At that time the Romans also acquired certain Persian strongholds in

Persarmenia, both the fortress of Bolum and the fortress called

Pharangium, which is the place where the Persians mine gold, which they

take to the king. It happened also that a short time before this they

had reduced to subjection the Tzanic nation, who had been settled from

of old in Roman territory as an autonomous people; and as to these

things, the manner in which they were accomplished will be related here

and now.

As one goes from the land of Armenia into Persarmenia the Taurus lies on

the right, extending into Iberia and the peoples there, as has been said

a little before this[19], while on the left the road which continues to

descend for a great distance is overhung by exceedingly precipitous

mountains, concealed forever by clouds and snow, from which the Phasis

River issues and flows into the land of Colchis. In this place from the

beginning lived barbarians, the Tzanic nation, subject to no one, called

Sani in early times; they made plundering expeditions among the Romans

who lived round about, maintaining a most difficult existence, and

always living upon what they stole; for their land produced for them

nothing good to eat. Wherefore also the Roman emperor sent them each

year a fixed amount of gold, with the condition that they should never

plunder the country thereabout. And the barbarians had sworn to observe

this agreement with the oaths peculiar to their nation, and then,

disregarding what they had sworn, they had been accustomed for a long

time to make unexpected attacks and to injure not only the Armenians,

but also the Romans who lived next to them as far as the sea; then,

after completing their inroad in a short space of time, they would

immediately betake themselves again to their homes. And whenever it _so_

happened that they chanced upon a Roman army, they were always defeated

in the battle, but they proved to be absolutely beyond capture owing to

the strength of their fastnesses. In this way Sittas had defeated them

in battle before this war; and then by many manifestations of kindness

in word and in deed he had been able to win them over completely. For

they changed their manner of life to one of a more civilized sort, and

enrolled themselves among the Roman troops, and from that time they have

gone forth against the enemy with the rest of the Roman army. They also

abandoned their own religion for a more righteous faith, and all of them

became Christians. Such then was the history of the Tzani.

Beyond the borders of this people there is a cañon whose walls are both

high and exceedingly steep, extending as far as the Caucasus mountains.

In it are populous towns, and grapes and other fruits grow plentifully.

And this canon for about the space of a three days' journey is tributary

to the Romans, but from there begins the territory of Persarmenia; and

here is the gold-mine which, with the permission of Cabades, was worked

by one of the natives, Symeon by name. When this Symeon saw that both

nations were actively engaged in the war, he decided to deprive Cabades

of the revenue. Therefore he gave over both himself and Pharangium to

the Romans, but refused to deliver over to either one the gold of the

mine. And as for the Romans, they did nothing, thinking it sufficient

for them that the enemy had lost the income from there, and the Persians

were not able against the will of the Romans to force the inhabitants of

the place to terms, because they were baffled by the difficult country.

At about the same time Narses and Aratius who at the beginning of this

war, as I have stated above,[20] had an encounter with Sittas and

Belisarius in the land of the Persarmenians, came together with their

mother as deserters to the Romans; and the emperor's steward, Narses,

received them (for he too happened to be a Persarmenian by birth), and

he presented them with a large sum of money. When this came to the

knowledge of Isaac, their youngest brother, he secretly opened

negotiations with the Romans, and delivered over to them the fortress of

Bolum, which lies very near the limits of Theodosiopolis. For he

directed that soldiers should be concealed somewhere in the vicinity,

and he received them into the fort by night, opening stealthily one

small gate for them. Thus he too came to Byzantium.

XVI

Thus matters stood with the Romans. But the Persians, though defeated by

Belisarius in the battle at Daras, refused even so to retire from there,

until Rufinus, coming into the presence of Cabades, spoke as follows: "O

King, I have been sent by thy brother, who reproaches thee with a just

reproach, because the Persians for no righteous cause have come in arms

into his land. But it would be more seemly for a king who is not only

mighty, but also wise as thou art, to secure a peaceful conclusion of

war, rather than, when affairs have been satisfactorily settled, to

inflict upon himself and his people unnecessary confusion. Wherefore

also I myself have come here with good hopes, in order that from now on

both peoples may enjoy the blessings which come from peace." So spoke

Rufinus. And Cabades replied as follows: "O son of Silvanus, by no means

try to reverse the causes, understanding as you do best of all men that

you Romans have been the chief cause of the whole confusion. For we have

taken the Caspian Gates to the advantage of both Persians and Romans,

after forcing out the barbarians there, since Anastasius, the Emperor of

the Romans, as you yourself doubtless know, when the opportunity was

offered him to buy them with money, was not willing to do so, in order

that he might not be compelled to squander great sums of money in behalf

of both nations by keeping an army there perpetually. And since that

time we have stationed that great army there, and have supported it up

to the present time, thereby giving you the privilege of inhabiting the

land unplundered as far as concerns the barbarians on that side, and of

holding your own possessions with complete freedom from trouble. But as

if this were not sufficient for you, you have also made a great city,

Daras, as a stronghold against the Persians, although this was

explicitly forbidden in the treaty which Anatolius arranged with the

Persians; and as a result of this it is necessary for the Persian state

to be afflicted with the difficulties and the expense of two armies, the

one in order that the Massagetae may not be able fearlessly to plunder

the land of both of us, and the other in order that we may check your

inroads. When lately we made a protest regarding these matters and

demanded that one of two things should be done by you, either that the

army sent to the Caspian Gates should be sent by both of us, or that the

city of Daras should be dismantled, you refused to understand what was

said, but saw fit to strengthen your plot against the Persians by a

greater injury, if we remember correctly the building of the fort in

Mindouos[21]. And even now the Romans may choose peace, or they may

elect war, by either doing justice to us or going against our rights.

For never will the Persians lay down their arms, until the Romans either

help them in guarding the gates, as is just and right, or dismantle the

city of Daras." With these words Cabades dismissed the ambassador,

dropping the hint that he was willing to take money from the Romans and

have done with the causes of the war. This was reported to the emperor

by Rufinus when he came to Byzantium. [531 A.D.] Hermogenes also came

thither not long afterwards, and the winter came to a close; thus ended

the fourth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian.

XVII

At the opening of spring a Persian army under the leadership of

Azarethes invaded the Roman territory. They were fifteen thousand

strong, all horsemen. With them was Alamoundaras, son of Saccice, with a

very large body of Saracens. But this invasion was not made by the

Persians in the customary manner; for they did not invade Mesopotamia,

as formerly, but the country called Commagene of old, but now

Euphratesia, a point from which, as far as we know, the Persians never

before conducted a campaign against the Romans. But why the land was

called Mesopotamia and why the Persians refrained from making their

attack at this point is what I now propose to relate.

There is a mountain in Armenia which is not especially precipitous,

two-and-forty stades removed from Theodosiopolis and lying toward the

north from it. From this mountain issue two springs, forming immediately

two rivers, the one on the right called the Euphrates, and the other the

Tigris. One of these, the Tigris, descends, with no deviations and with

no tributaries except small ones emptying into it, straight toward the

city of Amida. And continuing into the country which lies to the north

of this city it enters the land of Assyria. But the Euphrates at its

beginning flows for a short distance, and is then immediately lost to

sight as it goes on; it does not, however, become subterranean, but a

very strange thing happens. For the water is covered by a bog of great

depth, extending about fifty stades in length and twenty in breadth; and

reeds grow in this mud in great abundance. But the earth there is of

such a hard sort that it seems to those who chance upon it to be nothing

else than solid ground, so that both pedestrians and horsemen travel

over it without any fear. Nay more, even wagons pass over the place in

great numbers every day, but they are wholly insufficient to shake the

bog or to find a weak spot in it at any point. The natives burn the

reeds every year, to prevent the roads being stopped up by them, and

once, when an exceedingly violent wind struck the place, it came about

that the fire reached the extremities of the roots, and the water

appeared at a small opening; but in a short time the ground closed

again, and gave the spot the same appearance which it had had before.

From there the river proceeds into the land called Celesene, where was

the sanctuary of Artemis among the Taurians, from which they say

Iphigenia, daughter of Agamemnon, fled with Orestes and Pylades, bearing

the statue of Artemis. For the other temple which has existed even to my

day in the city of Comana is not the one "Among the Taurians." But I

shall explain how this temple came into being.

When Orestes had departed in haste from the Taurians with his sister, it

so happened that he contracted some disease. And when he made inquiry

about the disease they say that the oracle responded that his trouble

would not abate until he built a temple to Artemis in a spot such as the

one among the Taurians, and there cut off his hair and named the city

after it. So then Orestes, going about the country there, came to

Pontus, and saw a mountain which rose steep and towering, while below

along the extremities of the mountain flowed the river Iris. Orestes,

therefore, supposing at that time that this was the place indicated to

him by the oracle, built there a great city and the temple of Artemis,

and, shearing off his hair, named after it the city which even up to the

present time has been called Comana. The story goes on that after

Orestes had done these things, the disease continued to be as violent as

before, if not even more so. Then the man perceived that he was not

satisfying the oracle by doing these things, and he again went about

looking everywhere and found a certain spot in Cappadocia very closely

resembling the one among the Taurians. I myself have often seen this

place and admired it exceedingly, and have imagined that I was in the

land of the Taurians. For this mountain resembles the other remarkably,

since the Taurus is here also and the river Sarus is similar to the

Euphrates there. So Orestes built in that place an imposing city and two

temples, the one to Artemis and the other to his sister Iphigenia, which

the Christians have made sanctuaries for themselves, without changing

their structure at all. This is called even now Golden Comana, being

named from the hair of Orestes, which they say he cut off there and thus

escaped from his affliction. But some say that this disease from which

he escaped was nothing else than that of madness which seized him after

he had killed his own mother. But I shall return to the previous

narrative.

