banks to the foot of the mountains, but this he considers as an optic
fallacy; I wish he had told us upon what principle of optics; but if it
was really so, how comes it that the banks are every year dry, when the
foot of the mountains is at same time under inundation; or, in other
words, what is the reason of that undisputed fact, that the foot of the
mountains is laid under water in the beginning of the rivers rising,
while the ground which they cultivate by labour near the banks, cannot
supply itself from the river by machines, till near the height of the
inundation? these facts will not be contraverted by any traveller, who
has ever been in Upper Egypt; but if this had been admitted as truth
instead of an optic fallacy, this question would have immediately
followed. If the land of Egypt at the foot of the mountains, is the
lowest, the first overflowed, and the longest covered with water, and
often the only part overflowed at all, whence can it arise that it is
not upon a level with the banks of the river if it is true that the
land of Egypt receives additional height every year by the mud from
Abyssinia deposited by the stream? and this question would not have
been so easily answered.
The Nile for these thirty years has but once so failed as to occasion
dearth, but never in that period so as to produce famine in Egypt.
The redundance of the water sweeping every thing before it, has
thrice been the cause, not of dearth, but of famine and emigration;
but carelessness, I believe, hath been, the occasion of both, and
very often the malice of the Arabs; for there are in Egypt, from
Siout downwards, great remains of ancient works, vast lakes, canals,
and large conduits for water, destined by the ancients to keep this
river under controul, serving as reservoirs to supply a scanty year,
and as drains, or outlets, to prevent the over abundance of water
in wet years, by spreading it in the thirsty sands of Libya to the
great advantage of the Arabs, rather than letting it run to waste in
the Mediterranean. The mouths of these immense drains being out of
repair, in a scanty year, contribute by their evacuation to make it
still scantier by not retaining water, and if after a dearth they are
well secured, or raised too high, and a wet season follows, they then
occasion a destructive inundation.
I hope I have now satisfied the reader, that Egypt was never an arm
of the sea, or formed by sediments brought down in the Nile, but
that it was created with other parts of the globe at the same time,
and for the same purposes; and we are warranted to say this, till we
receive from the hand of Providence a work of such imperfection, that
its destruction can be calculated from the very means by which it was
first formed, and which were the apparent sources of its beauty and
pre-eminence. Egypt, like other countries, will perish by the _fiat_
of Him that made it, but when, or in what manner, lies hid where it
ought to be, inaccessible to the useless, vain inquiries, and idle
speculations of man.
CHAP. XVIII.
_Inquiry about the Possibility of changing the Course of the
Nile--Cause of the Nucta._
It has been thought a problem that merited to be considered, Whether
it was possible to turn the current of the Nile into the Red Sea, and
thereby to famish Egypt? I think the question should more properly
be, Whether the water of the Nile, running into Egypt, could be so
diminished, or diverted, that it should never be sufficient to prepare
that country for annual cultivation? Now to this it is answered, That
there seems to be no doubt but that it is possible, because the Nile,
and all the rivers that run into it, and all the rains that swell those
rivers, fall in a country fully two miles above the level of the sea;
therefore, it cannot be denied, that there is level enough to divert
many of the rivers into the Red Sea, the Indian, and Atlantic Oceans,
or, perhaps, still easier, by turning the course of the river Abiad
till it meets the level of the Niger, or pass through the desert into
the Mediterranean.
Lalibala, as we have already seen, attempted the former method with
great appearance of success; and this prince, to whom the accidental
circumstances of the time had given extraordinary powers, and who was
otherwise a man of great capacity and resolution, might, if he had
persevered, completed his purpose, the thing being possible, that is,
no law of nature against it, and all difficulties are only relative
to the powers vested in those who are engaged in the undertaking.
Alexander the Great would have succeeded--his father Philip would have
miscarried--Lewis the XIV. would perhaps have accomplished it, as
easily as he united the two seas by the canal of Languedoc, and with
the same engineers; but he is the only European prince of whom this
could have been expected with any degree of probability.
Alphonso Albuquerque, viceroy of India, is said to have wrote
frequently to the king of Portugal, Don Emanuel, to send him some
pioneers from Madeira, people accustomed to level ground, and prepare
it for sugar-canes, with whose assistance he was to execute that
enterprise of turning the Nile into the Red Sea, and famishing Egypt.
His son mentions this very improbable story in his[175] father’s
commentaries; and he says further, that he imagines it might have been
done, because it was a known fact that the Arabs in Upper Egypt, when
in rebellion against the Soldan, used to interrupt the course of the
canal between Cosseir on the Red Sea, and Kenna in Egypt.
Tellez and le Grande, mentioning the two opinions of the father and the
son upon this subject, give great praise to the son at the expence of
the father, but without reason.
In the first place, we have seen that the utmost exertion Don Emanuel
could make was to send 400 men to assist the king of Abyssinia, whose
country was then almost conquered by the Turks and Moors. It was not
then from India we were to expect the execution of so arduous an
undertaking. And as to the second, the younger Albuquerque is mistaken
egregiously in point of fact, for there never was a canal between
Cosseir and Kenna, the goods from the Red Sea were transported by a
caravan, and are so yet. We have seen, in the beginning of this work,
the account of my travelling thither from Kenna; this intercourse
probably was often interrupted by the Arabs in the days he mentions,
and so it is still; but it is the caravan, not the canal, that is stopt
by the Arabs, for no canal ever existed.
The sum of all this story is, a long and violent persecution followed
the conquest of Egypt by the Saracens, who were accustomed to live
in tents, which, with their dislike to the Christian churches, made
them destroy all the buildings of stone, as also persecute the masons,
whom they considered as being employed in the advancement of idolatry:
these unhappy workmen, therefore, fled in numbers to Lalibala, an
Abyssinian prince of their own religion, who employed them in many
stupendous works for diverting the Nile into the Red Sea, or the Indian
Ocean, which I have already described, and which exist entire to this
day[176].
This idea, indeed, had subsisted as long as the royal family lived
in the south part of Abyssinia, in Shoa, in the neighbourhood, and
sometimes on the very spot where the attempt was made. When the court,
however, removed northward, and the princes, no longer confined in
Geshen, (a mountain in Amhara) were imprisoned, as they now are, in
Wechné, in Belessen, near Gondar, these transactions of remote times
and places were gradually forgot, and often misrepresented; though,
so far down as the beginning of this century, we find Tecla Haimanout
I.[177] (king of Abyssinia) expostulating by a letter with the basha of
Cairo upon the murder of the French envoy M. du Roule, and threatening
the Turkish regency, that, it they persisted in such misbehaviour, he
would make the Nile the instrument of his vengeance, the keys of which
were in his hand, to give them famine or plenty, as they should deserve
of him. In my time, no sensible man in Abyssinia believed that such a
thing was possible, and few that it had ever been attempted.
As for the opinion of those, that the Nile may be turned into the
Red Sea from Nubia or Egypt, it deserves no answer. What could be
the motive of such an undertaking? Would the Egyptians suffer such
an operation to be carried on in their own country for the sake of
starving themselves? and if the country had been taken from them by an
enemy, still it could not be the interest of that conqueror to let the
inhabitants, now become his subjects, perish, and much less to reduce
them to the necessity of so doing by such an undertaking.
Much has been wrote about a miraculous drop, or dew, called Gotta, or
Nucta, which falls in Egypt precisely on St John’s day, and is believed
to be the peculiar gift of that saint; it stops the plague, causes
dough to leaven, or ferment, and announces a speedy and plentiful
inundation.
I hope my reader will not expect that I should enter into the
discussion of the part St John is thought to have in this event, my
business is only with natural causes.
Memphis and Alexandria, and all the ancient cities of Lower Egypt,
stand upon cisterns, into which the Nile, upon its overflowing, was
admitted, and there remained till it had deposited all its sediment,
and became fit for drinking. These cisterns are now full of filth;
though in disrepair, the water, when the Nile is high insinuates itself
into them through the broken conduits.
In February and March the sun is on its approach to the zenith of one
extremity of Egypt, and of course has a very considerable influence
upon the other. The Nile being now fallen low, the water in the
cisterns putrifies, and the river itself has lost all its volatile
and finer parts by the continued action of a vertical sun; so that,
instead of being subject to evaporation, it becomes daily more and
more inclined to putrefaction. About St John’s day[178] it receives a
plentiful mixture of the fresh and fallen rain from Ethiopia, which
dilutes and refreshes the almost corrupted river, and the sun near at
hand exerts its natural influence upon the water, which now is become
light enough to be exhaled, though it has still with it a mixture of
the corrupted fluid, so that it rises but a small height during the
first few days of the inundation, then falls down and returns to the
earth in plentiful and abundant dews; and that this is really so, I am
persuaded from what I observed myself at Cairo.
My quadrant was placed on the flat roof, or terrass, of a gentleman’s
house where I was taking observations; I had gone down to supper,
and soon after returned, when I found the brass limb of the quadrant
covered with small drops of dew, which were turned to a perfect green,
or copperas colour; and this green had so corroded the brass in an
hour’s time, that the marks remained on the limb of the quadrant
for six months; and the cavities made by the corrosion were plainly
discernible through a microscope.
