But the period which intervened between Leibnitz and this modern

development was a period of philological chaos. It began mainly with the

doubts which Leibnitz had forced upon Europe, and ended only with the

beginning of the study of Sanskrit in the latter half of the eighteenth

century, and with the comparisons made by means of the collections of

Catharine, Hervas, and Adelung at the beginning of the nineteenth. The

old theory that Hebrew was the original language had gone to pieces;

but nothing had taken its place as a finality. Great authorities,

like Buddeus, were still cited in behalf of the narrower belief; but

everywhere researches, unorganized though they were, tended to destroy

it. The story of Babel continued indeed throughout the whole eighteenth

century to hinder or warp scientific investigation, and a very curious

illustration of this fact is seen in the book of Lord Nelme on The

Origin and Elements of Language. He declares that connected with the

confusion was the cleaving of America from Europe, and he regards the

most terrible chapters in the book of Job as intended for a description

of the Flood, which in all probability Job had from Noah himself. Again,

Rowland Jones tried to prove that Celtic was the primitive tongue, and

that it passed through Babel unharmed. Still another effect was made by

a Breton to prove that all languages took their rise in the language of

Brittany. All was chaos. There was much wrangling, but little earnest

controversy. Here and there theologians were calling out frantically,

beseeching the Church to save the old doctrine as "essential to the

truth of Scripture"; here and there other divines began to foreshadow

the inevitable compromise which has always been thus vainly attempted in

the history of every science. But it was soon seen by thinking men that

no concessions as yet spoken of by theologians were sufficient. In

the latter half of the century came the bloom period of the French

philosophers and encyclopedists, of the English deists, of such German

thinkers as Herder, Kant, and Lessing; and while here and there some

writer on the theological side, like Perrin, amused thinking men by

his flounderings in this great chaos, all remained without form and

void.(417)

(417) For Hottinger, see the preface to his Etymologicum Orientale,

Frankfort, 1661. For Leibnitz, Catharine the Great, Hervas, and Adelung,

see Max Muller, as above, from whom I have quoted very fully; see also

Benfey, Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft, etc., p. 269. Benfey declares

that the Catalogue of Hervas is even now a mine for the philologist. For

the first two citations from Leibnitz, as well as for a statement of his

importance in the history of languages, see Max Muller, as above, pp.

135, 136. For the third quotation, Leibnitz, Opera, Geneva, 1768, vi,

part ii, p. 232. For Nelme, see his Origin and Elements of Language,

London, 1772, pp. 85-100. For Rowland Jones, see The Origin of Language

and Nations, London, 1764, and preface. For the origin of languages in

Brittany, see Le Brigant, Paris, 1787. For Herder and Lessing, see Canon

Farrar's treatise; on Lessing, see Sayce, as above. As to Perrin, see

his essay Sur l'Origine et l'Antiquite des Langues, London, 1767.

Nothing better reveals to us the darkness and duration of this chaos

in England than a comparison of the articles on Philology given in the

successive editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. The first edition

of that great mirror of British thought was printed in 1771: chaos

reigns through the whole of its article on this subject. The writer

divides languages into two classes, seems to indicate a mixture of

divine inspiration with human invention, and finally escapes under a

cloud. In the second edition, published in 1780, some progress has been

made. The author states the sacred theory, and declares: "There are some

divines who pretend that Hebrew was the language in which God talked

with Adam in paradise, and that the saints will make use of it in heaven

in those praises which they will eternally offer to the Almighty. These

doctors seem to be as certain in regard to what is past as to what is to

come."

This was evidently considered dangerous. It clearly outran the belief

of the average British Philistine; and accordingly we find in the third

edition, published seventeen years later, a new article, in which, while

the author gives, as he says, "the best arguments on both sides," he

takes pains to adhere to a fairly orthodox theory.

This soothing dose was repeated in the fourth and fifth editions. In

1824 appeared a supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions,

which dealt with the facts so far as they were known; but there was

scarcely a reference to the biblical theory throughout the article.