From Tauric Armenia and the land of Celesene the River Euphrates,

flowing to the right of the Tigris, flows around an extensive territory,

and since many rivers join it and among them the Arsinus, whose copious

stream flows down from the land of the so-called Persarmenians, it

becomes naturally a great river, and flows into the land of the people

anciently called White Syrians but now known as the Lesser Armenians,

whose first city, Melitene, is one of great importance. From there it

flows past Samosata and Hierapolis and all the towns in that region as

far as the land of Assyria, where the two rivers unite with each other

into one stream which bears the name of the Tigris. The land which lies

outside the River Euphrates, beginning with Samosata, was called in

ancient times Commagene, but now it is named after the river[22]. But

the land inside the river, that namely which is between it and the

Tigris, is appropriately named Mesopotamia; however, a portion of it is

called not only by this name, but also by certain others. For the land

as far as the city of Amida has come to be called Armenia by some, while

Edessa together with the country around it is called Osroene, after

Osroes, a man who was king in that place in former times, when the men

of this country were in alliance with the Persians. After the time,

therefore, when the Persians had taken from the Romans the city of

Nisibis and certain other places in Mesopotamia, whenever they were

about to make an expedition against the Romans, they disregarded the

land outside the River Euphrates, which was for the most part unwatered

and deserted by men, and gathered themselves here with no trouble, since

they were in a land which was their own and which lay very close to the

inhabited land of their enemy, and from here they always made their

invasions.

When the mirranes[23], defeated in battle[24] and with the greater part

of his men lost, came back to the Persian land with the remainder of his

army, he received bitter punishment at the hands of King Cabades. For he

took away from him a decoration which he was accustomed to bind upon the

hair of his head, an ornament wrought of gold and pearls. Now this is a

great dignity among the Persians, second only to the kingly honour. For

there it is unlawful to wear a gold ring or girdle or brooch or anything

else whatsoever, except a man be counted worthy to do so by the king.

Thereafter Cabades began to consider in what manner he himself should

make an expedition against the Romans. For after the mirranes had failed

in the manner I have told, he felt confidence in no one else. While he

was completely at a loss as to what he should do, Alamoundaras, the king

of the Saracens, came before him and said: "Not everything, O Master,

should be entrusted to fortune, nor should one believe that all wars

ought to be successful. For this is not likely and besides it is not in

keeping with the course of human events, but this idea is most

unfortunate for those who are possessed by it. For when men who expect

that all the good things will come to them fail at any time, if it so

happen, they are distressed more than is seemly by the very hope which

wrongly led them on. Therefore, since men have not always confidence in

fortune, they do not enter into the danger of war in a straightforward

way, even if they boast that they surpass the enemy in every respect,

but by deception and divers devices they exert themselves to circumvent

their opponents. For those who assume the risk of an even struggle have

no assurance of victory. Now, therefore, O King of Kings, neither be

thus distressed by the misfortune which has befallen Mirranes, nor

desire again to make trial of fortune. For in Mesopotamia and the land

of Osroene, as it is called, since it is very close to thy boundaries,

the cities are very strong above all others, and now they contain a

multitude of soldiers such as never before, so that if we go there the

contest will not prove a safe one; but in the land which lies outside

the River Euphrates, and in Syria which adjoins it, there is neither a

fortified city nor an army of any importance. For this I have often

heard from the Saracens sent as spies to these parts. There too, they

say, is the city of Antioch, in wealth and size and population the first

of all the cities of the Eastern Roman Empire; and this city is

unguarded and destitute of soldiers. For the people of this city care

for nothing else than fêtes and luxurious living, and their constant

rivalries with each other in the theatres. Accordingly, if we go against

them unexpectedly, it is not at all unlikely that we shall capture the

city by a sudden attack, and that we shall return to the land of the

Persians without having met any hostile army, and before the troops in

Mesopotamia have learned what has happened. As for lack of water or of

any kind of provisions, let no such thought occur to thee; for I myself

shall lead the army wherever it shall seem best."

When Cabades heard this he could neither oppose nor distrust the plan.

For Alamoundaras was most discreet and well experienced in matters of

warfare, thoroughly faithful to the Persians, and unusually

energetic,--a man who for a space of fifty years forced the Roman state

to bend the knee. For beginning from the boundaries of Aegypt and as far

as Mesopotamia he plundered the whole country, pillaging one place after

another, burning the buildings in his track and making captives of the

population by the tens of thousands on each raid, most of whom he killed

without consideration, while he gave up the others for great sums of

money. And he was confronted by no one at all. For he never made his

inroad without looking about, but so suddenly did he move and so very

opportunely for himself, that, as a rule, he was already off with all

the plunder when the generals and the soldiers were beginning to learn

what had happened and to gather themselves against him. If, indeed, by

any chance, they were able to catch him, this barbarian would fall upon

his pursuers while still unprepared and not in battle array, and would

rout and destroy them with no trouble; and on one occasion he made

prisoners of all the soldiers who were pursuing him together with their

officers. These officers were Timostratus, the brother of Rufinus, and

John, the son of Lucas, whom he gave up indeed later, thereby gaining

for himself no mean or trivial wealth. And, in a word, this man proved

himself the most difficult and dangerous enemy of all to the Romans. The

reason was this, that Alamoundaras, holding the position of king, ruled

alone over all the Saracens in Persia, and he was always able to make

his inroad with the whole army wherever he wished in the Roman domain;

and neither any commander of Roman troops, whom they call "duces," nor

any leader of the Saracens allied with the Romans, who are called

"phylarchs," was strong enough with his men to array himself against

Alamoundaras; for the troops stationed in the different districts were

not a match in battle for the enemy. [531 A.D.] For this reason the

Emperor Justinian put in command of as many clans as possible Arethas,

the son of Gabalas, who ruled over the Saracens of Arabia, and bestowed

upon him the dignity of king, a thing which among the Romans had never

before been done. However Alamoundaras continued to injure the Romans

just as much as before, if not more, since Arethas was either extremely

unfortunate in every inroad and every conflict, or else he turned

traitor as quickly as he could. For as yet we know nothing certain about

him. In this way it came about that Alamoundaras, with no one to stand

against him, plundered the whole East for an exceedingly long time, for

he lived to a very advanced age.

XVIII

This man's suggestion at that time therefore pleased Cabades, and he

chose out fifteen thousand men, putting in command of them Azarethes, a

Persian, who was an exceptionally able warrior, and he bade Alamoundaras

lead the expedition. So they crossed the River Euphrates in Assyria,

and, after passing over some uninhabited country, they suddenly and

unexpectedly threw their forces into the land of the so-called

Commagenae. This was the first invasion made by the Persians from this

point into Roman soil, as far as we know from tradition or by any other

means, and it paralyzed all the Romans with fear by its unexpectedness.

And when this news came to the knowledge of Belisarius, at first he was

at a loss, but afterwards he decided to go to the rescue with all speed.

So he established a sufficient garrison in each city in order that

Cabades with another hostile army might not come there and find the

towns of Mesopotamia utterly unguarded, and himself with the rest of the

army went to meet the invasion; and crossing the River Euphrates they

moved forward in great haste. Now the Roman army amounted to about

twenty thousand foot and horse, and among them not less than two

thousand were Isaurians. The commanders of cavalry were all the same

ones who had previously fought the battle at Daras with Mirranes and the

Persians, while the infantry were commanded by one of the body-guards of

the Emperor Justinian, Peter by name. The Isaurians, however, were under

the command of Longinus and Stephanacius. Arethas also came there to

join them with the Saracen army. When they reached the city of Chalcis,

they encamped and remained there, since they learned that the enemy were

in a place called Gabboulon, one hundred and ten stades away from

Chalcis. When this became known to Alamoundaras and Azarethes, they were

terrified at the danger, and no longer continued their advance, but

decided to retire homeward instantly. Accordingly they began to march

back, with the River Euphrates on the left, while the Roman army was

following in the rear. And in the spot where the Persians bivouacked

each night the Romans always tarried on the following night. For

Belisarius purposely refused to allow the army to make any longer march

because he did not wish to come to an engagement with the enemy, but he

considered that it was sufficient for them that the Persians and

Alamoundaras, after invading the land of the Romans, should retire from

it in such a fashion, betaking themselves to their own land without

accomplishing anything. And because of this all secretly mocked him,

both officers and soldiers, but not a man reproached him to his face.

Finally the Persians made their bivouac on the bank of the Euphrates

just opposite the city of Callinicus. From there they were about to

march through a country absolutely uninhabited by man, and thus to quit

the land of the Romans; for they purposed no longer to proceed as

before, keeping to the bank of the river. The Romans had passed the

night in the city of Sura, and, removing from there, they came upon the

enemy just in the act of preparing for the departure. [Ap. 19, 531] Now

the feast of Easter was near and would take place on the following day;

this feast is reverenced by the Christians above all others, and on the

day before it they are accustomed to refrain from food and drink not

only throughout the day, but for a large part of the night also they

continue the fast. Then, therefore, Belisarius, seeing that all his men

were passionately eager to go against the enemy, wished to persuade them

to give up this idea (for this course had been counselled by Hermogenes

also, who had come recently on an embassy from the emperor); he

accordingly called together all who were present and spoke as follows:

"O Romans, whither are you rushing? and what has happened to you that

you are purposing to choose for yourselves a danger which is not

necessary? Men believe that there is only one victory which is

unalloyed, namely to suffer no harm at the hands of the enemy, and this

very thing has been given us in the present instance by fortune and by

the fear of us that overpowers our foes. Therefore it is better to enjoy

the benefit of our present blessings than to seek them when they have

passed. For the Persians, led on by many hopes, undertook an expedition

against the Romans, and now, with everything lost, they have beaten a

hasty retreat. So that if we compel them against their will to abandon

their purpose of withdrawing and to come to battle with us, we shall win

no advantage whatsoever if we are victorious,--for why should one rout a

fugitive?--while if we are unfortunate, as may happen, we shall both be

deprived of the victory which we now have, not robbed of it by the

enemy, but flinging it away ourselves, and also we shall abandon the

land of the emperor to lie open hereafter to the attacks of the enemy

without defenders. Moreover this also is worth your consideration, that

God is always accustomed to succour men in dangers which are necessary,

not in those which they choose for themselves. And apart from this it

will come about that those who have nowhere to turn will play the part

of brave men even against their will, while the obstacles which are to

be met by us in entering the engagement are many; for a large number of

you have come on foot and all of us are fasting. I refrain from

mentioning that some even now have not arrived." So spoke Belisarius.