It is in February, March, or April only, that the plague begins in
Egypt. I do not believe it an endemial disease, I rather think it comes
from Constantinople with merchandise, or passengers, and at this time
of the year that the air having attained a degree of putridity proper
to receive it by the long absence of dews, the infection is thereto
joined, and continues to rage till the period I just spoke of, when it
is suddenly stopped by the dews occasioned by a refreshing mixture of
rain-water, which is poured out into the Nile at the beginning of the
inundation.
The first and most remarkable sign of the change brought about in the
air is the sudden stopping of the plague at Saint John’s day; every
person, though shut up from society for months before, buys, sells, and
communicates with his neighbour without any sort of apprehension; and
it was never known, as far as I could learn upon fair inquiry, that one
fell sick of the plague after this anniversary: it will be observed I
don’t say _died_; there are, I know, examples of that, though I believe
but few; the plague is not always a disease that suddenly terminates,
it often takes a considerable time to come to a head, appearing only by
symptoms; so that people taken ill, under the most putrid influence of
the air, linger on, struggling with the disease which has already got
such hold that they cannot recover; but what I say, and mean is, that
no person is taken ill of the plague so as to die after the dew has
fallen in June; and no symptoms of the plague are ever commonly seen in
Egypt but in those spring months already mentioned, the greater part of
which are totally destitute of moisture.
I think the instance I am going to give, which is universally known,
and cannot be denied, brings this so home that no doubt can remain of
the origin of this dew, and its powerful effects upon the plague.
The Turks and Moors are known to be predestinarians; they believe the
hour of man’s death is so immutably fixed that nothing can either
advance or defer it an instant. Secure in this principle, they expose
in the market-place, immediately after Saint John’s day, the clothes
of the many thousands that have died during the late continuance of
the plague, all which imbibe the moist air of the evening and the
morning, are handled, bought, put on, and worn without any apprehension
of danger; and though these consist of furs, cotton, silk, and
woollen cloths, which are stuffs the most retentive of the infection,
no accident happens to those who wear them from this their happy
confidence.
I shall here sum up all that I have to say relating to the river Nile,
with a tradition handed down to us by Herodotus, the father of ancient
history, upon which moderns less instructed have grafted a number of
errors. Herodotus[179] says, that he was informed by the secretary of
Minerva’s treasury, that one half of the water of the Nile flowed due
north into Egypt, while the other half took an opposite course, and
flowed directly south into Ethiopia.
The secretary was probably of that country himself, and seems by his
observation to have known more of it than all the ancients together.
In fact, we have seen that, between 13° and 14° N. latitude, the Nile,
with all its tributary streams, which have their rise and course within
the tropical rains, falls down into the flat country, (the kingdom of
Sennaar), which is more than a mile lower than the high country in
Abyssinia, and thence, with a little inclination, it runs into Egypt.
Again, in lat. 9° in the kingdom of Gingero, the Zebeé runs south, or
south-east, into the inner Ethiopia, as do also many other rivers, and,
as I have heard from the natives of that country, empty themselves
into a lake, as those on the north of the Line do into the lake
Tzana; thence distribute their waters to the east and to the west.
These become the heads of great rivers that run through the interior
countries of Ethiopia (corresponding to the sea-coast of Melinda and
Mombaza) into the Indian Ocean, whilst, on the westward, they are the
origin of the vast streams that fall into the Atlantic, passing through
Benin and Congo, southward of the river Gambea, and the Sierraleona.
In short, the periodical rains from the tropic of Capricorn to the
Line, being in equal quantity with those that fall between the Line and
the tropic of Cancer, it is plain, that if the land of Ethiopia sloped
equally from the Line southward and northward, half of the rains that
fall on each side would go north, and half south, but as the ground
from 5° N. declines all southward, it follows that the river which runs
to the southward must be equal to those that run to the northward,
_plus_ the rain that falls in the 5° north latitude, where the ground
begins to slope to the southward, and there can be little doubt this
is at least one of the reasons why there are in the southern continent
so many rivers larger than the Nile that run both into the Indian and
Atlantic Oceans.
From this very true and sensible relation handed to us by Herodotus,
from the authority of the secretary of Minerva, the Nubian geographer
has framed a fiction of his own, which is, that the river Nile divides
itself into two branches, one of which runs into Egypt northward, and
one through the country of the negroes westward, into the Atlantic
Ocean. And this opinion has been greedily adopted by M. Ludolf[180],
who cites the authority of Leo Africanus, and that of his monk Gregory,
both of them, in these respects, fully as much mistaken as the Nubian
geographer himself. M. Ludolf, after quoting a passage of Pliny, tells
us that he had consulted the famous Bochart upon that subject whether
the Nile and the Niger (the river that runs through Nigritia into the
Western Ocean) were one and the same river? The famous Bochart answers
him peremptorily in the true spirit of a schoolman,--That there is
nothing more certain than that the Niger is a part of the river Nile.
With great submission, however, I must venture to say there is not the
least foundation for this assertion.
Pliny seems the first who gave rise to it, but he speaks modestly
upon the subject, giving his reasons as he goes along. “Nigri fluvio
eadem natura, quæ Nilo, calamum & papyrum, & easdem gignit animantes,
iisdemque temporibus augescit.[181]” That it has the same soil from
which the Nile takes its colour, the water is the same in taste,
produces the same reeds, and especially the papyrus; has the same
animals in it, such as the crocodile and hippopotamus, and overflows
at the same season; this is saying nothing but what may be applied
with equal truth to every other river between the northern tropic
and the Line; but the other two authors, the Nubian and the monk,
assert each of them a direct falsehood. The Nubian says, that if the
Nile carried all the rains that fall in Abyssinia down into Egypt,
the people would not be safe in their houses. To this I answer by a
matter of fact, the map of the whole course of the Nile is before the
reader; and it is plain from thence, that the whole rain in Abyssinia
must now go, and ever has gone down into Egypt, and yet the people are
very safe in their houses, and very seldom is the whole land of Egypt
compleatly overflowed: and it is by no means less certain from the same
inspection, that, unless a river as large as the Nile, constantly full,
having its rise in countries subject to perpetual rains, and pouring
its stream, which never decreases, into that river, as the Abiad does
at Halfaia, all the waters in Abyssinia collected in the Nile would not
be sufficient to pass its scanty stream through the burning deserts of
Nubia and the Barabra, so as it should be of any utility when arrived
in Egypt.
The next falsehood in point of fact is that of the monk Gregory, who
says that this left branch of the Nile parts from it, after having
passed the kingdom of Dongola into Nubia, after which it runs through
Elvah, and so down the desert into the Mediterranean, between the
Cyrenaicum and Alexandria. Now, first, we know, from the authority of
all antiquity, that there is not a desert more destitute of rivers than
that of the Thebaid. This want of water (not the distance) made the
voyage to the temple of Jupiter Ammon an enterprise next to desperate,
and so worthy of Alexander, who never, however, met a river in his way;
had there been there such a stream, there could be no doubt that the
banks of it would have been fully as well inhabited as those of the
Nile, and the Thebaid consequently no desert. Besides the caravans,
which for ages passed between Egypt and Sennaar, must have seen this
river, and drunk of it; so must the travellers, in the beginning of
this century, Poncet and M. du Roule. They were both at Elvah; and,
passing through the dreary deserts of Selima, they must have gone
along its side, and crossed it, where it parted from the Nile in their
journey to Sennaar. Whereas we know they never saw running water from
the time they left the Nile at Siout in Egypt, till they fell in again
with it at Moscho, during which period they had nothing but well water,
which they carried in skins with them.
The district of Elvah is the Oasis Magna and Oasis Parva of the
ancients; large plentiful springs breaking out in the middle of the
burning sands, and running constantly without diminution, have invited
inhabitants to flock around them. These conducting off the water that
spills over the fountain by trenches, the neighbouring lands have
quickly produced a plentiful vegetation: gardens and verdure are spread
on every side, large groves of palm tree have been planted, and the
overflowings of every fountain have produced a little paradise, like so
many beautiful and fruitful islands amidst an immense ocean.
The coast of the Mediterranean, from the Cyrenaicum or Ptolemaid (that
is, the coast from Bengazi, or Derna, to Alexandria) is well known by
the shipping of every nation; but what pilot or passenger ever saw this
magnificent watering-place in that desert coast, where this branch of
the Nile comes down into the Mediterranean? Besides, the author of this
fable betrays his ignorance in the very beginning, where he derives
this left branch of the Nile from the principal river, and says, that,
after passing the kingdom of Dongola, it enters Nubia. Now, when it
entered Dongola it must have already passed Nubia, for Dongola is the
capital of the Barabra, every inch of which is to the northward of
Nubia. I do not know worse guides in the geography of Africa than Leo
Africanus and the Nubian geographer. I believe them both impostors,
and the commentators upon them have greatly increased by their own
conjectures, the confusion and errors which the text has everywhere
occasioned.