Three years later came another supplement. While this chaos was fast

becoming cosmos in Germany, such a change had evidently not gone far

in England, for from this edition of the Encyclopaedia the subject of

philology was omitted. In fact, Babel and Philology made nearly as much

trouble to encyclopedists as Noah's Deluge and Geology. Just as in

the latter case they had been obliged to stave off a presentation of

scientific truth, by the words "For Deluge, see Flood" and "For

Flood, see Noah," so in the former they were obliged to take various

provisional measures, some of them comical. In 1842 came the seventh

edition. In this the first part of the old article on Philology which

had appeared in the third, fourth, and fifth editions was printed, but

the supernatural part was mainly cut out. Yet we find a curious

evidence of the continued reign of chaos in a foot-note inserted by

the publishers, disavowing any departure from orthodox views. In 1859

appeared the eighth edition. This abandoned the old article completely,

and in its place gave a history of philology free from admixture of

scriptural doctrines.

Finally, in the year 1885, appeared the ninth edition, in which

Professors Whitney of Yale and Sievers of Tubingen give admirably and in

fair compass what is known of philology, making short work of the sacred

theory--in fact, throwing it overboard entirely.

IV. TRIUMPH OF THE NEW SCIENCE.

Such was that chaos of thought into which the discovery of Sanskrit

suddenly threw its great light. Well does one of the foremost modern

philologists say that this "was the electric spark which caused the

floating elements to crystallize into regular forms." Among the first to

bring the knowledge of Sanskrit to Europe were the Jesuit missionaries,

whose services to the material basis of the science of comparative

philology had already been so great; and the importance of the new

discovery was soon seen among all scholars, whether orthodox or

scientific. In 1784 the Asiatic Society at Calcutta was founded, and

with it began Sanskrit philology. Scholars like Sir William Jones,

Carey, Wilkins, Foster, Colebrooke, did noble work in the new field. A

new spirit brooded over that chaos, and a great new orb of science was

evolved.

The little group of scholars who gave themselves up to these researches,

though almost without exception reverent Christians, were recognised

at once by theologians as mortal foes of the whole sacred theory of

language. Not only was the dogma of the multiplication of languages

at the Tower of Babel swept out of sight by the new discovery, but the

still more vital dogma of the divine origin of language, never

before endangered, was felt to be in peril, since the evidence became

overwhelming that so many varieties had been produced by a process of

natural growth.

Heroic efforts were therefore made, in the supposed interest of

Scripture, to discredit the new learning. Even such a man as Dugald

Stewart declared that the discovery of Sanskrit was altogether

fraudulent, and endeavoured to prove that the Brahmans had made it up

from the vocabulary and grammar of Greek and Latin. Others exercised

their ingenuity in picking the new discovery to pieces, and still others

attributed it all to the machinations of Satan.

On the other hand, the more thoughtful men in the Church endeavoured to

save something from the wreck of the old system by a compromise. They

attempted to prove that Hebrew is at least a cognate tongue with the

original speech of mankind, if not the original speech itself; but

here they were confronted by the authority they dreaded most--the great

Christian scholar, Sir William Jones himself. His words were: "I can

only declare my belief that the language of Noah is irretrievably lost.

After diligent search I can not find a single word used in common by

the Arabian, Indian, and Tartar families, before the intermixture of

dialects occasioned by the Mohammedan conquests."

So, too, in Germany came full acknowledgment of the new truth, and from

a Roman Catholic, Frederick Schlegel. He accepted the discoveries in the

old language and literature of India as final: he saw the significance

of these discoveries as regards philology, and grouped the languages of

India, Persia, Greece, Italy, and Germany under the name afterward so

universally accepted--Indo-Germanic.

It now began to be felt more and more, even among the most devoted

churchmen, that the old theological dogmas regarding the origin of

language, as held "always, everywhere, and by all," were wrong, and that

Lucretius and sturdy old Gregory of Nyssa might be right.

But this was not the only wreck. During ages the great men in the Church

had been calling upon the world to admire the amazing exploit of Adam in

naming the animals which Jehovah had brought before him, and to accept

the history of language in the light of this exploit. The early fathers,

the mediaeval doctors, the great divines of the Reformation period,

Catholic and Protestant, had united in this universal chorus. Clement

of Alexandria declared Adam's naming of the animals proof of a prophetic

gift. St. John Chrysostom insisted that it was an evidence of consummate

intelligence. Eusebius held that the phrase "That was the name thereof"

implied that each name embodied the real character and description of

the animal concerned.

This view was echoed by a multitude of divines in the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries. Typical among these was the great Dr. South, who,

in his sermon on The State of Man before the Fall, declared that "Adam

came into the world a philosopher, which sufficiently appears by his

writing the nature of things upon their names."