But the army began to insult him, not in silence nor with any

concealment, but they came shouting into his presence, and called him

weak and a destroyer of their zeal; and even some of the officers joined

with the soldiers in this offence, thus displaying the extent of their

daring. And Belisarius, in astonishment at their shamelessness, changed

his exhortation and now seemed to be urging them on against the enemy

and drawing them up for battle, saying that he had not known before

their eagerness to fight, but that now he was of good courage and would

go against the enemy with a better hope. He then formed the phalanx with

a single front, disposing his men as follows: on the left wing by the

river he stationed all the infantry, while on the right where the ground

rose sharply he placed Arethas and all his Saracens; he himself with the

cavalry took his position in the centre. Thus the Romans arrayed

themselves. And when Azarethes saw the enemy gathering in battle line,

he exhorted his men with the following words: "Persians as you are, no

one would deny that you would not give up your valour in exchange for

life, if a choice of the two should be offered. But I say that not even

if you should wish, is it within your power to make the choice between

the two. For as for men who have the opportunity to escape from danger

and live in dishonour it is not at all unnatural that they should, if

they wish, choose what is most pleasant instead of what is best; but for

men who are bound to die, either gloriously at the hands of the enemy or

shamefully led to punishment by your Master, it is extreme folly not to

choose what is better instead of what is most shameful. Now, therefore,

when things stand thus, I consider that it befits you all to bear in

mind not only the enemy but also your own Lord and so enter this

battle."

After Azarethes also had uttered these words of exhortation, he

stationed the phalanx opposite his opponents, assigning the Persians the

right wing and the Saracens the left. Straightway both sides began the

fight, and the battle was exceedingly fierce. For the arrows, shot from

either side in very great numbers, caused great loss of life in both

armies, while some placed themselves in the interval between the armies

and made a display of valorous deeds against each other, and especially

among the Persians they were falling by the arrows in great numbers. For

while their missiles were incomparably more frequent, since the Persians

are almost all bowmen and they learn to make their shots much more

rapidly than any other men, still the bows which sent the arrows were

weak and not very tightly strung, so that their missiles, hitting a

corselet, perhaps, or helmet or shield of a Roman warrior, were broken

off and had no power to hurt the man who was hit. The Roman bowmen are

always slower indeed, but inasmuch as their bows are extremely stiff and

very tightly strung, and one might add that they are handled by stronger

men, they easily slay much greater numbers of those they hit than do the

Persians, for no armour proves an obstacle to the force of their arrows.

Now already two-thirds of the day had passed, and the battle was still

even. Then by mutual agreement all the best of the Persian army advanced

to attack the Roman right wing, where Arethas and the Saracens had been

stationed. But they broke their formation and moved apart, so that they

got the reputation of having betrayed the Romans to the Persians. For

without awaiting the oncoming enemy they all straightway beat a hasty

retreat. So the Persians in this way broke through the enemy's line and

immediately got in the rear of the Roman cavalry. Thus the Romans, who

were already exhausted both by the march and the labour of the

battle,--and besides this they were all fasting so far on in the

day,--now that they were assailed by the enemy on both sides, held out

no longer, but the most of them in full flight made their way to the

islands in the river which were close by, while some also remained there

and performed deeds both amazing and remarkable against the enemy. Among

these was Ascan who, after killing many of the notables among the

Persians, was gradually hacked to pieces and finally fell, leaving to

the enemy abundant reason to remember him. And with him eight hundred

others perished after shewing themselves brave men in this struggle, and

almost all the Isaurians fell with their leaders, without even daring to

lift their weapons against the enemy. For they were thoroughly

inexperienced in this business, since they had recently left off farming

and entered into the perils of warfare, which before that time were

unknown to them. And yet just before these very men had been most

furious of all for battle because of their ignorance of warfare, and

were then reproaching Belisarius with cowardice. They were not in fact

all Isaurians but the majority of them were Lycaones.

Belisarius with some few men remained there, and as long as he saw Ascan

and his men holding out, he also in company with those who were with him

held back the enemy; but when some of Ascan's troops had fallen, and the

others had turned to flee wherever they could, then at length he too

fled with his men and came to the phalanx of infantry, who with Peter

were still fighting, although not many in number now, since the most of

them too had fled. There he himself gave up his horse and commanded all

his men to do the same thing and on foot with the others to fight off

the oncoming enemy. And those of the Persians who were following the

fugitives, after pursuing for only a short distance, straightway

returned and rushed upon the infantry and Belisarius with all the

others. Then the Romans turned their backs to the river so that no

movement to surround them might be executed by the enemy, and as best

they could under the circumstances were defending themselves against

their assailants. And again the battle became fierce, although the two

sides were not evenly matched in strength; for foot-soldiers, and a very

few of them, were fighting against the whole Persian cavalry.

Nevertheless the enemy were not able either to rout them or in any other

way to overpower them. For standing shoulder to shoulder they kept

themselves constantly massed in a small space, and they formed with

their shields a rigid, unyielding barricade, so that they shot at the

Persians more conveniently than they were shot at by them. Many a time

after giving up, the Persians would advance against them determined to

break up and destroy their line, but they always retired again from the

assault unsuccessful. For their horses, annoyed by the clashing of the

shields, reared up and made confusion for themselves and their riders.

Thus both sides continued the struggle until it had become late in the

day. And when night had already come on, the Persians withdrew to their

camp, and Belisarius accompanied by some few men found a freight-boat

and crossed over to the island in the river, while the other Romans

reached the same place by swimming. On the following day many

freight-boats were brought to the Romans from the city of Callinicus and

they were conveyed thither in them, and the Persians, after despoiling

the dead, all departed homeward. However they did not find their own

dead less numerous than the enemy's.

When Azarethes reached Persia with his army, although he had prospered

in the battle, he found Cabades exceedingly ungrateful, for the

following reason. It is a custom among the Persians that, when they are

about to march against any of their foes, the king sits on the royal

throne, and many baskets are set there before him; and the general also

is present who is expected to lead the army against the enemy; then the

army passes along before the king, one man at a time, and each of them

throws one weapon into the baskets; after this they are sealed with the

king's seal and preserved; and when this army returns to Persia, each

one of the soldiers takes one weapon out of the baskets. A count is then

made by those whose office it is to do so of all the weapons which have

not been taken by the men, and they report to the king the number of the

soldiers who have not returned, and in this way it becomes evident how

many have perished in the war. Thus the law has stood from of old among

the Persians. Now when Azarethes came into the presence of the king,

Cabades enquired of him whether he came back with any Roman fortress won

over to their side, for he had marched forth with Alamoundaras against

the Romans, with the purpose of subduing Antioch. And Azarethes said

that he had captured no fortress, but that he had conquered the Romans

and Belisarius in battle. So Cabades bade the army of Azarethes pass by,

and from the baskets each man took out a weapon just as was customary.

But since many weapons were left, Cabades rebuked Azarethes for the

victory and thereafter ranked him among the most unworthy. So the

victory had this conclusion for Azarethes.

XIX

At that time the idea occurred to the Emperor Justinian to ally with

himself the Aethiopians and the Homeritae, in order to injure the

Persians. I shall now first explain what part of the earth these nations

occupy, and then I shall point out in what manner the emperor hoped that

they would be of help to the Romans. The boundaries of Palestine extend

toward the east to the sea which is called the Red Sea. Now this sea,

beginning at India, comes to an end at this point in the Roman domain.

And there is a city called Aelas on its shore, where the sea comes to an

end, as I have said, and becomes a very narrow gulf. And as one sails

into the sea from there, the Egyptian mountains lie on the right,

extending toward the south; on the other side a country deserted by men

extends northward to an indefinite distance; and the land on both sides

is visible as one sails in as far as the island called Iotabe, not less

than one thousand stades distant from the city of Aelas. On this island

Hebrews had lived from of old in autonomy, but in the reign of this

Justinian they have become subject to the Romans. From there on there

comes a great open sea. And those who sail into this part of it no

longer see the land on the right, but they always anchor along the left

coast when night comes on. For it is impossible to navigate in the

darkness on this sea, since it is everywhere full of shoals. But there

are harbours there and great numbers of them, not made by the hand of

man, but by the natural contour of the land, and for this reason it is

not difficult for mariners to find anchorage wherever they happen to be.

This coast[25] immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine is held by

Saracens, who have been settled from of old in the Palm Groves. These

groves are in the interior, extending over a great tract of land, and

there absolutely nothing else grows except palm trees. The Emperor

Justinian had received these palm groves as a present from Abochorabus,

the ruler of the Saracens there, and he was appointed by the emperor

captain over the Saracens in Palestine. And he guarded the land from

plunder constantly, for both to the barbarians over whom he ruled and no

less to the enemy, Abochorabus always seemed a man to be feared and an

exceptionally energetic fellow. Formally, therefore, the emperor holds

the Palm Groves, but for him really to possess himself of any of the

country there is utterly impossible. For a land completely destitute of

human habitation and extremely dry lies between, extending to the

distance of a ten days' journey; moreover the Palm Groves themselves are

by no means worth anything, and Abochorabus only gave the form of a

gift, and the emperor accepted it with full knowledge of the fact. So

much then for the Palm Groves. Adjoining this people there are other

Saracens in possession of the coast, who are called Maddeni and who are

subjects of the Homeritae. These Homeritae dwell in the land on the

farther side of them on the shore of the sea. And beyond them many other

nations are said to be settled as far as the man-eating Saracens. Beyond

these are the nations of India. But regarding these matters let each one

speak as he may wish.

