Everything youthful and enthusiastic, from the prayer before the Crucifix

to the feat of reckless daring, from the woman dressed in black to the

secret preserved by the whole people—everything that had faded away in

the old world, from the mitre and the sword of chivalry to the Phrygian

cap—has appeared once more in all its poetic brilliance in rebellious

Poland, as though to deck with the flowers of youth the _elders of

civilisation_, as they slowly move into the conflict that they dread.

On the other hand, the ‘Beginnings’ glimmer faintly through the

smoke of burnt cities and villages.... What is happening here is the

exact opposite.... All the surviving relics of the _old world_ have

risen up in defence of the rule of Petersburg, and are defending its

ill-gotten gains with all the weapons bequeathed by the barbarous ages

of military violence and the corrupt period of diplomatic intrigue.

These range from the torture and murder of prisoners to false amnesties

and sham declarations, from the barbaric exile of whole sections of

the population to newspaper articles and the filigree rhetoric of

Gortchakov’s notes.

The storms of recent days have ruffled the still waters of our pool.

Much that has lain buried in silence under the coffin-lid of past

oppression has come to the surface and revealed its utter putrefaction.

Only now we can measure the depth of the corruption which the Imperial

Government has developed in the cause of Germanising us for a century

and a half. The German lymph has matured in the coarse Russian blood,

the healthy organism has given it fresh strength, and, while infected by

it, has lost nothing of its own vice. The inhuman narrow ugliness of the

German officer and the petty vulgarity of the German official has long

ago blended in Russia with the features of the Mongol, the savage and

unrelenting cruelty of the oriental slave and of the Byzantine eunuch.

But we have not been used to seeing this composite personality outside

the army barracks and the government offices; it has never appeared so

strikingly outside the Service: scantily educated, it not only wrote

little but even read little. Now our Minotaurs come to the surface

not only in the palaces and torture-chambers, but in society, in the

universities, in literature.

We thought that our literature was so lofty, that our professors were

such apostles; we were mistaken in them, and how painful it is! we are

revolted by it as by every display of moral degradation. We cannot but

protest against the dreadful things that are being said and done; we

cannot but be repelled by the frenzy of violence, the inhuman butchery

and still more inhuman applause. Perhaps it may be our lot to fold our

hands and die in our retreat before this delirium of ‘cultured’ Russia is

over.... But this storm will not uproot the seed that lies hidden in the

soil; it will not hurt it, and maybe it will strengthen it. A new vital

force is strengthened by everything—ill deeds and good alike. It alone

can pass through blood, unstained, and say to the savage combatants: ‘I

know you not; you have worked for me, but it was not for my sake you

worked.’

Look at the savage satrap in Lithuania: he strangles the Polish element,

but the Russian autocracy will bear the marks of the struggle; he hunts

down the Polish nobles, but it will be the Russian nobles who will flee.

Like house-porters, they know not for whom they are sweeping, for whom

they are clearing a path, as little as the Roman she-wolf knew whom she

was suckling, whom she was rearing. Not Romulus, but Remus, wronged in

the past, will tread the bloodstained path: it is for him that Tsar and

satraps are clearing a road.

But before he comes much blood yet will flow, and there will be a fearful

collision of two worlds. Why must it flow? Why, indeed? There is no

help for it, if men gain no more sense. Events move rapidly and the

brain develops slowly. Under the influence of dark forces, of fantastic

images, the peoples move as though sleep-walking through a succession

of insoluble problems; after fighting together, and seeing nothing

clearly, during all the fifteen hundred years from the fearful collapse

of the Roman world, they reach the nineteenth century, which is no more

civilised than the times of Germanicus and Alaric.

_August 1, 1863._

Letter 1

And so, dear friend,[26] you will positively go no further, you want to

rest amidst the rich autumn harvest, in shady parks, languidly ruffling

their leaves after the long, hot summer. You are not alarmed at the

days growing shorter, at the mountain-tops turning white, and the cold,

sinister wind that blows at times; you are more afraid of our spring

floods, of the knee-deep mud, of the wild overflow of the rivers, of

the bare earth showing under the snow, and, in fact, of our dreams of a

future harvest from which we are separated by storms and hail, by drought

and deluge, and all the hard work we have not yet accomplished....