In the chorus of modern English divines there appeared one of eminence

who declared against this theory: Dr. Shuckford, chaplain in ordinary

to his Majesty George II, in the preface to his work on The Creation and

Fall of Man, pronounced the whole theory "romantic and irrational." He

goes on to say: "The original of our speaking was from God; not that God

put into Adam's mouth the very sounds which he designed he should use as

the names of things; but God made Adam with the powers of a man; he had

the use of an understanding to form notions in his mind of the things

about him, and he had the power to utter sounds which should be to

himself the names of things according as he might think fit to call

them."

This echo of Gregory of Nyssa was for many years of little avail.

Historians of philosophy still began with Adam, because only a

philosopher could have named all created things. There was, indeed,

one difficulty which had much troubled some theologians: this was, that

fishes were not specially mentioned among the animals brought by Jehovah

before Adam for naming. To meet this difficulty there was much argument,

and some theologians laid stress on the difficulty of bringing fishes

from the sea to the Garden of Eden to receive their names; but naturally

other theologians replied that the almighty power which created the

fishes could have easily brought them into the garden, one by one, even

from the uttermost parts of the sea. This point, therefore, seems to

have been left in abeyance.(418)

(418) For the danger of "the little system of the history of the world,"

see Sayce, as above. On Dugald Stewart's contention, see Max Muller,

Lectures on Language, pp. 167, 168. For Sir William Jones, see his

Works, London, 1807, vol. i, p. 199. For Schlegel, see Max Muller, as

above. For an enormous list of great theologians, from the fathers down,

who dwelt on the divine inspiration and wonderful gifts of Adam on this

subject, see Canon Farrar, Language and Languages. The citation from

Clement of Alexandria is Strom.. i, p. 335. See also Chrysostom, Hom.

XIV in Genesin; also Eusebius, Praep. Evang. XI, p. 6. For the two

quotations given above from Shuckford, see The Creation and Fall of Man,

London, 1763, preface, p. lxxxiii; also his Sacred and Profane History

of the World, 1753; revised edition by Wheeler, London, 1858. For the

argument regarding the difficulty of bringing the fishes to be named

into the Garden of Eden, see Massey, Origin and Progress of Letters,

London, 1763, pp. 14-19.

It had continued, then, the universal belief in the Church that the

names of all created things, except possibly fishes, were given by Adam

and in Hebrew; but all this theory was whelmed in ruin when it was found

that there were other and indeed earlier names for the same animals

than those in the Hebrew language; and especially was this enforced on

thinking men when the Egyptian discoveries began to reveal the pictures

of animals with their names in hieroglyphics at a period earlier than

that agreed on by all the sacred chronologists as the date of the

Creation.

Still another part of the sacred theory now received its death-blow.

Closely allied with the question of the origin of language was that of

the origin of letters. The earlier writers had held that letters were

also a divine gift to Adam; but as we go on in the eighteenth century

we find theological opinion inclining to the belief that this gift was

reserved for Moses. This, as we have seen, was the view of St. John

Chrysostom; and an eminent English divine early in the eighteenth

century, John Johnson, Vicar of Kent, echoed it in the declaration

concerning the alphabet, that "Moses first learned it from God by

means of the lettering on the tables of the law." But here a difficulty

arose--the biblical statement that God commanded Moses to "write in a

book" his decree concerning Amalek before he went up into Sinai.

With this the good vicar grapples manfully. He supposes that God had

previously concealed the tables of stone in Mount Horeb, and that

Moses, "when he kept Jethro's sheep thereabout, had free access to these

tables, and perused them at discretion, though he was not permitted

to carry them down with him." Our reconciler then asks for what other

reason could God have kept Moses up in the mountain forty days at a

time, except to teach him to write; and says, "It seems highly probable

that the angel gave him the alphabet of the Hebrew, or in some other way

unknown to us became his guide."

But this theory of letters was soon to be doomed like the other parts

of the sacred theory. Studies in Comparative Philology, based upon

researches in India, began to be reenforced by facts regarding the

inscriptions in Egypt, the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria, the

legends of Chaldea, and the folklore of China--where it was found in the

sacred books that the animals were named by Fohi, and with such wisdom

and insight that every name disclosed the nature of the corresponding

animal.