About opposite the Homeritae on the opposite mainland dwell the

Aethiopians who are called Auxomitae, because their king resides in the

city of Auxomis. And the expanse of sea which lies between is crossed in

a voyage of five days and nights, when a moderately favouring wind

blows. For here they are accustomed to navigate by night also, since

there are no shoals at all in these parts; this portion of the sea has

been called the Red Sea by some. For the sea which one traverses beyond

this point as far as the shore and the city of Aelas has received the

name of the Arabian Gulf, inasmuch as the country which extends from

here to the limits of the city of Gaza used to be called in olden times

Arabia, since the king of the Arabs had his palace in early times in the

city of Petrae. Now the harbour of the Homeritae from which they are

accustomed to put to sea for the voyage to Aethiopia is called Bulicas;

and at the end of the sail across the sea they always put in at the

harbour of the Adulitae. But the city of Adulis is removed from the

harbour a distance of twenty stades (for it lacks only so much of being

on the sea), while from the city of Auxomis it is a journey of twelve

days.

All the boats which are found in India and on this sea are not made in

the same manner as are other ships. For neither are they smeared with

pitch, nor with any other substance, nor indeed are the planks fastened

together by iron nails going through and through, but they are bound

together with a kind of cording. The reason is not as most persons

suppose, that there are certain rocks there which draw the iron to

themselves (for witness the fact that when the Roman vessels sail from

Aelas into this sea, although they are fitted with much iron, no such

thing has ever happened to them), but rather because the Indians and the

Aethiopians possess neither iron nor any other thing suitable for such

purposes. Furthermore, they are not even able to buy any of these things

from the Romans since this is explicitly forbidden to all by law; for

death is the punishment for one who is caught. Such then is the

description of the so-called Red Sea[26] and of the land which lies on

either side of it.

From the city of Auxomis to the Aegyptian boundaries of the Roman

domain, where the city called Elephantine is situated, is a journey of

thirty days for an unencumbered traveller. Within that space many

nations are settled, and among them the Blemyes and the Nobatae, who are

very large nations. But the Blemyes dwell in the central portion of the

country, while the Nobatae possess the territory about the River Nile.

Formerly this was not the limit of the Roman empire, but it lay beyond

there as far as one would advance in a seven days' journey; but the

Roman Emperor Diocletian came there, and observed that the tribute from

these places was of the smallest possible account, since the land is at

that point extremely narrow (for rocks rise to an exceedingly great

height at no great distance from the Nile and spread over the rest of

the country), while a very large body of soldiers had been stationed

there from of old, the maintenance of which was an excessive burden upon

the public; and at the same time the Nobatae who formerly dwelt about

the city of Oasis used to plunder the whole region; so he persuaded

these barbarians to move from their own habitations, and to settle along

the River Nile, promising to bestow upon them great cities and land both

extensive and incomparably better than that which they had previously

occupied. For in this way he thought that they would no longer harass

the country about Oasis at least, and that they would possess themselves

of the land given them, as being their own, and would probably beat off

the Blemyes and the other barbarians. And since this pleased the

Nobatae, they made the migration immediately, just as Diocletian

directed them, and took possession of all the Roman cities and the land

on both sides of the river beyond the city of Elephantine. Then it was

that this emperor decreed that to them and to the Blemyes a fixed sum of

gold should be given every year with the stipulation that they should no

longer plunder the land of the Romans. And they receive this gold even

up to my time, but none the less they overrun the country there. Thus it

seems that with all barbarians there is no means of compelling them to

keep faith with the Romans except through the fear of soldiers to hold

them in check. And yet this emperor went so far as to select a certain

island in the River Nile close to the city of Elephantine and there

construct a very strong fortress in which he established certain temples

and altars for the Romans and these barbarians in common, and he settled

priests of both nations in this fortress, thinking that the friendship

between them would be secure by reason of their sharing the things

sacred to them. And for this reason he named the place Philae. Now both

these nations, the Blemyes and the Nobatae, believe in all the gods in

which the Greeks believe, and they also reverence Isis and Osiris, and

not least of all Priapus. But the Blemyes are accustomed also to

sacrifice human beings to the sun. These sanctuaries in Philae were kept

by these barbarians even up to my time, but the Emperor Justinian

decided to tear them down. Accordingly Narses, a Persarmenian by birth,

whom I have mentioned before as having deserted to the Romans[27], being

commander of the troops there, tore down the sanctuaries at the

emperor's order, and put the priests under guard and sent the statues to

Byzantium. But I shall return to the previous narrative.

XX

At about the time of this war Hellestheaeus, the king of the

Aethiopians, who was a Christian and a most devoted adherent of this

faith, discovered that a number of the Homeritae on the opposite

mainland were oppressing the Christians there outrageously; many of

these rascals were Jews, and many of them held in reverence the old

faith which men of the present day call Hellenic. He therefore collected

a fleet of ships and an army and came against them, and he conquered

them in battle and slew both the king and many of the Homeritae. He then

set up in his stead a Christian king, a Homerite by birth, by name

Esimiphaeus, and, after ordaining that he should pay a tribute to the

Aethiopians every year, he returned to his home. In this Aethiopian army

many slaves and all who were readily disposed to crime were quite

unwilling to follow the king back, but were left behind and remained

there because of their desire for the land of the Homeritae; for it is

an extremely goodly land.

These fellows at a time not long after this, in company with certain

others, rose against the king Esimiphaeus and put him in confinement in

one of the fortresses there, and established another king over the

Homeritae, Abramus by name. Now this Abramus was a Christian, but a

slave of a Roman citizen who was engaged in the business of shipping in

the city of Adulis in Aethiopia. When Hellestheaeus learned this, he was

eager to punish Abramus together with those who had revolted with him

for their injustice to Esimiphaeus, and he sent against them an army of

three thousand men with one of his relatives as commander. This army,

once there, was no longer willing to return home, but they wished to

remain where they were in a goodly land, and so without the knowledge of

their commander they opened negotiations with Abramus; then when they

came to an engagement with their opponents, just as the fighting began,

they killed their commander and joined the ranks of the enemy, and so

remained there. But Hellestheaeus was greatly moved with anger and sent

still another army against them; this force engaged with Abramus and his

men, and, after suffering a severe defeat in the battle, straightway

returned home. Thereafter the king of the Aethiopians became afraid, and

sent no further expeditions against Abramus. After the death of

Hellestheaeus, Abramus agreed to pay tribute to the king of the

Aethiopians who succeeded him, and in this way he strengthened his rule.

But this happened at a later time.

At that time, when Hellestheaeus was reigning over the Aethiopians, and

Esimiphaeus over the Homeritae, the Emperor Justinian sent an

ambassador, Julianus, demanding that both nations on account of their

community of religion should make common cause with the Romans in the

war against the Persians; for he purposed that the Aethiopians, by

purchasing silk from India and selling it among the Romans, might

themselves gain much money, while causing the Romans to profit in only

one way, namely, that they be no longer compelled to pay over their

money to their enemy. (This is the silk of which they are accustomed to

make the garments which of old the Greeks called Medic, but which at the

present time they name "seric"[28]). As for the Homeritae, it was

desired that they should establish Caïsus, the fugitive, as captain over

the Maddeni, and with a great army of their own people and of the

Maddene Saracens make an invasion into the land of the Persians. This

Caïsus was by birth of the captain's rank and an exceptionally able

warrior, but he had killed one of the relatives of Esimiphaeus and was a

fugitive in a land which is utterly destitute of human habitation. So

each king, promising to put this demand into effect, dismissed the

ambassador, but neither one of them did the things agreed upon by them.

For it was impossible for the Aethiopians to buy silk from the Indians,

for the Persian merchants always locate themselves at the very harbours

where the Indian ships first put in, (since they inhabit the adjoining

country), and are accustomed to buy the whole cargoes; and it seemed to

the Homeritae a difficult thing to cross a country which was a desert

and which extended so far that a long time was required for the journey

across it, and then to go against a people much more warlike than

themselves. Later on Abramus too, when at length he had established his

power most securely, promised the Emperor Justinian many times to invade

the land of Persia, but only once began the journey and then straightway

turned back. Such then were the relations which the Romans had with the

Aethiopians and the Homeritae.

XXI

Hermogenes, as soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, came

before Cabades to negotiate with him, but he accomplished nothing

regarding the peace on account of which he had come, since he found him

still swelling with rage against the Romans; for this reason he returned

unsuccessful. And Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the

emperor, having been removed from the office which he held, in order

that he might march against the Vandals; but Sittas, as had been decreed

by the Emperor Justinian, went to the East in order to guard that

portion of the empire. And the Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia

with a great army under command of Chanaranges and Aspebedes and

Mermeroes. Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and

began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been

stationed in command of the garrison. This city lies in the land called

Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades distant from the city of Amida

toward the north; it is just on the River Nymphius which divides the

land of the Romans and the Persians. So the Persians began to assail the

fortifications, and, while the besieged at first withstood them

manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long. For the

circuit-wall was quite easily assailable in most parts, and could be

captured very easily by a Persian siege, and besides they did not have a

sufficient supply of provisions, nor indeed had they engines of war nor

anything else that was of any value for defending themselves. Meanwhile

Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred

stades distant from Martyropolis, but they did not dare to advance

further, but established their camp and remained there. Hermogenes also

was with them, coming again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point

the following event took place.

