PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS IN EDUCATION
Just as intelligence tests in the Army have developed a new appreciation
of the significance of analyses of intelligence as a means of selecting
the right man for the right place in the military machine, so have
scientifically devised mental tests emphasized the possibilities of more
rapid and satisfactory progress in our educational activities.
The application of psychology to the measurement of teaching methods in
institutions of learning is of comparatively recent origin. Up to ten
years ago we had been able to make very little use of tests for the
measurement of intelligence in schools, colleges, and universities. We
were fighting blindly, as it were, to overcome the problems which faced
us at every turn. We had no concrete guide, for instance, in our efforts
to select proper courses of study for children and adults of various
mental capacities, nor could we decide upon uniform efforts toward the
disposal of such questions as vocational guidance, schoolroom procedure,
juvenile delinquency, promotional schemes, retardation of children, and
the proper treatment of sub-normal and gifted pupils.
The retardation problem, for example, has become serious. Statistics
indicate that from one third to one half of the children in the public
schools of the United States fail to advance with the speed expected of
them. Ten to 15 per cent. are retarded two years or more. Five to 8 per
cent. do not come within three years of the state of development set as
a standard. More than 10 per cent. of the $500,000,000 spent every year
in this country for school instruction purposes is used for reteaching
children what they already have been “taught” but have failed to learn.
Many efforts toward reform have been fruitful but disappointing. The
supposition that evils in existing systems could be completely cured by
adopting new methods of instruction, altering promotion methods, giving
increased attention to children’s health, and adoption of other
innovations, was less effective, experiments have shown, than was
generally anticipated by educators who put these theories into
operation. These reforms were less successful than their authors
expected they would be, for the reason that the reformers fell into the
error of assuming that, under the right conditions, all children would
be equally, or almost equally capable of making satisfactory progress.
They failed to take into account the fact that there are more than two
classes of school children and that they cannot be graded merely as
“feeble-minded” and “normal.” There are all degrees of intelligence,
ranging from idiocy on the one hand to genius on the other, and any
efforts toward improvement of conditions must be applied with full
recognition of such differences.
There are wide differences among normal human beings in mental
inheritance and these differences affect to a marked degree the capacity
of men, women, and children to profit from instruction. Just as the Army
had to allow for differences in mental capacity, so must the schools
differentiate courses of study in such a way that each pupil will be
allowed to study in a manner that is easy for him, whether that manner
be rapid or slow.
Dr. Lewis M. Terman, Professor of Education at Stanford University, in
California, who writes with more authority than any other author on the
application of psychological tests in schools, emphasizes the fact that
little progress can be made toward the correction of present evils until
we acquire a more scientific knowledge of the material with which we
deal. This phase of the problem perhaps suggests the only practical way
toward solution.
Intelligence tests in schools and higher institutions have been given a
wide range of application, but in virtually every instance the results
have justified the claim of superiority for these tests over other
methods of classifying students. In some instances positively startling
developments have been noted.
Of particular interest, from the viewpoint of educators who already are
convinced of the value of intelligence rating in educational
institutions, is the report of experiments at Public School No. 64, New
York City. The object was to select, group, and train a number of
children of very superior intelligence, in an attempt toward the
solution of the grading problem.
The experiment was suggested by a survey made several years ago by a
psychologist employed by the Public Education Association. Among a
number of so-called _average_ children was W. H., a boy. W. H.’s mental
age measured about two years ahead of his age in years. His physical
development was superior to the average child of his grade, consequently
he became an interesting subject to study. He was promoted as soon as he
acquired the essential features of the work in each grade, and, without
any conscious effort on his part, he accomplished the work of nine
grades in two years. W. H. was especially fond of athletics and outdoor
sports. He took his school work as a matter of course and showed no
indication of special interest in books or study. By the time he had
reached the fifth-grade several other boys of approximately the same
ability had been discovered.
One day the psychologist, the principal, and one of the assistants
discussed the possibility of forming a class composed of children
similarly gifted. Special classes for defective children, with a course
of study adapted to their needs, had been in existence for some time.
Why not organize special classes for children at the other end of the
scale, composed of those showing the highest grade of intelligence?
Surely these children, society’s greatest assets, were entitled to
progress at the speed that was desirable and normal to them. If
defective children of ungraded classes were worthy of a course of study
peculiarly adapted to their limitations, certainly an enriched
curriculum must be provided to meet the needs of children whose
capabilities extended to the highest degree of attainment.
The initial selection of children was made from the 5A class of W. H.’s
associates, from other fifth- and sixth-grade classes in the school, and
from similar grades of Public School No. 15, a neighbouring school for
girls. The aim was to choose an equal number of boys and girls from four
or five grades. The selection was limited to grades 4B through 6B. The
basis of selection was determined by the following factors:
1—The age-grade standard was considered. Those children were selected
who were below the normal age for the grade and whose school records
showed a standing of general excellence for successive terms.