Well, in God’s name, let us part in love and concord like good

fellow-travellers.

You have only a little way further to go, you have arrived, here is the

brightly lighted house, the sparkling river and the garden, and leisure

and books at hand, while I, like an old post hack, always in harness,

shift from one task to another till I drop dead between two stations.

Believe me that I fully understand your dislike and dread of a life with

no order nor beaten paths, and your affection for established civic and

political forms, and, moreover, such as may become ‘better,’ but are so

far the ‘best’ existing.

We men of European town civilisation can, as a rule, only exist under

the established conventions. Town life accustoms us from early childhood

to the fact that discordant forces are balanced and kept in check behind

the scenes. When we are by chance thrown off the beaten track on which,

from the day of our birth, it guides and carefully moves us, we are as

completely at a loss as the theoretical savant, accustomed to museums

and herbariums and to wild beasts in glass cases, is at a loss when

confronted with the traces of a geological cataclysm, or with the dense

population of the Mediterranean Sea.

I have chanced to see two or three desperate haters of Europe who have

returned from beyond the ocean. They had gone thither, so revolted by the

Reaction after 1848, so exasperated against everything European, that

they had hastened on to Kansas or California, hardly willing to stop

at New York. Three or four years later they reappeared in the familiar

cafés and beer-shops of old Europe, ready to make any concession to avoid

seeing the virginal forests of America and her untilled soil, to avoid

being _tête-à-tête_ with Nature and meeting wild animals, rattlesnakes,

and men with revolvers. You must not imagine, however, that they were

simply terrified by danger, material privations, or the necessity of

work; here, too, men die of hunger if they do not work, and here, too,

they work sixteen hours out of the twenty-four, while the police and

the spies in the old continent are more dangerous than wild beasts and

revolvers. They were, above all, terrified and depressed by Nature

untouched by man, by the absence of that well-ordered organisation, that

peace secured by the administration, that artistic and epicurean comfort

which depend on permanent habitation, are protected by a strong wall of

police, rest upon the ignorance of the masses, and are defended by the

Church, the Law, and the Army. For the sake of this mess of pottage,

_well served_, we sacrifice our share of human dignity, our share of

sympathy for our neighbour, and give our _negative_ support to the

_régime_ which is in reality hateful to us.

In France we have seen another example: the literary men who lived in

rhetoric, the artists who lived in art for art’s sake and for money’s

sake, were beside themselves at the disturbance caused by the Revolution

of February. We have an acquaintance, a teacher of singing, who, to

escape 1848, moved from Paris to London, to the home of sore throats,

bronchitis, asthma, and speaking through the teeth—only to avoid hearing

the alarm bell and the masses singing in chorus.

In the Russia of to-day the causes which led men to flee from Paris

and from Arkansas are combined. In America what was most alarming was

naked Nature, wild Nature with the dew of creation not yet dry upon its

leaves, the Nature we love so ardently in pictures and poems. (The man

with the revolver naïvely killing his neighbour is as much in place in

the Pampas as the naïve tiger with teeth an inch long.) In France Nature

is not to be feared, it is swept and garnished, tigers do not walk about,

and the vine flourishes; but, on the other hand, in 1848, passions broke

loose again, and again the foundations of good order tottered. Among

us in Russia, while Nature is untouched, men and institutions, culture

and barbarism, the past that died an age ago, and the future which

will be born in ages to come—all are in ferment and dissolution, being

pulled down and built up, everywhere there are clouds of dust, posts

and rafters. Indeed, if one adds to our primitive means of travel the

highly developed means of making money in the Service, to the natural

mud of our roads the filth of the life of our landowners, to our winter

tempests the Winter Palace, together with the generals, the Cabinet

Ministers, the refreshment bars, and the Filarets, ‘the gendarme vanguard

of civilisation’ made in Germany, and the rearguard with axes in their

belt, primeval in their force and their simplicity, one must have a great

passion or a mighty madness to plunge of free will into that whirlpool,

which redeems its chaos by the rainbow-lights of prophecy and the grand

visions, for ever glimmering behind the fog and for ever unable to

disperse it.

