the council of state in order to approve this resolution and

render it effective. He declared the general assembly of the states to

be useless and entirely abolished it. He, however, bound himself to

retain some German regiments in his pay, and, that they might serve with

the more zeal, to pay them their long-standing arrears. He commanded

the regent in a private letter to prepare secretly for war; three

thousand horse and ten thousand infantry were to be assembled by her in

Germany, to which end he furnished her with the necessary letters and

transmitted to her a sum of three hundred thousand gold florins. He

also accompanied this resolution with several autograph letters to some

private individuals and towns, in which he thanked them in the most

gracious terms for the zeal which they had already displayed in his

service and called upon them to manifest the same for the future.

Notwithstanding that he was inexorable on the most important point,

and the very one on which the nation most particularly insisted--the

convocation of the states, notwithstanding that his limited and

ambiguous pardon was as good as none, and depended too much on arbitrary

will to calm the public mind; notwithstanding, in fine, that he

rejected, as too lenient, the proposed “moderation,” but which, on the

part of the people, was complained of as too severe; still he had this

time made an unwonted step in the favor of the nation; he had sacrificed

to it the papal Inquisition and left only the episcopal, to which it was

accustomed. The nation had found more equitable judges in the Spanish

council than they could reasonably have hoped for. Whether at another

time and under other circumstances this wise concession would have had

the desired effect we will not pretend to say. It came too late; when

(1566) the royal letters reached Brussels the attack on images had

already commenced.