But, although the old theory was doomed, heroic efforts were still made

to support it. In 1788 James Beattie, in all the glory of his Oxford

doctorate and royal pension, made a vigorous onslaught, declaring the

new system of philology to be "degrading to our nature," and that the

theory of the natural development of language is simply due to the

beauty of Lucretius' poetry. But his main weapon was ridicule, and in

this he showed himself a master. He tells the world, "The following

paraphrase has nothing of the elegance of Horace or Lucretius, but seems

to have all the elegance that so ridiculous a doctrine deserves":

"When men out of the earth of old A dumb and beastly vermin crawled;

For acorns, first, and holes of shelter, They tooth and nail, and helter

skelter, Fought fist to fist; then with a club Each learned his brother

brute to drub; Till, more experienced grown, these cattle Forged fit

accoutrements for battle. At last (Lucretius says and Creech) They set

their wits to work on SPEECH: And that their thoughts might all have

marks To make them known, these learned clerks Left off the trade of

cracking crowns, And manufactured verbs and nouns."

But a far more powerful theologian entered the field in England to save

the sacred theory of language--Dr. Adam Clarke. He was no less severe

against Philology than against Geology. In 1804, as President of the

Manchester Philological Society, he delivered an address in which he

declared that, while men of all sects were eligible to membership,

"he who rejects the establishment of what we believe to be a divine

revelation, he who would disturb the peace of the quiet, and by doubtful

disputations unhinge the minds of the simple and unreflecting, and

endeavour to turn the unwary out of the way of peace and rational

subordination, can have no seat among the members of this institution."

The first sentence in this declaration gives food for reflection, for it

is the same confusion of two ideas which has been at the root of so much

interference of theology with science for the last two thousand years.

Adam Clarke speaks of those "who reject the establishment of what,

WE BELIEVE, to be a divine revelation." Thus comes in that customary

begging of the question--the substitution, as the real significance of

Scripture, of "WHAT WE BELIEVE" for what IS.

The intended result, too, of this ecclesiastical sentence was simple

enough. It was, that great men like Sir William Jones, Colebrooke, and

their compeers, must not be heard in the Manchester Philological Society

in discussion with Dr. Adam Clarke on questions regarding Sanskrit and

other matters regarding which they knew all that was then known, and Dr.

Clarke knew nothing.

But even Clarke was forced to yield to the scientific current. Thirty

years later, in his Commentary on the Old Testament, he pitched the

claims of the sacred theory on a much lower key. He says: "Mankind was

of one language, in all likelihood the Hebrew.... The proper names and

other significations given in the Scripture seem incontestable evidence

that the Hebrew language was the original language of the earth,--the

language in which God spoke to man, and in which he gave the revelation

of his will to Moses and the prophets." Here are signs that this great

champion is growing weaker in the faith: in the citations made it will

be observed he no longer says "IS," but "SEEMS"; and finally we have him

saying, "What the first language was is almost useless to inquire, as it

is impossible to arrive at any satisfactory information on this point."

In France, during the first half of the nineteenth century, yet

more heavy artillery was wheeled into place, in order to make a last

desperate defence of the sacred theory. The leaders in this effort were

the three great Ultramontanes, De Maistre, De Bonald, and Lamennais.

Condillac's contention that "languages were gradually and insensibly

acquired, and that every man had his share of the general result,"

they attacked with reasoning based upon premises drawn from the book of

Genesis. De Maistre especially excelled in ridiculing the philosophic or

scientific theory. Lamennais, who afterward became so vexatious a thorn

in the side of the Church, insisted, at this earlier period, that "man

can no more think without words than see without light." And then, by

that sort of mystical play upon words so well known in the higher ranges

of theologic reasoning, he clinches his argument by saying, "The Word is

truly and in every sense 'the light which lighteth every man that cometh

into the world.'"

But even such champions as these could not stay the progress of thought.

While they seemed to be carrying everything before them in France,

researches in philology made at such centres of thought as the Sorbonne

and the College of France were undermining their last great fortress.