2—The evidence of superior ability as displayed in oral recitation
during visits made by the psychologist and the assistant to the
principal.
3—An analytical inspection of school record cards.
4—Two boys, H. R. and R. P., had received prizes in Wanamaker’s drawing
competitions. Both of these boys passed the required intelligence tests.
5—A few interesting incidents were the means of discovering some other
eligible candidates.
One Sunday evening, while the teacher who later became the instructor of
this new special class was visiting the Christodora House, a
neighbouring settlement, the leader of the evening hour asked the
children the difference between God and guard. A boy, E. R., defined the
words in such concise and perfect English that the attention of the
visitors became centred on him. Later he was promoted from a school he
was attending to Public School No. 64 and was admitted to the class of
children of superior intelligence.
E. R. was a fatalist. He told an interested visitor, who questioned him
as to how he came to be admitted to the class, that it was fate that he
was chosen. He said he had been indifferent about attending the
“Children’s Hour” at which his ability had been noticed, but that his
brother had urged him to go. “You see,” said E. R., “if I hadn’t gone I
might never have been chosen for this class.”
A bright, aggressive-looking boy entered the principal’s office one
afternoon and asked the principal if he had room in his class for a
“bright 6A boy.” He said he lived in the district of School No. 64 and
had heard there were classes for children of excellent record. His
report card showed an A-A record and he was admitted. The final issue
was determined by the showing of the pupils in intelligence tests
devised by Dr. Lewis M. Terman, and by their social traits. Two children
who had the necessary qualifications otherwise were not considered
because of several unfavourable traits of character.
The foregoing instances are cited to indicate some of the ways in which
children were selected for the class. The next factor considered was the
choice of a teacher. It was necessary that she show high intelligence or
she would not be able to attack the problems which such a class would
present. The principal had no standardized test by which to measure her
ability but he was guided by many of the principles of general
excellence that marked the selection of the pupils.
From a group of eighty-four he tried to select a teacher who showed
initiative, ability to meet new situations, both intellectually and
socially, one who sympathized with and understood the orthodox training
of these children, and who would lead them to follow high standards of
American ideals and customs, and whose scholarship was superior,
especially in language. All these virtues, in addition to a zest and
zeal for the experiment, were embodied in Miss G.
The next important step was to devise a curriculum for the class, which
became known as the Terman Class, because the tests used in selecting it
had been suggested by Doctor Terman. The grades that represented the
first term were 4B through 6B; the second term 6A through 7B; and the
third term, 7A through 8B. Formal grammar and arithmetic were assigned
sequentially as outlined in the city syllabus. The class in general
studied contemporary history, based upon the World War, from newspapers
and periodicals, and, whenever possible, these events were related to or
associated with past history. Geography was studied in relation to
history and then extended until the world geography as outlined in the
course of study was acquired.
An extended amount of reading was assigned. The supplementary lists
issued by Professors Baker and Abbott, of Teachers College, Columbia
University; the reading list of the Ethical Culture School; and the list
issued by Doctor Leland, Director of Libraries, were used as guides.
Music, drawing, and physical training were taken by the class as general
exercises. These covered the grade requirements. The composition of
plays, songs, and dances for special programmes also was undertaken. The
privilege of observing plants and live animals, their care, habits, and
manner of reproduction, was provided in the nature-study room of the
school. Some of the boys were given manual training in the shops of the
prevocational school after the regular session of the academic
department. The class attended the senior assemblies of the school at
least once a week and as many more times as the educational activities
of the school permitted. The privileges enjoyed outside the classroom
educated these children socially in ways that few pupils of large and
congested schools may experience.
One period a week was spent in the reading and study of assigned
subjects in the Tompkins Square Public Library. Children were made
acquainted with all departments of the library and its facilities.
Reference books, magazines, and newspapers were at their service. The
children were permitted to use a club room in the Christodora House once
a week for musical and social exercises. A gymnasium was at their
disposal in this institution two periods a week, and one of the
Christodora House’s workers was assigned to teach the cooking club of
the class. Another social worker taught a quartette of the class how to
play the violin. Two boys who showed aptitude in art were given
additional instruction after school at the “Boys’ Club,” a neighbouring
institution. The class was taken on excursions to the Metropolitan
Museum of Art, the New York Public Library, the Jumel Mansion, and
Dyckman House—to study colonial furnishings and historical material—the
Museum of Natural History, a sight-seeing yacht trip around Manhattan
Island, theatre parties, campfire parties, and flower shows.
During the first term of six months the _progress ranged from one to
four grades_. No pressure of any kind was brought to bear. The children
were allowed to advance as soon as they acquired the work of each grade.