Passion and madness are talents of a sort, and do not come at will. One

is irresistibly drawn into the whirlpool, another is repelled by its

froth and uproar. The point is that to one man sleep is dearer than

father and mother, and to another his dream. Which is better? I do not

know: and, indeed, both may lead to the same delirium.

But we will not give way to these philosophic reflections; they commonly

by one path or another conduct us to the unpleasant conclusion that

whether you batten in a feather-bed or fret yourself in a squirrel’s

wheel, you will do no good one way or the other, except perhaps to enrich

the soil when you are dead. Every life, as the students’ song has it,

begins with _Juvenes dum sumus_, and ends with _Nos habebit humus_!

We must not dwell on this mournful reduction of everything in the world

to nullity, or you will call me a nihilist, and that is now the term of

abuse which has replaced Hegelian, Byronist, and suchlike.

A living man thinks of what is living. The question between us is not

whether a man has the right to withdraw into a peaceful retreat, to turn

aside like an ancient philosopher from the Nazarene madness and the

influx of barbarians. Of that, there can be no question. I only want to

make clear to myself whether the ancient sanctuaries, built so solidly

and overgrown with the moss of mediaeval Europe, are so peaceful and

convenient, above all, so secure as they were; and, on the other hand,

whether there is not a magic spell in the visions we see in the snowstorm

and the ringing of the sledge-bells, and whether there is not some real

force in that magic.

There was a time when you defended the ideas of Western Europe, and you

did well; the only pity is that it was entirely unnecessary. The ideas of

Western Europe, that is, scientific ideas, have long ago been recognised

by all as the inalienable property of humanity. Science is entirely

without latitude or longitude; it is like Goethe’s ‘Divan,’ Western and

Oriental.

Now you want to maintain that the actual forms of Western European life

are also the heritage of mankind, and you believe that the manner of

life of the European upper classes, as evolved in the historic past, is

alone in harmony with the aesthetic needs of human development, that it

alone furnishes the conditions essential for literary and artistic life;

that in Western Europe art was born and grew up, and to Western Europe

it belongs; and finally, that there is no other art at all. Let us pause

first at this point.

Pray do not imagine that I shall from the point of view of civic

austerity and Puritanism protest against the place which you give to art

in life. I am in agreement with you on that point. Art—_c’est autant de

pris_; together with the summer lightnings of personal happiness, it is

our one indubitable blessing. In all the rest, we are either toiling or

drawing water in a sieve for humanity, for our country, for fame, for our

children, for money, and at the same time are solving an endless problem.

In art we find enjoyment, in it the goal is attained; it, too, is an

‘End’ in itself.

And so, giving to Diana of Ephesus what is due to Diana, I ask you

of what exactly you are speaking, of the present or the past? Of the

fact that art has developed in Western Europe, that Dante and Michael

Angelo, Shakespeare and Rembrandt, Mozart and Goethe, were by birth and

opinion ‘Westerners’? But no one disputes it. Or do you mean that a long

historical life has prepared both a better stage for art and a finer

framework for it, that museums are more sumptuous in Europe than anywhere

else, galleries and schools richer, students more numerous, teachers more

gifted, theatres better decorated, and so on? And that, too, is true. Or

nearly so, for ever since the great opera has returned to its primitive

state of performers strolling from town to town, only grand opera is

_überall und nirgends_. In the whole of America there is no such Campo

Santo as in Pisa, but still Campo Santo is a graveyard. It is quite

natural, indeed, that where there have been most corals there you find

most coral-reefs.... But in all this where is the new living creative

art, where is the artistic element in life itself? To be continually

calling up the dead, to be repeating Beethoven, to be playing Phèdre and

Athalie, is all very well, but it says nothing for creativeness. In the

dullest periods of Byzantium, Homer was read and Sophocles recited at the

literary evenings; in Rome, the statues of Pheidias were preserved, and

the best sculpture collected on the eve of the Genserics and the Alarics.

Where is the new art, where is the artistic initiative? Is it to be found

in Wagner’s ‘music of the future’?

Art is not fastidious; it can depict anything, setting upon all the

indelible imprint of the spirit of beauty, and impartially raising to the

level of the madonnas and demigods every casual incident of life, every

sound and every form, the slumbering pool under the tree, the fluttering

bird, the horse at the drinking-trough, the sunburnt beggar-boy. From

the sinister, savage fantasy of hell and the Day of Judgment to the

Flemish tavern with the back view of a peasant, from Faust to Faublas,

from the Requiem to the Kamarinsky, all lie within the domain of art....