It has been customary from ancient times both among the Romans and the

Persians to maintain spies at public expense; these men are accustomed

to go secretly among the enemy, in order that they may investigate

accurately what is going on, and may then return and report to the

rulers. Many of these men, as is natural, exert themselves to act in a

spirit of loyalty to their nation, while some also betray their secrets

to the enemy. At that time a certain spy who had been sent from the

Persians to the Romans came into the presence of the Emperor Justinian

and revealed many things which were taking place among the barbarians,

and, in particular, that the nation of the Massagetae, in order to

injure the Romans, were on the very point of going out into the land of

Persia, and that from there they were prepared to march into the

territory of the Romans, and unite with the Persian army. When the

emperor heard this, having already a proof of the man's truthfulness to

him, he presented him with a handsome sum of money and persuaded him to

go to the Persian army which was besieging the Martyropolitans, and

announce to the barbarians there that these Massagetae had been won over

with money by the Roman emperor, and were about to come against them

that very moment. The spy carried out these instructions, and coming to

the army of the barbarians he announced to Chanaranges and the others

that an army of Huns hostile to them would at no distant time come to

the Romans. And when they heard this, they were seized with terror, and

were at a loss how to deal with the situation.

At this juncture it came about that Cabades became seriously ill, and he

called to him one of the Persians who were in closest intimacy with him,

Mebodes by name, and conversed with him concerning Chosroes and the

kingdom, and said he feared the Persians would make a serious attempt to

disregard some of the things which had been decided upon by him. But

Mebodes asked him to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing,

and bade him be confident that the Persians would never dare to

disregard it. So Cabades set it down plainly that Chosroes should become

king over the Persians. The document was written by Mebodes himself, and

Cabades immediately passed from among men. [Sept. 13, 531] And when

everything had been performed as prescribed by law in the burial of the

king, then Caoses, confident by reason of the law, tried to lay claim to

the office, but Mebodes stood in his way, asserting that no one ought to

assume the royal power by his own initiative but by vote of the Persian

notables. So Caoses committed the decision in the matter to the

magistrates, supposing that there would be no opposition to him from

there. But when all the Persian notables had been gathered together for

this purpose and were in session, Mebodes read the document and stated

the purpose of Cabades regarding Chosroes, and all, calling to mind the

virtue of Cabades, straightway declared Chosroes King of the Persians.

Thus then Chosroes secured the power. But at Martyropolis, Sittas and

Hermogenes were in fear concerning the city, since they were utterly

unable to defend it in its peril, and they sent certain men to the

enemy, who came before the generals and spoke as follows: "It has

escaped your own notice that you are becoming wrongfully an obstacle to

the king of the Persians and to the blessings of peace and to each

state. For ambassadors sent from the emperor are even now present in

order that they may go to the king of the Persians and there settle the

differences and establish a treaty with him; but do you as quickly as

possible remove from the land of the Romans and permit the ambassadors

to act in the manner which will be of advantage to both peoples. For we

are ready also to give as hostages men of repute concerning these very

things, to prove that they will be actually accomplished at no distant

date." Such were the words of the ambassadors of the Romans. It happened

also that a messenger came to them from the palace, who brought them

word that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had become

king over the Persians, and that in this way the situation had become

unsettled. And as a result of this the generals heard the words of the

Romans gladly, since they feared also the attack of the Huns. The Romans

therefore straightway gave as hostages Martinus and one of the

body-guards of Sittas, Senecius by name; so the Persians broke up the

siege and made their departure promptly. And the Huns not long afterward

invaded the land of the Romans, but since they did not find the Persian

army there, they made their raid a short one, and then all departed

homeward.

XXII

Straightway Rufinus and Alexander and Thomas came to act as ambassadors

with Hermogenes, and they all came before the Persian king at the River

Tigris. And when Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the

ambassadors coaxed Chosroes, and spoke many beguiling words most

unbecoming to Roman ambassadors. By this treatment Chosroes became

tractable, and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be

without end for the price of one hundred and ten "centenaria," on

condition that the commander of troops in Mesopotamia should be no

longer at Daras, but should spend all his time in Constantina, as was

customary in former times; but the fortresses in Lazica he refused to

give back, although he himself demanded that he should receive back from

the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress of Bolum. (Now the

"centenarium" weighs one hundred pounds, for which reason it is so

called; for the Romans call one hundred "centum"). He demanded that this

gold be given him, in order that the Romans might not be compelled

either to tear down the city of Daras or to share the garrison at the

Caspian Gates with the Persians[29]. However the ambassadors, while

approving the rest, said that they were not able to concede the

fortresses, unless they should first make enquiry of the emperor

concerning them. It was decided, accordingly, that Rufinus should be

sent concerning them to Byzantium, and that the others should wait until

he should return. And it was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days'

time be allowed until he should arrive. When Rufinus reached Byzantium

and reported to the emperor what Chosroes' decision was concerning the

peace, the emperor commanded that the peace be concluded by them on

these terms.

In the meantime, however, a report which was not true reached Persia

saying that the Emperor Justinian had become enraged and put Rufinus to

death. Chosroes indeed was much perturbed by this, and, already filled

with anger, he advanced against the Romans with his whole army. But

Rufinus met him on the way as he was returning not far from the city of

Nisibis. Therefore they proceeded to this city themselves, and, since

they were about to establish the peace, the ambassadors began to convey

the money thither. But the Emperor Justinian was already repenting that

he had given up the strong holds of Lazica, and he wrote a letter to the

ambassadors expressly commanding them by no means to hand them over to

the Persians. For this reason Chosroes no longer saw fit to make the

treaty; and then it came to the mind of Rufinus that he had counselled

more speedily than safely in bringing the money into the land of Persia.

Straightway, therefore, he threw himself on the earth, and lying prone

he entreated Chosroes to send the money back with them and not march

immediately against the Romans, but to put off the war to some other

time. And Chosroes bade him rise from the ground, promising that he

would grant all these things. So the ambassadors with the money came to

Daras and the Persian army marched back.

Then indeed the fellow-ambassadors of Rufinus began to regard him with

extreme suspicion themselves, and they also denounced him to the

emperor, basing their judgment on the fact that Chosroes had been

persuaded to concede him everything which he asked of him. However, the

emperor showed him no disfavour on account of this. At a time not long

after this Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to the court

of Chosroes, and they immediately came to agreement with each other

concerning the treaty, subject to the condition that both sides should

give back all the places which each nation had wrested from the other in

that war, and that there should no longer be any military post in Daras;

as for the Iberians, it was agreed that the decision rested with them

whether they should remain there in Byzantium or return to their own

fatherland. And there were many who remained, and many also who returned

to their ancestral homes. [532 A.D.] Thus, then, they concluded the

so-called "endless peace," when the Emperor Justinian was already in the

sixth year of his reign. And the Romans gave the Persians Pharangium and

the fortress of Bolum together with the money, and the Persians gave the

Romans the strongholds of Lazica. The Persians also returned Dagaris to

the Romans, and received in return for him another man of no mean

station. This Dagaris in later times often conquered the Huns in battle

when they had invaded the land of the Romans, and drove them out; for he

was an exceptionally able warrior. Thus both sides in the manner

described made secure the treaty between them.

XXIII

Straightway it came about that plots were formed against both rulers by

their subjects; and I shall now explain how this happened. Chosroes, the

son of Cabades, was a man of an unruly turn of mind and strangely fond

of innovations. For this reason he himself was always full of excitement

and alarms, and he was an unfailing cause of similar feelings in all

others. All, therefore, who were men of action among the Persians, in

vexation at his administration, were purposing to establish over

themselves another king from the house of Cabades. And since they longed

earnestly for the rule of Zames, which was made impossible by the law by

reason of the disfigurement of his eye, as has been stated, they found

upon consideration that the best course for them was to establish in

power his child Cabades, who bore the same name as his grandfather,

while Zames, as guardian of the child, should administer the affairs of

the Persians as he wished. So they went to Zames and disclosed their

plan, and, urging him on with great enthusiasm, they endeavoured to

persuade him to undertake the thing. And since the plan pleased him,

they were purposing to assail Chosroes at the fitting moment. But the

plan was discovered and came to the knowledge of the king, and thus

their proceedings were stopped. For Chosroes slew Zames himself and all

his own brothers and those of Zames together with all their male

offspring, and also all the Persian notables who had either begun or

taken part in any way in the plot against him. Among these was

Aspebedes, the brother of Chosroes' mother.

Cabades, however, the son of Zames, he was quite unable to kill; for he

was still being reared under the chanaranges, Adergoudounbades. But he

sent a message to the chanaranges, bidding him himself kill the boy he

had reared; for he neither thought it well to shew mistrust, nor yet had

he power to compel him. The chanaranges, therefore, upon hearing the

commands of Chosroes, was exceedingly grieved and, lamenting the

misfortune, he communicated to his wife and Cabades' nurse all that the

king had commanded. Then the woman, bursting into tears and seizing the

knees of her husband, entreated him by no means to kill Cabades. They

therefore consulted together, and planned to bring up the child in the

most secure concealment, and to send word in haste to Chosroes that

Cabades had been put out of the world for him. And they sent word to the

king to this effect, and concealed Cabades in such a way that the affair

did not come to the notice of any one, except Varrames, their own child,

and one of the servants who seemed to them to be in every way most

trustworthy. But when, as time went on, Cabades came of age, the

chanaranges began to fear lest what had been done should be brought to

light; he therefore gave Cabades money and bade him depart and save

himself by flight wherever he could. At that time, then, Chosroes and

all the others were in ignorance of the fact that the chanaranges had

carried this thing through.