As far as I have been ever able to learn, by a very diligent and
cautious inquiry, from the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries, I
believe the origin of the Niger is in lat. 12° north, and in long. 30°
from the meridian of Greenwich nearly; that it is composed of various
rivers falling down the sides of very high mountains, called Dyre and
Tegla; and runs straight west into the heart of Africa. I conclude
also, that this river (though it has abundant supply from every
mountain) is very much diminished by evaporation, running in a long
course upon the very limits of the tropical rains, when entire, under
the name of Senega; or, perhaps, when divided under those of Senega and
Gambia, it loses itself in the Atlantic Ocean. I conceive also, that,
as Pliny says, it has the same taste and natural productions with the
Nile, because it runs in the same climate, and like that river owes, if
not its existence, yet certainly its increase and fulness to the same
cause, the tropical rains in the northern hemisphere falling from high
mountains.
I hope I have now fully exhausted every subject worthy of inquiry
as to the place where the fountains of the Nile are situated, also
as to its course and various names, the different countries through
which it flows, the true cause, and every thing curious attending
its inundations; and that as, in old times, Caput Nili Quærere, _to
seek the source of the Nile_, was a proverb in use to signify the
impossibility of an attempt, it may hereafter be applied, with as much
reason, to denote the inutility of any such undertakings.
CHAP. XIX.
_Kind reception among the Agows--Their Number, Trade, Character, &c._
After having given my reader so long, though, I hope, no unentertaining
lecture, it is time to go back to Woldo, whom we had left settling
our reception with the chief of the village of Geesh. We found the
measures taken by this man such as convinced us at once of his capacity
and attachment. The miserable Agows, assembled all around him, were
too much interested in the appearance we made, not to be exceedingly
inquisitive how long our stay was to be among them. They saw, by the
horse driven before us, we belonged to Fasil, and suspected, for the
same reason, that they were to maintain us, or, in other words, that
we should live at discretion upon them as long as we chose to tarry
there; but Woldo, with great address, had dispelled these fears almost
as soon as they were formed. He informed them of the king’s grant to
me of the village of Geesh; that Fasil’s tyranny and avarice would end
that day, and another master, like Negadé Ras Georgis, was come to
pass a chearful time among them, with a resolution to pay for every
labour they were ordered to perform, and purchase all things for ready
money: he added, moreover, that no military service was further to be
exacted from them, either by the king or governor of Damot, nor from
their present master, as he had no enemies. We found these news had
circulated with great rapidity, and we met with a hearty welcome upon
our arrival at the village.
Woldo had asked a house from the Shum, who very civilly had granted
me his own; it was just large enough to serve me, but we were obliged
to take possession of four or five others, and we were scarcely
settled in these when a servant arrived from Fasil to intimate to
the Shum his surrendry of the property and sovereignty of Geesh to
me, in consequence of a grant from the king: he brought with him a
fine, large, milk-white cow, two sheep, and two goats; the sheep and
goats I understood were from Welleta Yasous. Fasil also sent us six
jars of hydromel, fifty wheat loaves of very excellent bread, and to
this Welleta Yasous had added two middle-sized horns of excellent
strong spirits. Our hearts were now perfectly at ease, and we passed
a very merry evening. Strates, above all, endeavoured, with many a
bumper of the good hydromel of Buré, to subdue the devil which he had
swallowed in the inchanted water. Woldo, who had done his part to great
perfection, and had reconciled the minds of all the people of the
village to us, had a little apprehension for himself; he thought he had
lost credit with me, and therefore employed the servant of Ayto Aylo
to desire me not to speak of the sash to Fasil’s servant. I assured
him, that, as long as I saw him acting properly, as he now did, it
was much more probable I should give him another sash on our return,
than complain of the means he had used to get this last. This entirely
removed all his fears, and indeed as long after as he was with us, he
every day deserved more and more our commendations.
Before we went to bed I satisfied Fasil’s servant, who had orders from
Welleta Yasous to return immediately; and, as he saw we did not spare
the liquor that he brought us, he promised to send a fresh supply as
soon as he returned home, which he did not fail to perform the day
after.
Woldo was now perfectly happy; he had no superior or spy over his
actions; he had explained himself to the Shum, that we should want
somebody to buy necessaries to make bread for us, and to take care
of the management of our house. We displayed our lesser articles for
barter to the Shum, and told him the most considerable purchases, such
as oxen and sheep, were to be paid in gold. He was struck with the
appearance of our wealth, and the generosity of our proposals, and
told Woldo that he insisted, since we were in his houses, we would
take his daughters for our house-keepers. The proposal was a most
reasonable one, and readily accepted. He accordingly sent for three in
an instant, and we delivered them their charge. The eldest took it upon
her readily, she was about sixteen years of age, of a stature above
the middle size, but she was remarkably genteel, and, colour apart,
her features would have made her a beauty in any country in Europe;
she was, besides, very sprightly; we understood not one word of her
language, though she comprehended very easily the signs that we made.
This nymph of the Nile was called by nickname Irepone, which signifies
some animal that destroys mice, but whether of the ferret or snake kind
I could not perfectly understand; sometimes it was one and sometimes
another, but which it was I thought of no great importance.
The first and second day, after disposing of some of our stock in
purchases, she thought herself obliged to render us an account, and
give back the residue at night to Woldo, with a protestation that she
had not stolen or kept any thing to herself. I looked upon this regular
accounting as an ungenerous treatment of our benefactress. I called on
Woldo, and made him produce a parcel that contained the same with the
first commodities we had given her; this consisted of beads, antimony,
small scissars, knives, and large needles; I then brought out a pacquet
of the same that had not been broken, and told her they were intended
to be distributed among her friends, and that we expected no account
from her; on the contrary, that, after she had bestowed these, to buy
us necessaries, and for any purposes she pleased, I had still as many
more to leave her at parting, for the trouble she had given herself.
I often thought the head of the little savage would have turned with
the possession of so much riches, and so great confidence, and it
was impossible to be so blinded, as not to see that I had already
made great progress in her affections. To the number of trifles I had
added one ounce of gold, value about fifty shillings sterling, which I
thought would defray our expences all the time we staid; and having now
perfectly arranged the œconomy of our family, nothing remained but to
make the proper observations.
The houses are all of clay and straw. There was no place for fixing my
clock; I was therefore obliged to employ a very excellent watch made
for me by Elicott. The dawn now began, and a few minutes afterwards
every body was at their doors; all of them crowded to see us, and we
breakfasted in public with very great chearfulness. The white cow
was killed, and every one invited to his share of her. The Shum,
priest of the river, should likewise have been of the party, but he
declined either sitting or eating with us, though his sons were not so
scrupulous.
It is upon the principal fountain and altar, already mentioned, that
once a-year, on the first appearance of the dog-star, (or, as others
say, eleven days after) this priest assembles the heads of the clans;
and having sacrificed a black heifer that never bore a calf, they
plunge the head of it into this fountain, they then wrap it up in its
own hide, so as no more to be seen, after having sprinkled the hide
within and without with water from the fountain. The carcase is then
split in half, and cleaned with extraordinary care; and, thus prepared,
it is laid upon the hillock over the first fountain, and washed all
over with its water, while the elders, or considerable people, carry
water in their hands joined (it must not be in any dish) from the two
other fountains; they then assemble upon the small hill a little well
of St Michael, (it used to be the place where the church now stands)
there they divide the carcase into pieces corresponding to the number
of the tribes, and each tribe has its privilege, or pretensions,
to particular parts, which are not in proportion to the present
consequence of the several clans. Geesh has a principal slice, though
the most inconsiderable territory of the whole; Sacala has the next;
and Zeegam, the most considerable of them all in power and riches, has
the least of the whole. I found it in vain to ask upon what rules this
distribution was founded; their general and constant answer was, It was
so observed in old times.
After having ate this carcase raw, according to their custom, and drunk
the Nile water to the exclusion of any other liquor, they pile up the
bones on the place where they sit, and burn them to ashes. This used
to be performed where the church now stands; but Ras Sela Christos,
some time after, having beaten the Agows, and desirous, at the Jesuits
instigation, to convert them to Christianity, he demolished their altar
where the bones were burnt, and built a church upon the site, the doors
of which, I believe, were never opened since that reign, nor is there
now, as far as we could perceive, any Christian there who might wish
to see it frequented. After Sela Christos had demolished their altar
by building this church, they ate the carcase, and burnt the bones, on
the top of the mountain of Geesh out of the way of profanation, where
the vestiges of this ceremony may yet be seen; but probably the fatigue
attending this, and the great indifference their late governors have
had for Christianity, have brought them back to a small hillock by the
side of the marsh, west of saint Michael’s church, and a little to the
southward, where they perform this solemnity every year, and they will
probably resume their first altar when the church is fallen to ruins,
which they are every day privately hastening.
After they have finished their bloody banquet, they carry the head,
close wrapt from sight in the hide, into the cavern, which they say
reaches below the fountains, and there, by a common light, without
torches, or a number of candles, as denoting a solemnity, they perform
their worship, the particulars of which I never could learn; it is a
piece of free-masonry, which every body knows, and no body ventures
to reveal. At a certain time of the night they leave the cave, but
at what time, or by what rule, I could not learn; neither would they
tell me what became of the head, whether it was ate, or buried, or how
consumed. The Abyssinians have a story, probably created by themselves,
that the devil appears to them, and with him they eat the head,
swearing obedience to him upon certain conditions, that of sending
rain, and a good season for their bees and cattle: however this may be,
it is certain that they pray to the spirit residing in the river, whom
they call the Everlasting God, Light of the World, Eye of the World,
God of Peace, their Saviour, and Father of the Universe.