But even art has its limit. There is a stumbling-block which neither the

violinist’s bow nor the painter’s brush nor the sculptor’s chisel can

deal with; art to conceal its impotence mocks at it and turns it into

caricature. That stumbling-block is petty-bourgeois vulgarity. The artist

who excellently portrays a man completely naked, covered with rags, or

so completely dressed that nothing is to be seen but armour or a monk’s

cassock, is reduced to despair before the bourgeois in a swallow-tail.

Hence the necessity of flinging a Roman toga upon Robert Peel; hence

a banker is stripped of his coat and his cravat, and his shirt is

unbuttoned, so that if he could see his own bust after death he would be

covered with blushes before his own wife.... Robert Macaire and Prudhomme

are great caricatures. Sometimes caricatures are works of genius; in

Dickens they are tragically true to life, but still they are caricatures.

Beyond Hogarth that style cannot go. The Vandyke and Rembrandt of petty

bourgeoisie are Punch and Charivari, they are its portrait gallery and

pillory; they are the family records and the whipping-post.

The fact is that the whole petty-bourgeois character, both in its good

qualities and its bad qualities, is opposed to art and cramping to it;

art withers in it like a green leaf in chlorine, and only the passions

common to all humanity can at times, by breaking into bourgeois life,

or, even better, breaking out of its decorum, raise it to artistic

significance.

Decorum, that is the real word. The petty bourgeois, like Moltchalin,[27]

has two talents, and he has the same ones, Prudence and Punctuality. The

life of the middle class is full of petty defects and petty virtues; it

is self-restrained, often niggardly, and shuns what is extreme, what

is superfluous. The park is transformed into the kitchen garden, the

thatched cottage into the little town house with an escutcheon painted

on the shutters, but every day they drink tea in it, and every day they

eat meat. It is an _immense step_ in advance, but not at all artistic.

Art is more at home with poverty and luxury than with crude prosperity,

with comfort when it is an end in itself; if it comes to that, it is more

at home with the harlot selling herself than with the respectable woman

selling at three times the cost the work of the starving seamstress.

Art is not at ease in the stiff, over-neat, careful house of the petty

bourgeois, and his house is bound to be such; art feels instinctively

that in that life it is reduced to the level of external decoration

such as wallpaper and furniture, to the level of a hurdy-gurdy; if the

hurdy-gurdy man is in the way he is kicked out, if they want to listen

they give him a halfpenny and with that have done with him.... Art which

is pre-eminently elegance of proportion cannot endure the yard-measure; a

life self-satisfied with its narrow mediocrity is defiled for art by the

worst of blots—vulgarity.

But that does not in the least prevent the whole cultured world from

passing into petty bourgeoisie, and the vanguard has arrived there

already. Petty bourgeoisie is the ideal to which Europe is everywhere

striving and ascending. It is the ‘hen in the soup,’ of which Henry the

Fourth dreamt. A little house, with little windows looking into the

street, a school for the boy, a dress for the girl, a servant for the

hard work—all that makes up indeed a haven of refuge—Havre de Grace! The

man turned off the soil which he had tilled for ages for his master,

the descendant of the villager, crushed in the struggle, the homeless

workman, doomed to everlasting toil and hunger, the day-labourer, born

a beggar and dying a beggar, can only wipe the sweat from their brows

and look without horror at their children by becoming property owners,

masters, bourgeois; their sons will not be kept in lifelong bondage for

a crust of bread, their daughters will not be condemned to the factory

or the brothel. How should they not strive to be bourgeois? The bright

image of the shopkeeper—who has replaced the knight and the priest for

the middle classes—hovers as the ideal before the eyes of the casual

labourer, until his tired and horny hands drop on his sunken chest, or

until he looks at life with that Irish tranquillity of despair which

precludes every hope, every expectation, except the hope of a whole

bottle of whisky next Sunday.