The younger children reaped the advantage of the experience of
associating with those a trifle older. This privilege perhaps accounted
for the greater rate of progress by the younger pupils. During the first
term the average progress was two and two thirds grades and during the
subsequent terms _two grades were accomplished each term_.
The suggestion, of course, is obvious, that the general application of
psychological tests of intelligence to school children everywhere would
reveal similar exceptional mentalities in many schools and classes, and
that we have at last, in tests of this character, an accurate method of
distinguishing between mere parrot-like ability to memorize and repeat
lessons and actual mental capacity. That there must result, from the
wider application of the scientific method of mental measurement, a
general regrading of school pupils, if not indeed a general
reorganization of existing schemes and systems of education, goes almost
without saying.
The use of intelligence tests for college entrance has shown
satisfactory results in several institutions. In one in particular, the
Carnegie Institute of Technology of Pittsburgh, a group of the freshman
girls in the Margaret Morrison Carnegie School for Girls, was
experimented on with such success that the results have been widely
discussed.
All of the 114 freshmen were high school graduates. The first-year
course, on which the instructors based their estimates of the students,
contains the following subjects; physics, sewing, history, English,
drawing and colour, hygiene, chemistry, foods, accounting, and social
ethics.
Six mental tests were used, designed to answer the following questions:
(1) Can we demonstrate that we can reduce the number of students who are
dropped for poor scholarship or placed on probation for poor scholarship
by the use of our mental tests for admission?
(2) How do our mental test ratings of all the students compare with the
faculty opinion about the general ability of the students?
The first criterion referred only to those who were pronounced as
failures and dropped from college for inability to do college work, or
placed on probation as doubtful students with two thirds of the regular
programme. The second criterion had reference to the whole class,
including the good students. A letter was sent to all members of the
faculty asking them to indicate the student’s general ability as
compared to the general ability of the class. A list of names, with ten
numbered spaces after each name, was appended. The tests which agreed
fairly well with the pooled judgment of the faculty were retained. The
tests which failed in this regard were either improved or cancelled.
When the returns were complete the instructor’s estimate was determined
for each student and was used as a criterion for the tests.
The tests were analyzed both by correlation methods referring to the
group as a whole, and by inspection of scatter diagrams referring to
individual students. By devising a critical score it was possible to
arrive at a mental-test rating. The results of this system of rating
indicated, according to Prof. L. L. Thurstone, of the Carnegie
Institute, that:
(_a_) Seven out of eleven failures could have been eliminated at the
beginning of the year.
(_b_) Eight out of seventeen students placed on probation for poor
scholarship should have been eliminated at the beginning of the year.
(_c_) Not one of the students who were below the critical mental-test
rating was acceptable as a student. All of them should have been spared
the discouragement which comes from failure and should have been advised
to take up some other work.
(_d_) None of the acceptable students scored below the lower critical
mental-test rating.
(_e_) All of the freshmen rated high by the faculty were above the
average in the mental-test rating.
(_f_) Mental tests have been demonstrated to constitute a useful
criterion for admission to college.
In October, 1918, first-year men in Brown University were given two
series of psychological tests, an interval of several days separating
the administration of Series I and II. Emphasis was placed upon thought
and accuracy, rather than upon speed. Two hundred and ten students of
the same University took the Alpha test of the Army in January, 1919. Of
these men, 103 also had taken the Brown University tests, Series I and
II. This made a comparison possible.
Two hundred and twelve men took Series I. Both the average and median
were 66 on the basis of 100 as a maximum score. One hundred and
seventy-eight men, all of whom had taken Series I, took Series II. It
was administered after the students had begun military training of a
rigorous nature and when they were far from fresh. The composite score
of Series I and Series II, made from the records of one hundred and
seventy-eight men who had taken both tests, showed that the Brown
University Series proved as good as a measure of scholastic standing as
did the Army test for military fitness.
Prof. Stephen S. Colvin, of Brown University, writing on these
psychological tests, says that in addition to the evidence obtained by
correlating the test results and the students’ academic marks, as to the
relation between the scores of the psychological tests and academic
standing, there is further indication that the psychological tests
proved of considerable value in showing the probable success of a
student in his academic work.
During the first half of the year, eighty students were reported as
doing unsatisfactory work. Of these eighty students, thirteen had
received a score of “good” or “very good” in the psychological tests;
fourteen had received an average score: while in the cases of
fifty-three the score was either “poor,” or “very poor.” During the
second term, thirty-four men were reported as doing considerably above
average grade. Of those thus reported, five ranked “superior” in their
psychological tests; nineteen “very good”; seven “good”; two “average”;
and one “poor.”