Our landlord, the Shum, made no scruple of reciting his prayers
for seasonable rain, for plenty of grass, for the preservation of
serpents, at least of one kind of this reptile; he also deprecated
thunder in these prayers, which he pronounced very pathetically with
a kind of tone or song; he called the river “Most High God, Saviour
of the World;” of the other words I could not well judge, but by the
interpretation of Woldo. Those titles, however, of divinity which he
gave the river, I could perfectly comprehend without an interpreter,
and for these only I am a voucher.
I asked the priest, into whose good graces I had purposely insinuated
myself, if ever any spirit had been seen by him? He answered, without
hesitation, Yes; very frequently. He said he had seen the spirit the
evening of the 3d, (just as the sun was setting) under a tree, which
he shewed me at a distance, who told him of the death of a son, and
also that a party from Fasil’s army was coming; that, being afraid,
he consulted his serpent, who ate readily and heartily, from which he
knew no harm was to befal him from us. I asked him if he could prevail
on the spirit to appear to me? He said he could not venture to make
this request. If he thought he would appear to me, if, in the evening,
I sat under that tree alone? he said he believed not. He said he was
of a very graceful figure and appearance; he thought rather older than
middle age; but he seldom chose to look at his face; he had a long
white beard, his cloaths not like theirs, of leather, but like silk,
of the fashion of the country. I asked him how he was certain it was
not a man? he laughed, or rather sneered, shaking his head, and saying,
No, no, it is no man, but a spirit. I asked him then what spirit he
thought it was? he said it was _of the river_, it was God, the Father
of mankind; but I never could bring him to be more explicit. I then
desired to know why he prayed against thunder. He said, because it was
hurtful to the bees, their great revenue being honey and wax: then, why
he prayed for serpents? he replied, Because they taught him the coming
of good or evil. It seems they have all several of these creatures in
their neighbourhood, and the richer sort always in their houses, whom
they take care of, and feed before they undertake a journey, or any
affair of consequence. They take this animal from his hole, and put
butter and milk before him, of which he is extravagantly fond; if he
does not eat, ill-fortune is near at hand.
Nanna Georgis, chief of the Agows of Banja, a man of the greatest
consideration at Gondar, both with the king and Ras Michael, and my
particular friend, as I had kept him in my house, and attended him
in his sickness, after the campaign of 1769, confessed to me his
apprehensions that he should die, because the serpent did not eat upon
his leaving his house to come to Gondar. He was, indeed, very ill of
the low country fever, and very much alarmed; but he recovered, and
returned home, by Ras Michael’s order, to gather the Agows together
against Waragna Fasil; which he did, and soon after, he and other seven
chiefs of the Agows were slain at the battle of Banja; so here the
serpent’s warning was verified by a second trial, though it failed in
the first.
Before an invasion of the Galla, or an inroad of the enemy, they say
these serpents disappear, and are nowhere to be found. Fasil, the
sagacious and cunning governor of the country, was, as it was said,
greatly addicted to this species of divination, in so much as never to
mount his horse, or go from home, if an animal of this kind, which he
had in his keeping, refused to eat.
The Shum’s name was Kefla Abay, or Servant of the river; he was a
man about seventy, not very lean, but infirm, fully as much so as
might have been expected from that age. He conceived that he might
have had eighty-four or eighty-five children. That honourable charge
which he possessed had been in his family from the beginning of the
world, as he imagined. Indeed, if all his predecessors had as numerous
families as he, there was no probability of the succession devolving
to strangers. He had a long white beard, and very moderately thick; an
ornament rare in Abyssinia, where they have seldom any hair upon their
chin. He had round his body a skin wrapt and tied with a broad belt:
I should rather say it was an ox’s hide; but it was so scraped, and
rubbed, and manufactured, that it was of the consistence and appearance
of shamoy, only browner in colour. Above this he wore a cloak with the
hood up, and covering his head; he was, bare-legged, but had sandals,
much like those upon ancient statues; these, however, he put off as
soon as ever he approached the bog where the Nile rises, which we
were all likewise obliged to do. We were allowed to drink the water,
but make no other use of it. None of the inhabitants of Geesh wash
themselves, or their cloaths, in the Nile, but in a stream that falls
from the mountain of Geesh down into the plain of Assoa, which runs
south, and meets the Nile in its turn northward, passing the country of
the Gafats and Gongas.
The Agows, in whose country the Nile rises, are, in point of number,
one of the most considerable nations in Abyssinia; when their whole
force is raised, which seldom happens, they can bring to the field 4000
horse, and a great number of foot; they were, however, once much more
powerful; several unsuccessful battles, and the perpetual inroads of
the Galla, have much diminished their strength. The country, indeed, is
still full of inhabitants, but from their history we learn, that one
clan, called Zeegam, maintained singly a war against the king himself,
from the time of Socinios to that of Yasous the Great, who, after all,
overcame them by surprise and stratagem; and that another clan, the
Denguis, in like manner maintained the war against Facilidas, Hannes
I. and Yasous II. all of them active princes. Their riches, however,
are still greater than their power, for though their province in length
is no where 60 miles, nor half that in breadth, yet Gondar and all
the neighbouring country depend for the necessaries of life, cattle,
honey, butter, wheat, hides, wax, and a number of such articles, upon
the Agows, who come constantly in succession, a thousand and fifteen
hundred at a time, loaded with these commodities, to the capital.
As the dependence upon the Agows is for their produce rather than on
the forces of their country, it has been a maxim with wise princes to
compound with them for an additional tribute, instead of their military
service; the necessities of the times have sometimes altered these wise
regulations, and between their attachment to Fasil, and afterwards to
Ras Michael, they have been very much reduced, whereby the state hath
suffered.
It will naturally occur, that, in a long carriage, such as that of a
hundred miles in such a climate, butter must melt, and be in a state
of fusion, consequently very near putrefaction; this is prevented
by the root of an herb, called Moc-moco, yellow in colour, and in
shape nearly resembling a carrot; this they bruise and mix with their
butter, and a very small quantity preserves it fresh for a considerable
time; and this is a great saving and convenience, for, supposing salt
was employed, it is very doubtful if it would answer the intention;
besides, salt is a money in this country, being circulated in the form
of wedges, or bricks; it serves the purpose of silver coin, and is the
change of gold; so that this herb is of the utmost use in preventing
the increase in price of this necessary article, which is the principal
food of all ranks of people in this country. Brides paint their feet
likewise from the ancle downwards, as also their nails and palms of
their hands, with this drug. I brought with me into Europe a large
quantity of the seed resembling that of coriander, and dispersed it
plentifully through all the royal gardens: whether it has succeeded or
not I cannot say.
Besides the market of Gondar, the neighbouring black savages,
the woolly-headed Shangalla, purchase the greatest part of these
commodities from them, and many others, which they bring from the
capital when they return thence; they receive in exchange elephants
teeth, rhinoceros horns, gold in small pellets, and a quantity of
very fine cotton; of which goods they might receive a much greater
quantity were they content to cultivate trade in a fair way, without
making inroads upon these savages for the sake of slaves, and thereby
disturbing them in their occupations of seeking for gold and hunting
the elephant.
The way this trade, though very much limited, is established, is by
two nations sending their children mutually to each other; there is
then peace between those two families which have such hostages; these
children often intermarry; after which that family is understood to be
protected, and at peace, perhaps, for a generation: but such instances
are rare, the natural propensity of both nations being to theft and
plunder; into these they always relapse; mutual enmity follows in
consequence.
The country of the Agows, called Agow Midrè, from its elevation, must
be of course temperate and wholesome; the days, indeed, are hot, even
at Sacala, and, when exposed to the sun, we are sensible of a scorching
heat; but whenever you are seated in the shade, or in a house, the
temperature is cool, as there is a constant breeze which makes the sun
tolerable even at mid-day, though we are here but 10° from the Line, or
a few minutes more.
Though these Agows are so fortunate in their climate, they are not said
to be long-livers; but their precise age is very difficult to ascertain
to any degree of exactness, as they have no fixed or known epoch to
refer to; and, though their country abounds with all the necessaries
of life, their taxes, tributes, and services, especially at present,
are so multiplied upon them, whilst their distresses of late have been
so great and frequent, that they are only the manufacturers of the
commodities they sell, to satisfy these constant exorbitant demands,
and cannot enjoy any part of their own produce themselves, but live in
misery and penury scarce to be conceived. We saw a number of women,
wrinkled and sun-burnt so as scarce to appear human, wandering about
under a burning sun, with one and sometimes two children upon their
back, gathering the seeds of bent grass to make a kind of bread.
The cloathing of the Agows is all of hides, which they soften and
manufacture in a method peculiar to themselves, and this they wear
in the rainy season, when the weather is cold, for here the rainy
seasons are of long duration, and violent, which still increases the
nearer you approach the Line, for the reasons I have already assigned.