At a later time Chosroes was making an invasion into the land of Colchis

with a great army, as will be told in the following narrative[30]. And

he was followed by the son of this same chanaranges, Varrames, who took

with him a number of his servants, and among them the one who shared

with him the knowledge of what had happened to Cabades; while there

Varrames told the king everything regarding Cabades, and he brought

forward the servant agreeing with him in every particular. When Chosroes

learned this he was forthwith exceedingly angry, and he counted it a

dreadful thing that he had suffered such things at the hand of a man who

was his slave; and since he had no other means of getting the man under

his hand he devised the following plan. When he was about to return

homeward from the land of Colchis, he wrote to this chanaranges that he

had decided to invade the land of the Romans with his whole army, not,

however, by a single inroad into the country, but making two divisions

of the Persian army, in order that the attack might be made upon the

enemy on both sides of the River Euphrates. Now one division of the army

he himself, as was natural, would lead into the hostile land, while to

no one else of his subjects would he grant the privilege of holding

equal honour with the king in this matter, except to the chanaranges

himself on account of his valour. It was necessary, therefore, that the

chanaranges should come speedily to meet him as he returned, in order

that he might confer with him and give him all the directions which

would be of advantage to the army, and that he should bid his attendants

travel behind him on the road. When the chanaranges received this

message, he was overjoyed at the honour shown him by the king, and in

complete ignorance of his own evil plight, he immediately carried out

the instructions. But in the course of this journey, since he was quite

unable to sustain the toil of it (for he was a very old man), he relaxed

his hold on the reins and fell off his horse, breaking the bone in his

leg. It was therefore necessary for him to remain there quietly and be

cared for, and the king came to that place and saw him. And Chosroes

said to him that with his leg in such a plight it was not possible that

he make the expedition with them, but that he must go to one of the

fortresses in that region and receive treatment there from the

physicians. Thus then Chosroes sent the man away on the road to death,

and behind him followed the very men who were to destroy him in the

fortress,--a man who was in fact as well as in name an invincible

general among the Persians, who had marched against twelve nations of

barbarians and subjected them all to King Cabades. After

Adergoudounbades had been removed from the world, Varrames, his son,

received the office of chanaranges. Not long after this either Cabades

himself, the son of Zames, or someone else who was assuming the name of

Cabades came to Byzantium; certainly he resembled very closely in

appearance Cabades, the king. And the Emperor Justinian, though in doubt

concerning him, received him with great friendliness and honoured him as

the grandson of Cabades. So then fared the Persians who rose against

Chosroes.

Later on Chosroes destroyed also Mebodes for the following reason. While

the king was arranging a certain important matter, he directed

Zaberganes who was present to call Mebodes. Now it happened that

Zaberganes was on hostile terms with Mebodes. When he came to him, he

found him marshalling the soldiers under his command, and he said that

the king summoned him to come as quickly as possible. And Mebodes

promised that he would follow directly as soon as he should have

arranged the matter in hand; but Zaberganes, moved by his hostility to

him, reported to Chosroes that Mebodes did not wish to come at present,

claiming to have some business or other. Chosroes, therefore, moved with

anger, sent one of his attendants commanding Mebodes to go to the

tripod. Now as to what this is I shall explain forthwith. An iron tripod

stands always before the palace; and whenever anyone of the Persians

learns that the king is angry with him, it is not right for such a man

to flee for refuge to a sanctuary nor to go elsewhere, but he must seat

himself by this tripod and await the verdict of the king, while no one

at all dares protect him. There Mebodes sat in pitiable plight for many

days, until he was seized and put to death at the command of Chosroes.

Such was the final outcome of his good deeds to Chosroes.

XXIV

[Jan. 1, 532] At this same time an insurrection broke out unexpectedly

in Byzantium among the populace, and, contrary to expectation, it proved

to be a very serious affair, and ended in great harm to the people and

to the senate, as the following account will shew. In every city the

population has been divided for a long time past into the Blue and the

Green factions; but within comparatively recent times it has come about

that, for the sake of these names and the seats which the rival factions

occupy in watching the games, they spend their money and abandon their

bodies to the most cruel tortures, and even do not think it unworthy to

die a most shameful death. And they fight against their opponents

knowing not for what end they imperil themselves, but knowing well that,

even if they overcome their enemy in the fight, the conclusion of the

matter for them will be to be carried off straightway to the prison, and

finally, after suffering extreme torture, to be destroyed. So there

grows up in them against their fellow men a hostility which has no

cause, and at no time does it cease or disappear, for it gives place

neither to the ties of marriage nor of relationship nor of friendship,

and the case is the same even though those who differ with respect to

these colours be brothers or any other kin. They care neither for things

divine nor human in comparison with conquering in these struggles; and

it matters not whether a sacrilege is committed by anyone at all against

God, or whether the laws and the constitution are violated by friend or

by foe; nay even when they are perhaps ill supplied with the necessities

of life, and when their fatherland is in the most pressing need and

suffering unjustly, they pay no heed if only it is likely to go well

with their "faction"; for so they name the bands of partisans. And even

women join with them in this unholy strife, and they not only follow the

men, but even resist them if opportunity offers, although they neither

go to the public exhibitions at all, nor are they impelled by any other

cause; so that I, for my part, am unable to call this anything except a

disease of the soul. This, then, is pretty well how matters stand among

the people of each and every city.

But at this time the officers of the city administration in Byzantium

were leading away to death some of the rioters. But the members of the

two factions, conspiring together and declaring a truce with each other,

seized the prisoners and then straightway entered the prison and

released all those who were in confinement there, whether they had been

condemned on a charge of stirring up sedition, or for any other unlawful

act. And all the attendants in the service of the city government were

killed indiscriminately; meanwhile, all of the citizens who were

sane-minded were fleeing to the opposite mainland, and fire was applied

to the city as if it had fallen under the hand of an enemy. The

sanctuary of Sophia and the baths of Zeuxippus, and the portion of the

imperial residence from the propylaea as far as the so-called House of

Ares were destroyed by fire, and besides these both the great colonnades

which extended as far as the market place which bears the name of

Constantine, in addition to many houses of wealthy men and a vast amount

of treasure. During this time the emperor and his consort with a few

members of the senate shut themselves up in the palace and remained

quietly there. Now the watch-word which the populace passed around to

one another was Nika[31], and the insurrection has been called by this

name up to the present time.

The praetorian prefect at that time was John the Cappadocian, and

Tribunianus, a Pamphylian by birth, was counsellor to the emperor; this

person the Romans call "quaestor." One of these two men, John, was

entirely without the advantages of a liberal education; for he learned

nothing while attending the elementary school except his letters, and

these, too, poorly enough; but by his natural ability he became the most

powerful man of whom we know. For he was most capable in deciding upon

what was needful and in finding a solution for difficulties. But he

became the basest of all men and employed his natural power to further

his low designs; neither consideration for God nor any shame before man

entered into his mind, but to destroy the lives of many men for the sake

of gain and to wreck whole cities was his constant concern. So within a

short time indeed he had acquired vast sums of money, and he flung

himself completely into the sordid life of a drunken scoundrel; for up

to the time of lunch each day he would plunder the property of his

subjects, and for the rest of the day occupy himself with drinking and

with wanton deeds of lust. And he was utterly unable to control himself,

for he ate food until he vomited, and he was always ready to steal money

and more ready to bring it out and spend it. Such a man then was John.

Tribunianus, on the other hand, both possessed natural ability and in

educational attainments was inferior to none of his contemporaries; but

he was extraordinarily fond of the pursuit of money and always ready to

sell justice for gain; therefore every day, as a rule, he was repealing

some laws and proposing others, selling off to those who requested it

either favour according to their need.

Now as long as the people were waging this war with each other in behalf

of the names of the colours, no attention was paid to the offences of

these men against the constitution; but when the factions came to a

mutual understanding, as has been said, and so began the sedition, then

openly throughout the whole city they began to abuse the two and went

about seeking them to kill. Accordingly the emperor, wishing to win the

people to his side, instantly dismissed both these men from office. And

Phocas, a patrician, he appointed praetorian prefect, a man of the

greatest discretion and fitted by nature to be a guardian of justice;

Basilides he commanded to fill the office of quaestor, a man known among

the patricians for his agreeable qualities and a notable besides.

However, the insurrection continued no less violently under them. Now on

the fifth day of the insurrection in the late afternoon the Emperor

Justinian gave orders to Hypatius and Pompeius, nephews of the late

emperor, Anastasius, to go home as quickly as possible, either because

he suspected that some plot was being matured by them against his own

person, or, it may be, because destiny brought them to this. But they

feared that the people would force them to the throne (as in fact fell

out), and they said that they would be doing wrong if they should

abandon their sovereign when he found himself in such danger. When the

Emperor Justinian heard this, he inclined still more to his suspicion,

and he bade them quit the palace instantly. Thus, then, these two men

betook themselves to their homes, and, as long as it was night, they

remained there quietly.

But on the following day at sunrise it became known to the people that

both men had quit the palace where they had been staying. So the whole

population ran to them, and they declared Hypatius emperor and prepared

to lead him to the market-place to assume the power. But the wife of

Hypatius, Mary, a discreet woman, who had the greatest reputation for

prudence, laid hold of her husband and would not let go, but cried out

with loud lamentation and with entreaties to all her kinsmen that the

people were leading him on the road to death. But since the throng

overpowered her, she unwillingly released her husband, and he by no will

of his own came to the Forum of Constantine, where they summoned him to

the throne; then since they had neither diadem nor anything else with

which it is customary for a king to be clothed, they placed a golden

necklace upon his head and proclaimed him Emperor of the Romans. By this

time the members of the senate were assembling,--as many of them as had

not been left in the emperor's residence,--and many expressed the

opinion that they should go to the palace to fight. But Origenes, a man

of the senate, came forward and spoke as follows: "Fellow Romans, it is

impossible that the situation which is upon us be solved in any way

except by war. Now war and royal power are agreed to be the greatest of

all things in the world. But when action involves great issues, it

refuses to be brought to a successful conclusion by the brief crisis of

a moment, but this is accomplished only by wisdom of thought and energy

of action, which men display for a length of time. Therefore if we

should go out against the enemy, our cause will hang in the balance, and

we shall be taking a risk which will decide everything in a brief space

of time; and, as regards the consequences of such action, we shall

either fall down and worship Fortune or reproach her altogether. For

those things whose issue is most quickly decided, fall, as a rule, under

the sway of fortune. But if we handle the present situation more

deliberately, not even if we wish shall we be able to take Justinian in

the palace, but he will very speedily be thankful if he is allowed to

flee; for authority which is ignored always loses its power, since its

strength ebbs away with each day. Moreover we have other palaces, both

Placillianae and the palace named from Helen, which this emperor should

make his headquarters and from there he should carry on the war and

attend to the ordering of all other matters in the best possible way."