Bourgeoisie, the last word of civilisation, founded on the absolute

despotism of property, is the ‘democratisation’ of aristocracy, the

‘aristocratisation’ of democracy. In this order Almaviva is the equal

of Figaro—everything below is straining up into bourgeoisie, everything

above sinking down into it through the impossibility of maintaining

itself. The United States present the spectacle of one class—the middle

class—with nothing below it and nothing above it, and the petty bourgeois

manners and morals are retained. The German peasant is the petty

bourgeois of agriculture; the workman of every country is the petty

bourgeois of the future. Italy, the most poetical land in Europe, was

not able to hold out, but at once forsook her fanatical lover, Mazzini,

and betrayed her husband, the Hercules Garibaldi, as soon as Cavour, the

petty bourgeois of genius, the little fat man in spectacles, offered to

keep her as his mistress.

With the coming of bourgeoisie, individual characters are effaced, but

these effaced persons are better fed; clothes are made by the dozen,

not to measure or to order, but there are more people who wear them.

With the coming of bourgeoisie, the beauty of the race is effaced, but

its prosperity increases, the statuesque beggar from Transteverino is

employed for rough work by the puny shopkeeper of the Via del Corso. The

crowds of holiday-makers in the Champs-Élysées or Kensington Gardens,

or the audiences in churches or theatres, depress one with their

vulgar faces, their dull expressions; but the holiday-makers in the

Champs-Élysées, the audiences listening to the sermons of Lacordaire or

the songs of Levasseur,[28] are not concerned at that, they do not notice

it. But what is very important to them and very striking is that their

fathers and elder brothers were not in a position to go holiday-making or

to the theatre as they are; that their elders sometimes drove on the box

of carriages, but they drive about in cabs, and very often too.

It is for this reason that bourgeoisie is triumphing and is bound to

triumph. It is useless to tell a hungry man, ‘It suits you much better to

be hungry; don’t look for food.’ The sway of bourgeoisie is the answer

to emancipation without land, to the freeing of men from bondage while

the soil is left in bondage to a few of the elect. The masses that have

earned their halfpence have come to the top and are enjoying themselves

in their own way and possessing the world. They have no need of strongly

marked characters, of original minds. Science cannot help stumbling upon

the discoveries that lie closest at hand. Photography—that barrel-organ

version of painting—replaces the artist; if a creative artist does appear

he is welcome, but there is no desperate need of him. Beauty, talent,

are altogether out of the normal; they are the exceptions, the luxury

of Nature, its highest limit or the result of great effort, of whole

generations. The voice of Mario, the points of the winner of the Derby,

are rarities. But a good lodging and a dinner are necessities. There is

a great deal that is bourgeois in Nature herself, one may say; she very

often stops short in the middle, half-way, and evidently has not the

spirit to go further. Who has told you that Europe will have it?

Europe has been through a bad quarter of an hour. The bourgeois were

all but losing the fruits of a long lifetime, of prolonged efforts, of

hard work. A vague but terrible protest has arisen in the conscience of

humanity. The petty bourgeois have been reminded of their wars for their

rights, their heroic age and biblical traditions. Abel, Remus, Thomas

of Münster have been slain once more, and long will the grass grow upon

their tombs as a warning how the all-powerful bourgeoisie punishes its

enemies. Since then all has returned to its normal routine, which seems

secure, which is based on reason, which is strong and growing, but has

no artistic plan, no aesthetic chord: it does not seek to have them; it

is too practical; it agrees with Catherine II. that it is not becoming

for a serious man to play the piano well; the Empress, too, regarded men

from the practical point of view. The gardens are too heavily manured for

flowers to grow; flowers are too unprofitable for the petty bourgeois’

garden; if he does sometimes grow them, it is for sale.

In the spring of 1850 I was looking for lodgings in Paris. By that time

I had lived so long in Europe that I had grown to hate the crowding

and crush of civilisation, which at first we Russians like so much. I

looked with horror mixed with disgust at the continually moving, swarming

crowd, foreseeing how it would rob me of half my seat at the theatre and

in the diligence, how it would dash like a wild beast into the railway

carriages, how it would heat and pervade the air—and for that reason I

was looking for a flat, not in a crowded place, and to some extent free

from the vulgarity and deadly sameness of the lodgings _à trois chambres

à coucher de maître_.[29]

My past and thoughts, vol. 6 (of 6) · 第 5 / 24 段