The younger sort are chiefly naked, the married women carrying their
children about with them upon their backs; their cloathing is like
a shirt down to their feet, and girded with a belt or girdle about
their middle; the lower part of it resembles a large double petticoat,
one ply of which they turn back over their shoulders, fastening it
with a broach, or skewer, across their breast before, and carry their
children in it behind. The women are generally thin, and, like the
men, below the middle size. There is no such thing as barrenness known
among them. They begin to bear children before eleven; they marry
generally about that age, and are marriageable two years before: they
close child-bearing before they are thirty, though there are several
instances to the contrary.
Dengui, Sacala, Dengla, and Geesh, are all called by the name of
Ancasha, and their tribute is paid in honey. Quaquera and Azena pay
honey likewise; Banja, honey and gold; Metakel, gold; Zeegam, gold.
There comes from Dengla a particular kind of sheep, called Macoot,
which are said to be of a breed brought from the southward of the Line;
but neither sheep, butter, nor slaves make part of their tribute, being
reserved for presents to the king and great men.
Besides what they sell, and what they pay to the governor of Damot,
the Agows have a particular tribute which they present to the king,
one thousand dabra of honey, each dabra containing about sixty pounds
weight, being a large earthen vessel. They pay, moreover, fifteen
hundred oxen and 1000 ounces of gold: formerly the number of jars of
honey was four thousand, but several of these villages being daily
given to private people by the king, the quantity is diminished by the
quota so alienated. The butter is all sold; and, since the fatal battle
of Banja, the king’s share comes only to about one thousand jars. The
officer that keeps the accounts, and sees the rents paid, is called
Agow Miziker[182]; his post is worth one thousand ounces of gold; and
by this it may be judged with what œconomy this revenue is collected.
This post is generally the next to the governor of Damot, but not of
course; they are separate provinces, and united only by the special
grant of the king.
Although I had with me two large tents sufficient for my people, I was
advised to take possession of the houses to secure our mules and horses
from thieves in the night, as also from the assaults of wild beasts,
of which this country is full. Almost every small collection of houses
has behind it a large cave, or subterraneous dwelling, dug in the rock,
of a prodigious capacity, and which must have been the work of great
labour. It is not possible, at this distance of time, to say whether
these caverns were the ancient habitation of the Agows when they were
Troglodytes, or whether they were intended for retreats upon any alarm
of an irruption of the Galla into their country.
At the same time I must observe, that all the clans, or districts of
the Agows, have the whole mountains of their country perforated in
caves like these; even the clans of Zeegam and Quaquera, the first of
which, from its power arising from the populous state of the country,
and the number of horses it breeds, seems to have no reason to fear
the irregular invasions of naked and ill-armed savages such as are the
Galla. The country of Zeegam, however, which has but few mountains,
hath many of these caverns, one range above another, in every mountain
belonging to them. Quaquera, indeed, borders upon the Shangalla; as
these are all foot, perfectly contiguous, and separated by the river,
the caverns were probably intended as retreats for cattle and women
against the attacks of those barbarians, which were every minute to be
apprehended.
In the country of the Tcheratz Agow, the mountains are all excavated
like these in Damot, although they have no Galla for their neighbours
whole invasions they need be afraid of. Lalibala, indeed, their
great king and saint, about the twelfth century, converted many of
these caves into churches, as if he had considered them as formerly
the receptacles of Pagan superstition. At the same time, it is not
improbable that these caverns were made use of for religious purposes;
that of Geesh, for instance, was probably, in former times, a place
of secret worship paid to the river, because of that use it still is,
not only to the inhabitants of the village, but to the assembly of the
clans in general, who, after the ceremonies I have already spoken of,
retire, and then perform their sacred ceremonies, to which none but
the heads of families in the Agows country are ever admitted.
When I shewed our landlord, Kefla Abay, the dog-star, (Syrius) he knew
it perfectly, saying it was Seir, it was the star of the river, the
messenger or star of the convocation of the tribes, or of the feast;
but I could not observe he ever prayed to it, or looked at it otherwise
than one does to a dial, nor mentioned it with the respect he did the
Abay; nor did he shew any sort of attention to the planets, or to any
other star whatever.
On the 9th of November, having finished my memorandum relating to these
remarkable places, I traced again on foot the whole course of this
river from its source to the plain of Goutto. I was unattended by any
one, having with me only two hunting dogs, and my gun in my hand. The
quantity of game of all sorts, especially the deer kind, was, indeed,
surprising; but though I was, as usual, a very successful sportsman, I
was obliged, for want of help, to leave each deer where he fell. They
sleep in the wild oats, and do not rise till you are about to tread
upon them, and then stare at you for half a minute before they attempt
to run off.
The only mention I shall make of the natural productions of this place
comes the more properly in here, as it relates to my account of the
religion of this people. In the writings of the Jesuits, the Agows are
said to worship _canes_[183]; but of this I could find no traces among
them. I saw no plant of this kind in their whole country, excepting
some large bamboo-trees. This plant, in the Agows language, is called
Krihaha. It grows in great quantity upon the sides of the precipice of
Geesh, and helps to conceal the cavern we have already mentioned; but
though we cut several pieces of these canes, they shewed no sort of
emotion, nor to be the least interested in what we were doing.
Our business being now done, nothing remained but to depart. We had
passed our time in perfect harmony; the address of Woldo, and the
great attachment of our friend Irepone, had kept our house in a
chearful abundance. We had lived, it is true, too magnificently for
philosophers, but neither idly nor riotously; and I believe never
will any _sovereign_ of Geesh be again so popular, or reign over his
subjects with greater mildness. I had practised medicine gratis, and
killed, for three days successively, a cow each day for the poor and
the neighbours. I had cloathed the high priest of the Nile from head
to foot, as also his two sons, and had decorated two of his daughters
with beads of all the colours of the rainbow, adding every other little
present they seemed fond of, or that we thought would be agreeable.
As for our amiable Irepone, we had reserved for her the choicest of
our presents, the most valuable of every article we had with us, and a
large proportion of every one of them; we gave her, besides, some gold;
but she, more generous and nobler in her sentiments than us, seemed
to pay little attention to these that announced to her the separation
from her friend; she tore her fine hair, which she had every day before
braided in a newer and more graceful manner; she threw herself upon
the ground in the house, and refused to see us mount on horseback, or
take our leave, and came not to the door till we were already set out,
then followed us with her good wishes and her eyes as far as she could
see or be heard.
I took my leave of Kefla Abay, the venerable priest of the most famous
river in the world, who recommended me with great earnestness to the
care of his god, which, as Strates humorously enough observed, meant
nothing less than he hoped the devil would take me. All the young men
in the village, with lances and shields, attended us to Saint Michael
Sacala, that is, to the borders of their country, and end of my little
sovereignty.
REGISTER
OF THE
QUANTITY OF RAIN-WATER,
_IN INCHES AND DECIMALS_,
WHICH FELL AT GONDAR, IN ABYSSINIA, IN THE YEAR 1770,
THROUGH A FUNNEL OF ONE FOOT ENGLISH IN DIAMETER.
The rain began this year on the first of March: there fell } INCHES.
in showers, that lasted only a Few minutes, between the }
1st of March and the last of April, } .039
____
MAY.
1. From the 1st to the 6th, .039
From the 6th to the 8th, .120
From the 10th to the 12th it rained chiefly in the night, .711
From the 12th to the 14th, .123
19. At four in the afternoon a small shower, but heavy rain
in the night, .526
21. At 7 o’clock in the evening a small shower, which continued
moderately through the night, .171
27. At 6 in the evening heavy rain for an hour, .540
29. At 3 in the afternoon frequent showers of light rain.
It continued one hour 30 minutes, .487
Total rain in May, 2.717
JUNE.
1. At 12 noon, light rain for 15 minutes, .028
2. Between 12 o’clock night it has rained 30 minutes, in
small showers, which lasted 5 or 6 minutes at a time, .049
4. At 8 in the morning slight showers for 30 minutes, .014
5. Between 6 and 10 in the morning four small showers,
that lasted 32 minutes, and at 12 a very gentle rain
that lasted 15 minutes, .031
10. It has rained very violently for 6 hours 30 minutes, .342
11. Between 2 and 6 in the afternoon, at three several times,
it has rained 20 minutes, .014
12. At noon a violent rain for one hour 30 minutes. At half
past 1 in the afternoon light rain for an hour. At 4
afternoon, light rain for 30 minutes. At half past six
same afternoon, a very gentle rain for 3 hours, .421
13. Between 4 and 5 afternoon it rained twice for 15 minutes,
but not perceptible in the recipient, ----
16. Between 2 and 6 afternoon it has rained three times
smart showers, in all about 20 minutes, .033
17. There fell in the night small rain for an hour, .002
18. At 1 afternoon there was a strong shower for 15 minutes.
At half past 1 another for 45 minutes. Same
day at 6 afternoon, it rained at intervals for 2
hours, .750
19. At half after 2 afternoon it began to rain violently with
intervals. At night a slight shower for 20 minutes, .118
20. At twelve noon there was a very slight shower for 6 minutes.
At half past 5, same day, a small shower that
lasted 30 minutes. At 8 o’clock evening it began to
rain smartly at intervals for 4 hours, .171
21. At a quarter past 11 it rained violently with thunder and
lightning for about 2 hours. At half past 4 in the
evening it rained, with intervals, in all about 45 minutes, .330
22. At half past 12 noon, it rained an hour, .175
23. At one o’clock afternoon slight showers for 2 hours.
Heavy rain in the night for 4 hours, .358
25. At a quarter past one afternoon, a small shower, which
lasted one hour 35 minutes. At night it rained one hour
30 minutes; heavy rain with thunder and lightning, .552
26. At two in the afternoon, violent rain with intervals for 30
minutes. At half past five it rained for 30 minutes;
and the beginning of the night for three hours, .233
27. At a quarter past twelve, a small shower for one hour 45
minutes, and at night a moderate shower, .302
28. At half past twelve, a gentle rain. At 50 minutes after
twelve, violent. At two in the afternoon very gentle
rain for 15 minutes; and at 7, moderate rain for one
hour and 30 minutes, .290
29. At 1 in the afternoon, light rain, but a heavy rain
must have fallen somewhere else, as the river Kahha
is overflowed, .092
30. At noon a very gentle rain for 15 minutes, .002
-----
Total rain in June, 4.307
JULY.