So spoke Origenes. But the rest, as a crowd is accustomed to do,

insisted more excitedly and thought that the present moment was

opportune, and not least of all Hypatius (for it was fated that evil

should befall him) bade them lead the way to the hippodrome. But some

say that he came there purposely, being well-disposed toward the

emperor.

Now the emperor and his court were deliberating as to whether it would

be better for them if they remained or if they took to flight in the

ships. And many opinions were expressed favouring either course. And the

Empress Theodora also spoke to the following effect: "As to the belief

that a woman ought not to be daring among men or to assert herself

boldly among those who are holding back from fear, I consider that the

present crisis most certainly does not permit us to discuss whether the

matter should be regarded in this or in some other way. For in the case

of those whose interests have come into the greatest danger nothing else

seems best except to settle the issue immediately before them in the

best possible way. My opinion then is that the present time, above all

others, is inopportune for flight, even though it bring safety. For

while it is impossible for a man who has seen the light not also to die,

for one who has been an emperor it is unendurable to be a fugitive. May

I never be separated from this purple, and may I not live that day on

which those who meet me shall not address me as mistress. If, now, it is

your wish to save yourself, O Emperor, there is no difficulty. For we

have much money, and there is the sea, here the boats. However consider

whether it will not come about after you have been saved that you would

gladly exchange that safety for death. For as for myself, I approve a

certain ancient saying that royalty is a good burial-shroud." When the

queen had spoken thus, all were filled with boldness, and, turning their

thoughts towards resistance, they began to consider how they might be

able to defend themselves if any hostile force should come against them.

Now the soldiers as a body, including those who were stationed about the

emperor's court, were neither well disposed to the emperor nor willing

openly to take an active part in fighting, but were waiting for what the

future would bring forth. All the hopes of the emperor were centred upon

Belisarius and Mundus, of whom the former, Belisarius, had recently

returned from the Persian war bringing with him a following which was

both powerful and imposing, and in particular he had a great number of

spearmen and guards who had received their training in battles and the

perils of warfare. Mundus had been appointed general of the Illyrians,

and by mere chance had happened to come under summons to Byzantium on

some necessary errand, bringing with him Erulian barbarians.

When Hypatius reached the hippodrome, he went up immediately to where

the emperor is accustomed to take his place and seated himself on the

royal throne from which the emperor was always accustomed to view the

equestrian and athletic contests. And from the palace Mundus went out

through the gate which, from the circling descent, has been given the

name of the Snail. Belisarius meanwhile began at first to go straight up

toward Hypatius himself and the royal throne, and when he came to the

adjoining structure where there has been a guard of soldiers from of

old, he cried out to the soldiers commanding them to open the door for

him as quickly as possible, in order that he might go against the

tyrant. But since the soldiers had decided to support neither side,

until one of them should be manifestly victorious, they pretended not to

hear at all and thus put him off. So Belisarius returned to the emperor

and declared that the day was lost for them, for the soldiers who

guarded the palace were rebelling against him. The emperor therefore

commanded him to go to the so-called Bronze Gate and the propylaea

there. So Belisarius, with difficulty and not without danger and great

exertion, made his way over ground covered by ruins and half-burned

buildings, and ascended to the stadium. And when he had reached the Blue

Colonnade which is on the right of the emperor's throne, he purposed to

go against Hypatius himself first; but since there was a small door

there which had been closed and was guarded by the soldiers of Hypatius

who were inside, he feared lest while he was struggling in the narrow

space the populace should fall upon him, and after destroying both

himself and all his followers, should proceed with less trouble and

difficulty against the emperor. Concluding, therefore, that he must go

against the populace who had taken their stand in the hippodrome--a vast

multitude crowding each other in great disorder--he drew his sword from

its sheath and, commanding the others to do likewise, with a shout he

advanced upon them at a run. But the populace, who were standing in a

mass and not in order, at the sight of armoured soldiers who had a great

reputation for bravery and experience in war, and seeing that they

struck out with their swords unsparingly, beat a hasty retreat. Then a

great outcry arose, as was natural, and Mundus, who was standing not far

away, was eager to join in the fight,--for he was a daring and energetic

fellow--but he was at a loss as to what he should do under the

circumstances; when, however, he observed that Belisarius was in the

struggle, he straightway made a sally into the hippodrome through the

entrance which they call the Gate of Death. Then indeed from both sides

the partisans of Hypatius were assailed with might and main and

destroyed. When the rout had become complete and there had already been

great slaughter of the populace, Boraedes and Justus, nephews of the

Emperor Justinian, without anyone daring to lift a hand against them,

dragged Hypatius down from the throne, and, leading him in, handed him

over together with Pompeius to the emperor. And there perished among the

populace on that day more than thirty thousand. But the emperor

commanded the two prisoners to be kept in severe confinement. Then,

while Pompeius was weeping and uttering pitiable words (for the man was

wholly inexperienced in such misfortunes), Hypatius reproached him at

length and said that those who were about to die unjustly should not

lament. For in the beginning they had been forced by the people against

their will, and afterwards they had come to the hippodrome with no

thought of harming the emperor. And the soldiers killed both of them on

the following day and threw their bodies into the sea. The emperor

confiscated all their property for the public treasury, and also that of

all the other members of the senate who had sided with them. Later,

however, he restored to the children of Hypatius and Pompeius and to all

others the titles which they had formerly held, and as much of their

property as he had not happened to bestow upon his friends. This was the

end of the insurrection in Byzantium.

XXV

Tribunianus and John were thus deprived of office, but at a later time

they were both restored to the same positions. And Tribunianus lived on

in office many years and died of disease, suffering no further harm from

anyone. For he was a smooth fellow and agreeable in every way and well

able by the excellence of his education to throw into the shade his

affliction of avarice. But John was oppressive and severe alike with all

men, inflicting blows upon those whom he met and plundering without

respect absolutely all their money; consequently in the tenth year of

his office he rightly and justly atoned for his lawless conduct in the

following manner.

The Empress Theodora hated him above all others. And while he gave

offence to the woman by the wrongs he committed, he was not of a mind to

win her by flattery or by kindness in any way, but he openly set himself

in opposition to her and kept slandering her to the emperor, neither

blushing before her high station nor feeling shame because of the

extraordinary love which the emperor felt for her. When the queen

perceived what was being done, she purposed to slay the man, but in no

way could she do this, since the Emperor Justinian set great store by

him. And when John learned of the purpose of the queen regarding him, he

was greatly terrified. And whenever he went into his chamber to sleep,

he expected every night that some one of the barbarians would fall upon

him to slay him; and he kept peeping out of the room and looking about

the entrances and remained sleepless, although he had attached to

himself many thousands of spearmen and guards, a thing which had been

granted to no prefect before that time. But at daybreak, forgetting all

his fears of things divine and human, he would become again a plague to

all the Romans both in public and in private. And he conversed commonly

with sorcerers, and constantly listened to profane oracles which

portended for him the imperial office, so that he was plainly walking on

air and lifted up by his hopes of the royal power. But in his rascality

and the lawlessness of his conduct there was no moderation or abatement.

And there was in him absolutely no regard for God, and even when he went

to a sanctuary to pray and to pass the night, he did not do at all as

the Christians are wont to do, but he clothed himself in a coarse

garment appropriate to a priest of the old faith which they are now

accustomed to call Hellenic, and throughout that whole night mumbled out

some unholy words which he had practised, praying that the mind of the

emperor might be still more under his control, and that he himself might

be free from harm at the hands of all men.

At this time Belisarius, after subjugating Italy, came to Byzantium at

the summons of the emperor with his wife Antonina, in order to march

against the Persians[32]. And while in the eyes of all others he was an

honoured and distinguished person, as was natural, John alone was

hostile to him and worked actively against him, for no other reason than

that he drew the hatred of all to himself, while Belisarius enjoyed an

unequalled popularity. And it was on him that the hope of the Romans

centred as he marched once more against the Persians, leaving his wife

in Byzantium. Now Antonina, the wife of Belisarius, (for she was the

most capable person in the world to contrive the impossible,) purposing

to do a favour to the empress, devised the following plan. John had a

daughter, Euphemia, who had a great reputation for discretion, but a

very young woman and for this reason very susceptible; this girl was

exceedingly loved by her father, for she was his only child. By treating

this young woman kindly for several days Antonina succeeded most

completely in winning her friendship, and she did not refuse to share

her secrets with her. And on one occasion when she was present alone

with her in her room she pretended to lament the fate which was upon

her, saying that although Belisarius had made the Roman empire broader

by a goodly measure than it had been before, and though he had brought

two captive kings and so great an amount of wealth to Byzantium, he

found Justinian ungrateful; and in other respects she slandered the

government as not just. Now Euphemia was overjoyed by these words, for

she too was hostile to the present administration by reason of her fear

of the empress, and she said: "And yet, dearest friend, it is you and

Belisarius who are to blame for this, seeing that, though you have

opportunity, you are not willing to use your power." And Antonina

replied quickly: "It is because we are not able, my daughter, to

undertake revolutions in camp, unless some of those here at home join

with us in the task. Now if your father were willing, we should most

easily organize this project and accomplish whatever God wills." When

Euphemia heard this, she promised eagerly that the suggestion would be

carried out, and departing from there she immediately brought the matter

before her father. And he was pleased by the message (for he inferred

that this undertaking offered him a way to the fulfilment of his

prophecies and to the royal power), and straightway without any

hesitation he assented, and bade his child arrange that on the following

day he himself should come to confer with Antonina and give pledges.