Curious indeed is it to find that the Sorbonne, the stronghold of

theology through so many centuries, was now made in the nineteenth

century the arsenal and stronghold of the new ideas. But the most

striking result of the new tendency in France was seen when the greatest

of the three champions, Lamennais himself, though offered the highest

Church preferment, and even a cardinal's hat, braved the papal anathema,

and went over to the scientific side.(419)

(419) For Johnson's work, showing how Moses learned the alphabet, see

the Collection of Discourses by Rev. John Johnson, A. M., Vicar of Kent,

London, 1728, p. 42, and the preface. For Beattie, see his Theory of

Language, London, 1788, p. 98; also pp. 100, 101. For Adam Clarke, see,

for the speech cited, his Miscellaneous Works, London, 1837; for the

passage from his Commentary, see the London edition of 1836, vol. i,

p. 93; for the other passage, see Introduction to Bibliographical

Miscellany, quoted in article, Origin of Language and Alphabetical

Characters, in Methodist Magazine, vol. xv, p. 214. For De Bonald,

see his Recherches Philosophiques, part iii, chap. ii, De l'Origine du

Language, in his Oeuvres, Bruxelles, 1852, vol. i, Les Soirees de Saint

Petersbourg, deuxieme entretien, passim. For Lamennais, see his Oeuvres

Completes, Paris, 1836-'37, tome ii, pp.78-81, chap. xv of Essai sur

l'Indifference en Matiere de Religion.

In Germany philological science took so strong a hold that its positions

were soon recognised as impregnable. Leaders like the Schlegels, Wilhelm

von Humboldt, and above all Franz Bopp and Jacob Grimm, gave such

additional force to scientific truth that it could no longer be

withstood. To say nothing of other conquests, the demonstration of that

great law in philology which bears Grimm's name brought home to all

thinking men the evidence that the evolution of language had not been

determined by the philosophic utterances of Adam in naming the animals

which Jehovah brought before him, but in obedience to natural law.

True, a few devoted theologians showed themselves willing to lead a

forlorn hope; and perhaps the most forlorn of all was that of 1840,

led by Dr. Gottlieb Christian Kayser, Professor of Theology at the

Protestant University of Erlangen. He does not, indeed, dare put in the

old claim that Hebrew is identical with the primitive tongue, but he

insists that it is nearer it than any other. He relinquishes the two

former theological strongholds--first, the idea that language was taught

by the Almighty to Adam, and, next, that the alphabet was thus taught to

Moses--and falls back on the position that all tongues are thus derived

from Noah, giving as an example the language of the Caribbees, and

insisting that it was evidently so derived. What chance similarity in

words between Hebrew and the Caribbee tongue he had in mind is past

finding out. He comes out strongly in defence of the biblical account of

the Tower of Babel, and insists that "by the symbolical expression 'God

said, Let us go down,' a further natural phenomenon is intimated, to

wit, the cleaving of the earth, whereby the return of the dispersed

became impossible--that is to say, through a new or not universal

flood, a partial inundation and temporary violent separation of great

continents until the time of the rediscovery" By these words the learned

doctor means nothing less than the separation of Europe from America.

While at the middle of the nineteenth century the theory of the origin

and development of language was upon the continent considered as

settled, and a well-ordered science had there emerged from the old

chaos, Great Britain still held back, in spite of the fact that the most

important contributors to the science were of British origin. Leaders in

every English church and sect vied with each other, either in denouncing

the encroachments of the science of language or in explaining them away.

But a new epoch had come, and in a way least expected. Perhaps the most

notable effort in bringing it in was made by Dr. Wiseman, afterward

Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster. His is one of the best examples of

a method which has been used with considerable effect during the latest

stages of nearly all the controversies between theology and science.

It consists in stating, with much fairness, the conclusions of the

scientific authorities, and then in persuading one's self and trying

to persuade others that the Church has always accepted them and accepts

them now as "additional proofs of the truth of Scripture." A little

juggling with words, a little amalgamation of texts, a little judicious

suppression, a little imaginative deduction, a little unctuous phrasing,

and the thing is done. One great service this eminent and kindly

Catholic champion undoubtedly rendered: by this acknowledgment, so

widely spread in his published lectures, he made it impossible for

Catholics or Protestants longer to resist the main conclusions

of science. Henceforward we only have efforts to save theological

appearances, and these only by men whose zeal outran their discretion.

On both sides of the Atlantic, down to a recent period, we see these

efforts, but we see no less clearly that they are mutually destructive.

Yet out of this chaos among English-speaking peoples the new science

began to develop steadily and rapidly. Attempts did indeed continue

here and there to save the old theory. Even as late as 1859 we hear

the eminent Presbyterian divine, Dr. John Cumming, from his pulpit

in London, speaking of Hebrew as "that magnificent tongue--that

mother-tongue, from which all others are but distant and debilitated

progenies."