1. At 20 minutes past eleven, strong rain for 30 minutes,
with some showers through the night, .306
2. At half past eleven, a small shower for 30 minutes, and
then, at twelve, a violent shower, wind south-west,
for 45 minutes, .792
3. It rained at four in the afternoon, and in the night, .311
4. It rained from twelve to two, and in the night likewise, .390
5. It rained at noon, and some in the night, .029
7. It rained and hailed violently. It rained in the night
likewise, 1.686
8. Light rain in the night, .038
9. Light rain for a few minutes, and no more all day; but
the river Kahha has suddenly overflowed, and there
is appearance of rain on the Mountain of the Sun, .017
10. No rain, ----
11. Ditto, ----
12. At half an hour past noon it rained violently, .422
13. Violent rain at mid-day, and also in the night, 1.185
14. A few light showers night and day, .054
15. A small shower in the evening, and another in the night, .251
16. No rain, ----
17. A small shower at one in the afternoon, and flying
showers throughout the day. It rained at ten at
night violently, .658
18. A gentle shower at noon, but continued raining in the
night, .463
19. Light showers all the night, .237
20. It rained all night till eight o’clock next morning, .714
21. Light showers in the afternoon, but violent rain in the
night, 1.329
22. Light showers in the evening, .174
23. It rained one shower at half past ten in the morning, .107
24. Light showers night and day, .226
25. Light rains and frequent, .015
26. Light showers throughout the evening, .081
27. Light rains, .148
28. Flying showers, .070
29. Ditto, .081
30. Light showers, .013
31. Flying light showers night and day, .292
------
Total rain in July, 10.089
AUGUST.
1. Light rain in the afternoon, .056
2. It rained in the night smartly, .329
3. It rained at noon violently, 1.318
4. It rained from mid-day to evening, and some showers in
the night, 1.723
5. At 2 in the afternoon it began to rain violently for 2
hours, 1.042
6. Smart showers at different times in the evening and night, .490
7. It rained in the night, .580
8. Light rain in the night, .053
9. Flying showers through the day, but for 6 minutes.
Evening very violent, .186
10. Smart showers in the evening and night, .342
11. & 12. Frequent showers, with a high wind, 1.184
13. & 14. Light rain the first day, but violent on the second, 1.423
15. Fair all day, but rained at night, .475
16. Flying showers night and day, .144
17. A very violent shower of short duration, .371
18. & 19. Several small showers, .609
20. & 21. Frequent light showers, .236
22. & 23. Constant rain, 1.502
24. Frequent showers in the evening, .306
25. & 26. Constant rain, 1.763
27. Frequent showers, .289
28. Ditto, .280
29. It rained in the night, .355
30. Ditto, .302
31. Ditto, .211
------
Total rain in August, 15.569
SEPTEMBER.
1. It rained in the night, .079
2. Ditto, .107
3. & 4. Frequent showers night and day, .358
5. & 6. Ditto, .568
7. It rained in the night only, .213
8. No rain, ----
9. It rained violently for a few minutes at 8 in the
Evening, .055
10. No rain, ----
11. It rained in the night only, .227
12. It rained smartly in the night, .566
13. No rain, ----
14. Light showers in the day, .042
15. Frequent showers night and day, .159
16. It rained a little in the night, .132
18. No rain, ----
19. Ditto, ----
20. Flying showers night and day, .263
21. No rain, ----
22. Ditto, ----
23. Some rain in the night, .039
24. Ditto, .026
25. The rain ceased, ----
_____
Total rain in September, 2.834
N. B. This is the festival of the Cross in Egypt, when the inundation
begins to abate. It rains no more in Abyssinia till towards the
beginning of November, and then only for a few days; but these are the
rains Abyssinia cannot want for their latter crops, and it was for
these the Agows prayed when we were at the fountains of the Nile the
5th of November 1770.
STATE
OF THE
QUANTITY OF RAIN-WATER,
WHICH FELL IN ABYSSINIA AT KOSCAM, THE QUEEN’S PALACE, IN 1771, DURING
THE RAINY MONTHS,
_THROUGH A FUNNEL OF ONE FOOT ENGLISH IN DIAMETER, AS IN THE PRECEDING
YEAR 1770._
FEBRUARY.
INCHES.
23. This day it rained, for the first time, from a
quarter before four o’clock afternoon to
half past four ditto, .003
28. It rained in the night one hour and a quarter, .001
MARCH.
4. It rained in the night near two hours small rain, .042
7. It rained a small shower in the evening, .014
12. It rained three quarters of an hour this afternoon, .017
24. It rained and hailed violently for 18 minutes in
the night, .017
29. It rained an hour and a half in the afternoon, .066
30. It rained hard in the night, .504
----
Total rain in February and March, .664
APRIL.
3. It rained, or rather hailed, nine minutes, ----
5. It rained an hour in the afternoon, .067
8. Small rain at intervals throughout the afternoon, .002
10. It rained an hour in the night, .003
30. It rained one hour and a quarter in the night, .013
----
Total rain in April, .085
MAY.
1. From the 31st ult. to this day, at different times, .330
3. It rained hard in the night, .355
6. It has rained violently since three in the afternoon,
wind S. E. variable, .095
7. It has rained heavily in the night, wind varying
from N. to S. and S. W. .368
8. It rained small rain in the afternoon, .042
11. It has rained small rain this afternoon, wind N. W. .002
14. It has rained since yesterday at three all night, and
till noon to-day, .675
27. From yesterday at two P. M. it rained to half past
six, and heavily most part of the night, wind varying
from N. to S. .634
-----
Total rain in May, 2.501
JUNE.
1. From yesterday at noon, in the night, and this
day, wind W. S. W. .212
3. At night, south, .002
5. It rained in the night, S. W. .223
6. Ditto, .006
9. It rained in the night and afternoon, wind W. by S. .725
10. Ditto, .463
11. It rained in the night, .343
13. It rained from the 12th, at noon, to the 13th at
ten, S. S. W. 1.265
14. It rained from three till seven, .120
15. It rained last night from sun-set till midnight, S. .160
N. B. The 16th at night, is the day the Egyptians
say the Nile ferments, and is troubled, by falling
of the nucta.
18. After three days fair, wind fresh, N. it began to
rain yesterday, and rained three quarters of an
hour, wind varying from north to west, .490
19. It rained with intervals from four to ten last
night, wind north, varying by east to south,
and south-west, where it fell calm, and rained
violently, .530
20. It rained from a quarter before six, till ten at night,
wind at north, fresh; changed to east, then to
south, and there fell calm; violent thunder and
lightning, .635
21. It began to rain yesterday at three, and rained till
near five; wind changed from north to south,
and fell calm; cleared with wind at north, .550
22. It began to rain at three, and rained till five; wind
changed from north to east, then to south, and
fell calm; cleared with wind at north; fair all
night, .149
25. It has been fair till yesterday evening: at three it
began raining, and rained till five this morning,
a few drops; wind north, .067
26. It rained small rain at several times yesterday afternoon,
and a few drops this morning, wind N.
calm; at ten it came to south and then to west, .120
27. It rained yesterday afternoon from four to five;
wind changed from north to west, but speedily
returned to north, fresh, .054
28. & 29. It rained the 27th in the afternoon and in the
night, wind at north. Yesterday it rained small
rain all day till five, and cleared in the night,
with wind at north, .268
-----
Total rain in June, 6.388
JULY.
1. There fell small showers the night of the 29th and
of the 30th, .093
3. There fell a small shower the second in the afternoon,
and last night hard, .267
4. It rained small rain at noon. From two, and all
night, heavy and constant rain. It thundered
from noon till three, .373
5. It rained all yesterday afternoon, and by intervals,
till nine at night. Small rain this morning;
calm; W. S. W. and S. W. .423
6. It rained yesterday afternoon and in the night;
S. W. .489
N. B. The 6th of July is the first of the month Hamlie, and of
the Egyptian month Abib. It is this day they first begin to cry
the Nile's increase in the streets of Cairo. The night before,
or 30th of Senne, is called at Cairo the Eide el Bishaara, or
the eve of good news, because, after having measured at the
Mikeas, they come and tell at Cairo that to-morrow they begin
to count the Nile's rising.
