FOREWORD

by Dr. Alex F. Ricciardelli, Director of the Haffenreffer Museum

of Anthropology and Associate Professor of Anthropology at Brown

University.

This monograph represents the only extensive ethnography we have of

the Wampanoag Indians and provides us with the best understanding

available of Massasoit and his people at the time they occupied the

coastal areas of southern New England. The author has consulted all

the known historical sources and arranged the material into a series

of topical categories which will serve as a handy reference to the

literature. Useful also are the author’s comments regarding those

parts of Wampanoag culture about which we presently have no knowledge.

Southern New England has been one of the neglected areas in the

anthropology of North America. This seems strange when one considers

that the oldest museums and departments of anthropology in the United

States are located here. The usual explanation seems satisfactory

enough at first glance: there has been no extensive record of

anthropology in southern New England because there are no subjects

for study. The indigenous people were among the first to experience

the ravages of contact with European colonists. Disease, war, and

forced migrations throughout the 17th and 18th centuries effectively

depopulated the area of most of its original inhabitants. Those

few who remained were supposedly detribalized and merged with the

Europeans. Even their artifacts were carted off across the ocean to

be placed in cabinets of curiosities. To this day some of the best

and largest ethnographic collections of New England Indian material

culture are found in European museums and private estates. Further,

Colonial towns were located on prehistoric and early historic Indian

camps and villages, and in other ways the growing industrial complex

of the Northeast covered over or erased the Indian sites. As a

result, at the end of the 19th century, when anthropology as a formal

discipline emerged, the native peoples and most of the material

vestiges of their presence were gone.

There is undoubtedly much truth to this explanation, but one must

also examine the history of anthropology in order to understand

the reasons for this relative neglect. Shortly after the turn of

the century, the subjects anthropologists were seeking inevitably

led them westward to the Plains, the Southwest, and other places

where the frontier had only recently passed. Anthropology at that

time meant studying peoples who still retained, or at most had only

recently lost, their tribal organization. Tribal societies were

rapidly disappearing and it was crucial that anthropologists bend

all their efforts to creating a record of these peoples’ cultures

before they were irretrievably lost. The small groups of surviving

Algonkian Indians in southern New England, who retained few visible

evidences of their traditional culture, therefore attracted almost no

attention. Frank G. Speck is a notable exception among the younger

anthropologists who were prominent in shaping the discipline in the

United States.

The practice of anthropology today is considerably different from the

anthropology of 70 years ago. Tribal cultures and societies which

are still relatively intact continue to be an important concern,

but new dimensions for the study of man have appeared. These new

developments make southern New England an important resource for

anthropological study. Inter-ethnic relations are now attracting the

attention of students to a society which is no longer considered an

inevitable melting pot. Portuguese, French-Canadians, Italians, and

other immigrants have been a prominent part of New England towns and

cities for decades, but we do not yet understand the processes by

which they have adapted to American culture. These ethnic segments

include the Wampanoag and other Indian groups who have retained their

Indian identity after over 300 years of intensive contact. They

obviously represent an important phenomenon for study. Many Indian

groups are now moving to large cities, including Boston, and some

anthropologists are trying to understand how tribal peoples adapt to

urbanism as a way of life.

Ethnohistory, the writing of ethnographies from historical documents,

is another relatively new way of practicing anthropology. Although

the source materials for southern New England are not as rich as

those from other areas in North America, there is still a great

deal which can be mined from them. Early colonists traded, fought,

and proselytized the Indians and the accounts and records they left

contain many possibilities for studying cultural processes. We are

learning that the value of documents as source materials is as much

a function of their ability to answer the kinds of questions that

intrigue us as it is a matter of bulk.

It is true that archaeology in New England has been generally less

immediately rewarding than in many other areas of North America. The

poorer conditions of preservation, the apparent absence of deeply

stratified sites and the dense settlement pattern in this region

have contributed to this condition. With the emergence of what is

now being called historical archaeology, however, new potentials are

being realized in New England. The efforts of Plimoth Plantation

are showing dramatically that Colonial history can be meaningfully

rewritten through the lenses of anthropology and that archaeology

does not by any means end where history begins. Indeed, a new

understanding is being achieved for that period in early Colonial

history when an immigrant European culture was transformed into

something distinctively American.

For many anthropological studies that will undoubtedly be made about

southern New England, the culture of the 17th century Indians will

be an important baseline. This monograph will be one of the valuable

sources for scholars undertaking such studies.

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