When Antonina learned the mind of John, she wished to lead him as far as

possible astray from the understanding of the truth, so she said that

for the present it was inadvisable that he should meet her, for fear

lest some suspicion should arise strong enough to prevent proceedings;

but she was intending straightway to depart for the East to join

Belisarius. When, therefore, she had quit Byzantium and had reached the

suburb (the one called Rufinianae which was the private possession of

Belisarius), there John should come as if to salute her and to escort

her forth on the journey, and they should confer regarding matters of

state and give and receive their pledges. In saying this she seemed to

John to speak well, and a certain day was appointed to carry out the

plan. And the empress, hearing the whole account from Antonina,

expressed approval of what she had planned, and by her exhortations

raised her enthusiasm to a much higher pitch still.

When the appointed day was at hand, Antonina bade the empress farewell

and departed from the city, and she went to Rufinianae, as if to begin

on the following day her journey to the East; hither too came John at

night in order to carry out the plan which had been agreed upon.

Meanwhile the empress denounced to her husband the things which were

being done by John to secure the tyranny, and she sent Narses, the

eunuch, and Marcellus, the commander of the palace guards to Rufinianae

with numerous soldiers, in order that they might investigate what was

going on, and, if they found John setting about a revolution, that they

might kill the man forthwith and return. So these departed for this

task. But they say that the emperor got information of what was being

done and sent one of John's friends to him forbidding him on any

condition to meet Antonina secretly. But John (since it was fated that

he should fare ill), disregarding the emperor's warning, about midnight

met Antonina, close by a certain wall behind which she had stationed

Narses and Marcellus with their men that they might hear what was said.

There, while John with unguarded tongue was assenting to the plans for

the attack and binding himself with the most dread oaths, Narses and

Marcellus suddenly set upon him. But in the natural confusion which

resulted the body-guards of John (for they stood close by) came

immediately to his side. And one of them smote Marcellus with his sword,

not knowing who he was, and thus John was enabled to escape with them,

and reached the city with all speed. And if he had had the courage to go

straightway before the emperor, I believe that he would have suffered no

harm at his hand; but as it was, he fled for refuge to the sanctuary,

and gave the empress opportunity to work her will against him at her

pleasure.

[May, 541] Thus, then, from being prefect he became a private citizen,

and rising from that sanctuary he was conveyed to another, which is

situated in the suburb of the city of Cyzicus called by the Cyzicenes

Artace. There he donned the garb of a priest, much against his will, not

a bishop's gown however, but that of a presbyter, as they are called.

But he was quite unwilling to perform the office of a priest lest at

some time it should be a hindrance to his entering again into office;

for he was by no means ready to relinquish his hopes. All his property

was immediately confiscated to the public treasury, but a large

proportion of this the emperor remitted to him, for he was still

inclined to spare him. There it was possible for John to live,

disregarding all dangers and enjoying great wealth, both that which he

himself had concealed and that which by the decision of the emperor

remained with him, and to indulge in luxury at his pleasure, and, if he

had reasoned wisely, to consider his present lot a happy one. For this

reason all the Romans were exceedingly vexed with the man, because,

forsooth, after proving himself the basest of all demons, contrary to

his deserts he was leading a life happier than before. But God, I think,

did not suffer John's retribution to end thus, but prepared for him a

greater punishment. And it fell out thus.

There was in Cyzicus a certain bishop named Eusebius, a man harsh to all

who came in his way, and no less so than John; this man the Cyzicenes

denounced to the emperor and summoned to justice. And since they

accomplished nothing inasmuch as Eusebius circumvented them by his great

power, certain youths agreed together and killed him in the market-place

of Cyzicus. Now it happened that John had become especially hostile to

Eusebius, and hence the suspicion of the plot fell upon him. Accordingly

men were sent from the senate to investigate this act of pollution. And

these men first confined John in a prison, and then this man who had

been such a powerful prefect, and had been inscribed among the

patricians and had mounted the seat of the consuls, than which nothing

seems greater, at least in the Roman state, they made to stand naked

like any robber or footpad, and thrashing him with many blows upon his

back, compelled him to tell his past life. And while John had not been

clearly convicted as guilty of the murder of Eusebius, it seemed that

God's justice was exacting from him the penalties of the world.

Thereafter they stripped him of all his goods and put him naked on board

a ship, being wrapped in a single cloak, and that a very rough one

purchased for some few obols; and wherever the ship anchored, those who

had him in charge commanded him to ask from those he met bread or obols.

Thus begging everywhere along the way he was conveyed to the city of

Antinous in Aegypt. And this is now the third year during which they

have been guarding him there in confinement. As for John himself,

although he has fallen into such troubles, he has not relinquished his

hope of royal power, but he made up his mind to denounce certain

Alexandrians as owing money to the public treasury. Thus then John the

Cappadocian ten years afterward was overtaken by this punishment for his

political career.

XXVI

At that time the Emperor again designated Belisarius General of the

East, and, sending him to Libya, gained over the country, as will be

told later on in my narrative. When this information came to Chosroes

and the Persians, they were mightily vexed, and they already repented

having made peace with the Romans, because they perceived that their

power was extending greatly. And Chosroes sent envoys to Byzantium, and

said that he rejoiced with the Emperor Justinian, and he asked with a

laugh to receive his share of the spoils from Libya, on the ground that

the emperor would never have been able to conquer in the war with the

Vandals if the Persians had not been at peace with him. So then

Justinian made a present of money to Chosroes, and not long afterwards

dismissed the envoys.

In the city of Daras the following event took place. There was a certain

John there serving in a detachment of infantry; this man, in conspiracy

with some few of the soldiers, but not all, took possession of the city,

essaying to make himself tyrant. Then he established himself in a palace

as if in a citadel, and was strengthening his tyranny every day. And if

it had not happened that the Persians were continuing to keep peace with

the Romans, irreparable harm would have come from this affair to the

Romans. But as it was, this was prevented by the agreement which had

already been reached, as I have said. On the fourth day of the tyranny

some soldiers conspired together, and by the advice of Mamas, the priest

of the city, and Anastasius, one of the notable citizens, they went up

to the palace at high noon, each man hiding a small sword under his

garment. And first at the door of the courtyard they found some few of

the body-guards, whom they slew immediately. Then they entered the men's

apartment and laid hold upon the tyrant; but some say that the soldiers

were not the first to do this, but that while they were still hesitating

in the courtyard and trembling at the danger, a certain sausage-vendor

who was with them rushed in with his cleaver and meeting John smote him

unexpectedly. But the blow which had been dealt him was not a fatal one,

this account goes on to say, and he fled with a great outcry and

suddenly fell among these very soldiers. Thus they laid hands upon the

man and immediately set fire to the palace and burned it, in order that

there might be left no hope from there for those making revolutions; and

John they led away to the prison and bound. And one of them, fearing

lest the soldiers, upon learning that the tyrant survived, might again

make trouble for the city, killed John, and in this way stopped the

confusion. Such, then, was the progress of events touching this tyranny.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]

Cf. _Iliad_ xi. 385 [Greek: toxota, lôbêtêr, kerai aglae, parthenopipa],

the only place where [Greek: toxotês] occurs in Homer.

[2]

Cf. _Iliad_ v. 192.

[3]

Cf. _Iliad_ viii. 267; xi. 371.

[4]

Cf. _Iliad_ iv. 113.

[5]

Cf. _Iliad_ iv. 123.

[6]

Cf. _Iliad_ xi. 390.

[7]

The trench crossed the plain in an approximately straight line. The army

of the Ephthalitae were drawn up behind it, facing the advancing

Persians, while a few of them went out beyond the trench to draw the

attack of the Persians.

[8]

Cf. Thuc. ii. 76, 4.

[9]

Cf. Book VII. xxvi. 4.

[10]

Cf. Thuc. i. 128.

[11]

A division of no fixed number.

[12]

Cf. Book I. ii. 15.

[13]

Modern Erzeroum.

[14]

_i.e._ "by force."

[15]

Cf. Book VIII. xiii. 15.

[16]

Cf. _Iliad_ xxiv. 348; _Odyssey_ x. 279.

[17]

Lebanon.

[18]

Roman formation.

_a--a, trench._

1. Bouzes and Pharas.

2. Sunicas and Aigan.

3. John, Cyril, Marcellus, Germanus, and Dorotheus.

4. Simmas and Ascan.

5. Belisarius and Hermogenes.

[Illustration: Roman formation.]

1. 3.

(h)======= |----| ===========

hill 2.--| 5. |--4.

a__________| |__________a

=================

[19]

Cf. Book I. x. 2.

[20]

Cf. Book I. xii. 21.

[21]

Cf. Book I. xiii. 2.

[22]

"Euphratesia"; cf. section 2.

[23]

Title meaning a patrician. See Index.

[24]

Ch. xiv. 28-54.

[25]

The coast described here is that of Arabia.

[26]

Rather the "Arabian Gulf."

[27]

Cf. ch. xv. 31.

[28]

In Latin _serica_, as coming from the Chinese (Seres).

[29]

Cf. chap. xvi. 7.

[30]

Cf. Book II. xvii.

[31]

_i.e._ "Conquer."

[32]