7. It rained from two in the afternoon till four, and
from ten till midnight, .318
10. It rained yesternight, and in the afternoon and
night the day before, .289
11. It rained till yesterday afternoon: in the night a
violent shower that lasted 39 minutes; wind
south by west, 1.162
12. It rained a little from two to three in the afternoon,
but in the night violently for a short time, .319
13. It rained yesterday from three quarters past twelve
till midnight; W. S. W. calm, .912
14. It rained all yesterday afternoon till midnight, .739
15. It rained the 14th in the afternoon, and the 15th
a few showers through the day, .816
16. It rained in the night, and small rain in the afternoon, .290
17. It rained in the afternoon two showers, and in the
night a little; S. W. .212
19. It rained in the afternoon the 17th and 18th, and
the 18th only in the night, .912
20. It rained yesterday from two till half past ten constant
rain, and the hail lay all the afternoon on
the hills S. E. of the town; very cold wind;
S. by W. 1.371
21. & 22. It rained but one small shower the 20th, the 21st
it rained little in the afternoon, but hard in
the night, 1.185
24. It rained in the morning of yesterday only, fair
in the afternoon; to-day, in the morning, fair
in the night, .766
25. It rained all yesterday afternoon, and all this
morning small rain, but none in the night, .452
28. From the 25th in the afternoon to this day at
noon, 2.137
29. From the 28th at noon to the 29th it rained in
the first part of the night, but was fair all afternoon
and this morning, .267
From the 29th at noon, to the 31st at ditto, .568
------
Total rain in July, 14.360
AUGUST.
1. It rained yesterday afternoon, but in the night little.
To day fair, .544
4. It rained only the third in the evening, and night
and this morning, 1.188
5. It rained yesterday evening and in the night, till
noon little, .544
6. It rained yesterday afternoon, and all night, and
a little this morning, .250
8. It was fair these two days, and only rained one
hard shower last night, .178
9. It rained last night only, was fair all day, and in this
morning, .214
10. It rained yesterday all the afternoon, and the first
of the night. To-day fair, .869
11. It rained in the night yesterday; all day and this
morning fair, .188
12. It rained a small shower yesterday afternoon, and
in the night a little, .268
13. It rained yesterday at three a hard shower, and
a little in the night, .308
14. It rained a few drops in the day, and a hard
shower at night, .360
15. It rained a hard shower near three, and at ten
at night, .386
16. In the night, .027
17. It rained hard several times in the evening and
night, .831
18. It rained hard yesterday afternoon, and in the
night, .329
19. It rained all day, but not hard, .491
20. It rained in the afternoon only, .010
21. Ditto, .097
22. It was fair all yesterday, and rained only a hard
shower at 9, .424
23. It rained hard at noon, and the evening, with little
intervals, till 9 at night, and again this morning at
sun-rise till 7, 1.148
24. It did not rain yesterday, ----
25. It rained an hour between two and three, .332
26. It rained a small shower yesterday, and none in the
night, .005
27. It rained a hard shower at four, and this day at 12
morning, the night clear, .268
28. It rained hard yesterday at 2 for a few minutes, .201
29. It rained a hard shower for near an hour, after
two, but clear all night and this morning, .450
30. & 31. It rained a small shower the 30th, and heavily for
a quarter of an hour the 31st, at night, at ten, .109
------
Total rain in August, 10.019
SEPTEMBER.
2. It rained yesterday a hard shower in the evening,
and at ten at night, .664
3. It rained only a few drops, which did not appear
in the funnel, ----
4. It rained from noon till sun-set yesterday, with hard
and violent thunder: night fair, 1.739
N. B. It is observed at Gondar, the Pagomen is
always rainy. It begins this year the 4th, and consists
of six days, being Leap Year.
5. It rained yesterday all afternoon, small rain, .399
6. It rained yesterday all afternoon, and small rain in
the night till ten, .306
7. It rained from before noon till four, small rain;
the night fair. Wind high at north, .846
8. It rained from noon for an hour, small rain, .214
9. It rained a small shower at noon; clouds drive
from east to west; wind north, .107
10. Saint John's day, no rain, ----
11. It rained from noon till five o'clock, wind W.
cold; clouds drive from east and west, 1.135
12. It rained a smart shower a little before noon.
Clouds drive from east and from west, .214
13. It rained a small shower a little after noon. Cold
and calm. Clouds drive from east and west, .035
14. It rained small rain from noon to three, and hard
from eleven till near midnight, .344
15. It was fair all yesterday, but rained hard for a few
minutes at seven, and also a little before midnight,
from the east, .186
16. No rain to-day, ----
18. It rained a small shower last night, and to-day at
noon, .053
19. It rained and hailed violently in the afternoon, 1.096
-----
Total rain in September, 7.338
The rain totally ceased the 19th, none having
fallen from this day to the 25th.
Saint John's day is the time observed for the rains beginning
to abate.
N. B. At the 5th of October the people were all crying for
rain; the ground all in cracks, and teff in the blade burnt up.
TOTAL _of_ RAIN _that fell in_ ABYSSINIA _in the Years_ 1770 _and_
1771, _in the Rainy Months_.
GONDAR.
1770.
March } INCHES.
& } .039
April,}
May, 2.717
June, 4.307
July, 10.089
August, 15.569
September, 2.834
------
35.555
------
KOSCAM.
1771.
February,} INCHES.
& } .664
March, }
April, .085
May, 2.501
June, 6.388
July, 14.360
August, 10.019
September, 7.338
------
41.355
------
_END OF THE THIRD VOLUME._
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Supposed from its name to have been formerly the capital of the
Dobas.
[2] Levit. chap. xix, ver. 28. Jerem. chap. xvi, ver. 6.
[3] See the article kol-quall in the appendix.
[4] I apprehend this is the same instrument used by the ancients,
and censured by the prophets, which, in our translation, is rendered
crisping-pins. Isa. chap. iii. ver. 22.
[5] See the article Erkoom in the Appendix.
[6] A rebel governor of Samen, of which I shall after have occasion to
speak.
[7] Gol. p. 22. proem.
[8] Poncet says that these obelisks are covered with hieroglyphics;
but in this he is wrong; he has mistaken the carving, I shall directly
mention, for hieroglyphics. London edit. 12mo. 1709, p. 106.
[9] Shihor.
[10] See Johnson’s translation of Jerome Lobo, p. 29.
[11] See page 28.
[12] Page 28.
[13] Poncet’s voyage to Ethiopia, p. 99.
[14] It signifies _cold_.
[15] A man much attached to Michael, and had been preferred by him to
many commands and consequently was the only Greek that could be called
a good soldier.
[16] The crooked manner in which they hold their neck when this
ornament is on their forehead, for fear it should fall forward,
perfectly shews the meaning of speaking with a stiff neck when you hold
the horn on high, or erect like the horn of the unicorn.
[17] See Introduction.
[18] See the article ensete in the appendix.
[19] Vid. Le Grande’s Hist. of Abyssinia.
[20] Baalomaal, which, literally translated, is, Master of his effects,
or goods.
[21] Hatzè Azazé.
[22] Strabo, lib. xv. p. 783. Joseph. lib. xviii. cap. 3. Procop. lib.
i. de Bel Pers.
[23] Dan. chap. ii.
[24] Procop. lib. i. cap. 11.
[25] Arrian, lib. ii. cap. 14.
[26] Plut in Artax. lib. xv. p. 730.
[27] Lucretius, lib. v. Ovid. Metam. lib. i. Lucian, in Navig.
[28] Arrian, lib. iv. cap. 11. Exod. chap. 4. Matth. chap. 2.
[29] Justin, lib. vi. Omil. Prob.
[30] Justin, lib. 2.
[31] Herod. lib. iii.
[32] Herod, lib. vi.
[33] Suet. Vespas. cap. 23, Sex. Aurel. Victor, cap. 23.
[34] Lucian. de Votis ceu in Navigio, Esdras, lib. iii.
[35] Valer. Maxim. lib. vi. cap. 2.
[36] Justin lib. xv.
[37] Philostrat. lib. ii.
[38] Val. Max. lib. v. cap. 16.--Q. Curt. lib. viii.
[39] Procop. lib. i. cap. 11.
[40] Justin. lib. i.
[41] Herod. lib. i.
[42] Dio. Chrysost. Orat. 3. pro regno.
[43] Joseph. lib. xi. cap. 1.
[44] Esdras, cap. 5.
[45] Judith, cap. 2.
[46] Ctesias in Persicis. Xenephon, lib. i.
[47] Plutarch, in Apothegmat.
[48] De Mundo.
[49] Herod lib. vii.
[50] Xenoph. lib. iv.
[51] Strabo lib. xv.
[52] Esther, chap. ii.
[53] Joseph. lib. xi. cap. 6.