But the honour of producing in the nineteenth century the most absurd

known attempt to prove Hebrew the primitive tongue belongs to the

youngest of the continents, Australia. In the year 1857 was printed at

Melbourne The Triumph of Truth, or a Popular Lecture on the Origin of

Languages, by B. Atkinson, M.R.C.P.L.--whatever that may mean. In this

work, starting with the assertion that "the Hebrew was the primary stock

whence all languages were derived," the author states that Sanskrit is

"a dialect of the Hebrew," and declares that "the manuscripts found

with mummies agree precisely with the Chinese version of the Psalms of

David." It all sounds like Alice in Wonderland. Curiously enough, in

the latter part of his book, evidently thinking that his views would not

give him authority among fastidious philologists, he says, "A great deal

of our consent to the foregoing statements arises in our belief in the

Divine inspiration of the Mosaic account of the creation of the world

and of our first parents in the Garden of Eden." A yet more

interesting light is thrown upon the author's view of truth, and of its

promulgation, by his dedication: he says that, "being persuaded that

literary men ought to be fostered by the hand of power," he dedicates

his treatise "to his Excellency Sir H. Barkly," who was at the time

Governor of Victoria.

Still another curious survival is seen in a work which appeared as late

as 1885, at Edinburgh, by William Galloway, M.A., Ph.D., M.D. The author

thinks that he has produced abundant evidence to prove that "Jehovah,

the Second Person of the Godhead, wrote the first chapter of Genesis on

a stone pillar, and that this is the manner by which he first revealed

it to Adam; and thus Adam was taught not only to speak but to read and

write by Jehovah, the Divine Son; and that the first lesson he got was

from the first chapter of Genesis." He goes on to say: "Jehovah wrote

these first two documents; the first containing the history of the

Creation, and the second the revelation of man's redemption,... for

Adam's and Eve's instruction; it is evident that he wrote them in the

Hebrew tongue, because that was the language of Adam and Eve." But this

was only a flower out of season.

And, finally, in these latter days Mr. Gladstone has touched the

subject. With that well-known facility in believing anything he wishes

to believe, which he once showed in connecting Neptune's trident

with the doctrine of the Trinity, he floats airily over all the

impossibilities of the original Babel legend and all the conquests of

science, makes an assertion regarding the results of philology which no

philologist of any standing would admit, and then escapes in a cloud of

rhetoric after his well-known fashion.

This, too, must be set down simply as a survival, for in the British

Isles as elsewhere the truth has been established. Such men as Max

Muller and Sayce in England,--Steinthal, Schleicher, Weber, Karl

Abel, and a host of others in Germany,--Ascoli and De Gubernatis in

Italy,--and Whitney, with the scholars inspired by him, in America,

have carried the new science to a complete triumph. The sons of

Yale University may well be proud of the fact that this old Puritan

foundation was made the headquarters of the American Oriental Society,

which has done so much for the truth in this field.(420)

(420) For Mr. Gladstone's view, see his Impregnable Rock of Holy

Scripture, London, 1890, pp. 241 et seq. The passage connecting the

trident of Neptune with the Trinity is in his Juventus Mundi. To any

American boy who sees how inevitably, both among Indian and white

fishermen, the fish spear takes the three-pronged form, this utterance

of Mr. Gladstone is amazing.

V. SUMMARY.

It may be instructive, in conclusion, to sum up briefly the history of

the whole struggle.

First, as to the origin of speech, we have in the beginning the whole

Church rallying around the idea that the original language was Hebrew;

that this language, even including the medieval rabbinical punctuation,

was directly inspired by the Almighty; that Adam was taught it by God

himself in walks and talks; and that all other languages were derived

from it at the "confusion of Babel."

Next, we see parts of this theory fading out: the inspiration of the

rabbinical points begins to disappear. Adam, instead of being taught

directly by God, is "inspired" by him.

Then comes the third stage: advanced theologians endeavour to compromise

on the idea that Adam was "given verbal roots and a mental power."

Finally, in our time, we have them accepting the theory that language is

the result of an evolutionary process in obedience to laws more or less

clearly ascertained. Babel thus takes its place quietly among the sacred

myths.

As to the origin of writing, we have the more eminent theologians

at first insisting that God taught Adam to write; next we find them

gradually retreating from this position, but insisting that writing was

taught to the world by Noah. After the retreat from this position, we

find them insisting that it was Moses whom God taught to write.