Interesting results were noted in intelligence tests at the University
of Illinois on March 6, 1919, when nearly 3,500 students, who were
distributed in twenty-four different halls, were examined
simultaneously. The Army test (Alpha) was used. Various members of the
faculty, including deans, volunteered for special preparatory training
to act as examiners and alternate examiners. It was an interesting
spectacle to witness eminent men voluntarily in the rôle of students and
being “tested.”
In a summary of the results of the tests, Dr. David Spence Hill says:
“_The smallness_ of difference between median scores of classes within
each college of the large groups of students _is insignificant_. As
between freshmen, sophomores, juniors, and seniors the extreme
difference was less than 2 per cent. in the college of literature, arts
and sciences; less than 4 per cent. in the colleges of engineering, and
of agriculture; about 5 per cent. in the colleges of commerce, and less
than 3 per cent. in the three years of the graduate school. Differences
as small as these are safely to be accounted for by chance or by
variations of one kind and another.”
The report of the value as a whole of the intelligence test, signed by
members of the University staff, says, in part:
“On the whole, the experiment performed by the energetic coöperation of
nearly four thousand university people may be regarded as remarkably
successful for the purposes intended. If for no other reasons, it has
been worth while as a study of a device used already upon nearly two
millions of men engaged as soldiers in the great historic
undertaking—the World War. It has been a means of self-revelation to
many persons on the campus. When the statistics are all worked out in
careful detail we shall obtain new insight into some educational
problems.”
At Hamline University, St. Paul, Minn., the Alpha test was given to 74
men and 145 women, but reports on the results of the test are confined
to 61 men and 145 women. The median for the men tested was 129 and 133
for women. The higher level for women was accounted for by the fact that
there were more seniors and juniors among the women than among the men.
The medians for these two classes of women were 138 and 150
respectively, but for the men in the same classes, 132 and 130
respectively. A somewhat higher standing for women was evident when the
entire series of tests were considered, although the mathematical
problems in the tests were harder for the women.
In questions of practical judgment, disarranged sentences and analogies,
all of which involved nimbleness of wit, the women showed superiority to
the men. In questions of general information, however, the men
established a lead over the women, but of only 2.5 per cent.
Prof. Gregory D. Walcott, who reports the tests at Hamline, is not
convinced that the Alpha tests, designed for military purposes, are the
best for determining the fitness of students for college work. He says,
however, that the degree of correlation obtained in the Hamline tests
indicates that the Alpha tests are of tremendous value.
Intelligence tests are being used at regular intervals at the University
of Rochester. The method of application is described as follows by Louis
A. Pechstein, Professor of Psychology at the University.
“We call our freshmen to the campus a week early. The introductory week
is given largely to lectures on college ethics and problems of study.
During the first day of the week I give all the entrants both the Alpha
and the Otis Group Intelligence tests. The marks and groupings are
turned into the office and, so far as possible, we shall make up several
representative classes of men supposedly of the same general mental
make-up.
“During the first term we shall test the entire student body and then
begin to correlate with teachers’ opinions and grade records. In no
sense are we committed, but we shall try to influence our programme
making and section determination by the testing results. Then I shall
issue a report to each student regarding his standing, apparent strong
and weak processes, and try to help him in his development.”
Other reports from schools, colleges, and universities indicate the
widespread adoption of intelligence tests in determining the probable
measure of success which a student will attain in his studies, or
whether he is fitted, mentally, for the career he contemplates.
The group tests of intelligence have demonstrated their value in
educational work to such an extent that, following the lead of Columbia
University, a large number of prominent American universities and
colleges are employing tests of intellectual ability as at least partial
substitutes for the time-honoured college entrance examinations. Instead
of requiring each prospective student to take an examination in which he
would be required to demonstrate that he remembered the facts learned in
high school, the present scheme is to examine the men who desire to
enter college by means of the psychological tests designed to measure
general fitness and intelligence. The theory behind this movement is
that men should be allowed to enter college provided their intelligence
and mental capacity is such as would enable them to profit by the
instruction, regardless of whether such men could recall the required
percentage of the facts taught them by their high school teachers.
This same philosophy will undoubtedly spread very widely through the
high schools and elementary schools as well as through the colleges. A
child should be allowed to undertake that work for which he is fitted by
nature and intellectual capacity, regardless of what his past academic
training may have been. It is unreasonable to require young men who,
because of some accident, left school early in life and have continued
their education through their own efforts, to go back and begin with
younger pupils a course of study, which will have very little practical
value to them, before they are allowed to undertake the professional
courses they desire and are capable of undertaking at once. The
group-examination method, which is employed by the majority of the
Mentimeter tests, has been the greatest possible stimulus to the
employment of intelligence examinations, because of the great saving of
time which it affects over the method of individual examinations.