[54] If I remember right, it is D. Prideaux that says Esther is a
Persian word, of no signification. I rather think it is Abyssinian,
because it has a signification in that language. Eshté, the masculine,
signifies an agreeable present, and is a proper name, of which Esther
is the feminine.
[55] Athen, lib. xii. cap. 2.
[56] Herod, lib. vii.
[57] Herod. lib. iii.
[58] Xenoph. lib. i. Xenoph. lib. viii.
[59] Ammonios, Billetana Gueta to Ayto Confu.
[60] Thucyd. lib. i. Strabo, lib. xiv. Theod. Sic. lib. xi.
[61] Xenoph. lib. i.
[62] Diod. lib. xii.
[63] Vide annals of Abyssinia, life of Socinios.
[64] Esther, chap vii, and viii.
[65] Cicero, lib. v. de Finib.
[66] Ecclesiast. Histor. chap. xxii.
[67] Procop. lib. i. cap. 5. de Bell. Pers.
[68] Agath. lib. iii.
[69] See this history of Abyssinia in vit. David IV.
[70] Vide Ctesiani Hockerii.
[71] Xenoph. lib. i.
[72] Amm. Mar. lib. vii.
[73] Q. Curt. lib. iii. 2. 19.
[74] Q. Curt. v. 12.
[75] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xiii. cap. 11.
[76] Plin. lib. xiii. cap. 11.
[77] Diod. Sic. lib. ii.
[78] Genesis, chap. xlvii. ver. 4.
[79] Exod. chap. viii. ver. 26.
[80] Herod. lib. ii. p. 104. sec. 40.
[81] Herodot. p. 121. sect. 92.
[82] Herodot. lib. ii. p. 101. sect. 35.
[83] Herodot. lib. ii. p. 101. sect. 35.
[84] Herodot. lib. ii. p. 104. sect. 41.
[85] Gen. chap. i. ver. 29.
[86] Gen. chap. i. ver. 30.
[87] Gen. chap. ix. ver. 3.
[88] Gen. chap. ix. v. 4.
[89] Deut. chap. xii.
[90] Levit. chap. xvii.
[91] Maimon. more. Nebochim.
[92] 1 Sam. chap. xiv. ver. 32. 33.
[93] Levit. chap. xvii. ver. 7.
[94] Arnob. adv. Gent. Clem. Alexan. Sextus Impiricus, lib. iii. cap.
25. and Selden. de Jur. natur. and Gent. cap. 1. lib. vii.
[95] In this particular they resemble the Cynics of old, of whom it was
said, “Omnia quæ ad Bacchum et Venerem pertinuerint in publico facere.”
Diogenes Laertius in Vit. Diogen.
[96] Vide appendix, article Cusso.
[97] The first invention is attributed to the Portuguese.
[98] Ludolf, in his dictionary, says, this word, in Hebrew, signifies
any tall tree. In this, however, he is mistaken. The translators did
not, indeed, know what tree it was, and so have said this to cover
their ignorance; but Arz is as exclusively the oxy-cedrus, as is an oak
or an elm when so named. Arz is indeed a tall tree, but every tall tree
is not Arz, which is the Virginia berry-bearing cedar.
[99] See Ludolf, lib. iii. cap. 2. N^o. 17.
[100] Prince of Shoa, often spoken of in the sequel.
[101] Vide Alvarez’s narrative in his account of the embassy of Don
Roderigo de Lima, page 155.
[102] Vid. Alvarez, hoc loco.
[103] Tournef. tom. i. p. 111.
[104] See the Ethiopic liturgies passim. Ludolf, lib. iii. cap. 5.
[105] Gen. chap. ix. ver. 22.
[106] Exod. chap. iv. ver. 25.
[107] Gen. chap. xvii. ver. 14.
[108] Lib. xvii. p. 950.
[109] The reader will observe, by the obscurity of this passage, that
it is with reluctance I have been determined to mention it at all; but
as it is an historical fact, which has had material consequences, I
have thought it not allowable to omit it altogether. Any naturalist,
wishing for more particular information, may consult the French copy.
[110] Deut. chap. xiv. ver. 1.
[111] Encom. 12th October, Od. 3. tom. 1. Ann. Alexan. p.m. 363.
[112] The largest court, or outer space, surrounding the king’s house.
[113] It signifies the hill, or high ground.
[114] Maguzet.
[115] Guilty of our blood, and subject to the laws of retaliation.
[116] This is a large church belonging to the palace, called by this
extraordinary name, _Noah’s Ark_.
[117] See a figure of this bird in the Appendix.
[118] Polymnia frondosa.
[119] This affected ignorance was probably intended to bring me to
mention the donation the king had given me of Geesh, which he never
much relished, and made effectually useless to me.
[120] It is with pleasure I confess the man then in my mind was my
brave friend Sir William Erskine.
[121] The person here called old Fasil, is Kasmati Waragna, in the time
of Yasous II.
[122] By this is meant the Amharic, for in Geez the word for snow is
Tilze: this may have been invented for translating the scriptures.
[123] Hortus Siccus, a large book for extending and preserving dry
plants.
[124] Vol. II. b. ii. chap. v.
[125] Arrianus de Exped. Alexandri, lib. vi.
[126] Another reason why I think this journey of the centurions is
fictitious is, that they say the distance between Syene and Meroë is
660 miles. Plin. lib. 6. cap. 29.
[127] Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. v. cap. 9.
[128] In Œdipo Syntagma, I. cap. vii. p. 57.
[129] I never heard that Cyrus had attempted this discovery.
[130] Called, in the Ethiopic annals _Hendaqué_; wrote originally, I
suppose, with an _X_ or _Ch_.
[131] Lib. v. cap. 9. Nat. Hist.
[132] Diod. Sicul. Bibliothec. lib. i. p. 20.
[133] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. v. cap. 9.
[134] From a nation of Shangalla of that name, through which it runs,
after having passed its source, and taken its course into Nubia.
[135] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. v. cap. 9.
[136] Jerem. chap. ii. ver. xviii.
[137] Diod. Sic. lib. i.
[138] Pausanius Arcad. chap. xvii.
[139] 1 Kings, chap. xviii. ver. 43.
[140] See this figure in Dr Shaw, chap. ii. sect. 3. p. 385.
[141] Herod, lib. ii. p. 127. sect. 109.
[142] Several Arabian MSS. attest this.
[143] Shaamy and Taamy, of whom we have already spoken.
[144] Herod. Eut. sect. 4, 5. Diod. Sic. lib. iii. p. 101. Arist.
Meteorol. lib. i. cap. 14.
[145] Deut. chap. iii. ver. 11.
[146] Encyclop. voce Cubit.
[147] Vide Encyclop. voce Cubit.
[148] Herod. lib. ii. sect. 168. p. 149.
[149] The king’s yearly land-tax, or rent.
[150] Gen. chap. xlvii. ver. 20 & 23.
[151] This was apparently the reason why Joseph, who had bought not
only the lands, but the people of Egypt likewise, transferred them from
farms, not convenient for them, to others where they could thrive. The
same they do spontaneously at this day, now they are free.
[152] Dr Shaw, chap. ii, sect. 3. p. 383.
[153] Psalm lxxviii. ver. 12.
[154] Herod. eut. sect. 13.
[155] Herod. lib. ii. sect. 19.
[156] Herod. lib. ii. sect. 4. 101. and 149.
[157] Strabo, lib. xiii. p. 945.
[158] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 915.
[159] Plin. lib. xxxvi. cap. 7. Philost. de icon. Nili.
[160] Julian. Epist. egdicio prefecto Egypti.
[161] Procop. lib. iii. de Reb. Goth.
[162] Or Nilometer.
[163] Vid. geometrical elevation and plan of the Mikeas.
[164] We know that these lakes were dug, and in use as early as Moses’s
time. Exod. chap vii. ver. 19. chap. viii. ver. 5.
[165] A. C. 622.
[166] Shaw’s Travels, chap. ii. sect. 3. p. 382.
[167] Descript. of the East, vol. I. p. 256.
[168] A View of the Levant, p. 282. 284. 286.
[169] Shaw, p. 380. 381.
[170] Descript. de l’Egypte, p. 60.
[171] Pococke, vol. i. p. 199, 200.
[172] Pococke, vol. i. p. 201.
[173] See Table, or Register of Rain, that fell in these years,
inserted at the end of this volume.
[174] Shaw’s Travels, sect. 4. p. 401.
[175] Alph. d’Albuquerque, Comment. lib. iv. cap. 7.
[176] Vol. I. b. ii. chap. 8.
[177] See this letter in the life of that prince.
[178] In Abyssinia, the 24th June.
[179] Herod. lib. ii. p. 98. sect. 28.
[180] Vid. Ludolf in Proemio Histor. Æthiop. 1. 8. Id. lib. i. cap.
viii. p. 178. Leo Africanus in descrip. Africa, lib. i. cap. vii.
[181] Plin. lib. v. cap. 8.
[182] Accountant of the Agows.
[183] See a very remarkable letter of Ras Sela Christos to the emperor
Socinios, in Balthazar Tellez, tom. 2. p. 496.
[Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent punctuation and capitalization are as in the original.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]