But scientific modes of thought still progressed, and we next have

influential theologians agreeing that writing was a Mosaic invention;

this is followed by another theological retreat to the position that

writing was a post-Mosaic invention. Finally, all the positions are

relinquished, save by some few skirmishers who appear now and then

upon the horizon, making attempts to defend some subtle method of

"reconciling" the Babel myth with modern science.

Just after the middle of the nineteenth century the last stage of

theological defence was evidently reached--the same which is seen in the

history of almost every science after it has successfully fought its way

through the theological period--the declaration which we have already

seen foreshadowed by Wiseman, that the scientific discoveries in

question are nothing new, but have really always been known and held by

the Church, and that they simply substantiate the position taken by

the Church. This new contention, which always betokens the last gasp of

theological resistance to science, was now echoed from land to land. In

1856 it was given forth by a divine of the Anglican Church, Archdeacon

Pratt, of Calcutta. He gives a long list of eminent philologists who had

done most to destroy the old supernatural view of language, reads into

their utterances his own wishes, and then exclaims, "So singularly do

their labours confirm the literal truth of Scripture."

Two years later this contention was echoed from the American

Presbyterian Church, and Dr. B. W. Dwight, having stigmatized as

"infidels" those who had not incorporated into their science the literal

acceptance of Hebrew legend, declared that "chronology, ethnography,

and etymology have all been tortured in vain to make them contradict the

Mosaic account of the early history of man." Twelve years later this was

re-echoed from England. The Rev. Dr. Baylee, Principal of the College of

St. Aidan's, declared, "With regard to the varieties of human language,

the account of the confusion of tongues is receiving daily confirmation

by all the recent discoveries in comparative philology." So, too, in

the same year (1870), in the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland,

Dr. John Eadie, Professor of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, declared,

"Comparative philology has established the miracle of Babel."

A skill in theology and casuistry so exquisite as to contrive such

assertions, and a faith so robust as to accept them, certainly leave

nothing to be desired. But how baseless these contentions are is shown,

first, by the simple history of the attitude of the Church toward this

question; and, secondly, by the fact that comparative philology now

reveals beyond a doubt that not only is Hebrew not the original or

oldest language upon earth, but that it is not even the oldest form in

the Semitic group to which it belongs. To use the words of one of the

most eminent modern authorities, "It is now generally recognised that

in grammatical structure the Arabic preserves much more of the original

forms than either the Hebrew or Aramaic."

History, ethnology, and philology now combine inexorably to place the

account of the confusion of tongues and the dispersion of races at Babel

among the myths; but their work has not been merely destructive: more

and more strong are the grounds for belief in an evolution of language.

A very complete acceptance of the scientific doctrines has been made

by Archdeacon Farrar, Canon of Westminster. With a boldness which in an

earlier period might have cost him dear, and which merits praise even

now for its courage, he says: "For all reasoners except that portion of

the clergy who in all ages have been found among the bitterest enemies

of scientific discovery, these considerations have been conclusive. But,

strange to say, here, as in so many other instances, this self-styled

orthodoxy--more orthodox than the Bible itself--directly contradicts

the very Scriptures which it professes to explain, and by sheer

misrepresentation succeeds in producing a needless and deplorable

collision between the statements of Scripture and those other mighty and

certain truths which have been revealed to science and humanity as their

glory and reward."

Still another acknowledgment was made in America through the

instrumentality of a divine of the Methodist Episcopal Church, whom

the present generation at least will hold in honour not only for his

scholarship but for his patriotism in the darkest hour of his country's

need--John McClintock. In the article on Language, in the Biblical

Cyclopaedia, edited by him and the Rev. Dr. Strong, which appeared

in 1873, the whole sacred theory is given up, and the scientific view

accepted.(421)

(421) For Kayser, see his work, Ueber die Ursprache, oder uber eine

Behauptung Mosis, dass alle Sprachen der Welt von einer einzigen der

Noahhischen abstammen, Erlangen, 1840; see especially pp. 5, 80, 95,

112. For Wiseman, see his Lectures on the Connection between Science and

Revealed Religion, London, 1836. For examples typical of very many in

this field, see the works of Pratt, 1856; Dwight, 1858; Jamieson, 1868.

For citation from Cumming, see his Great Tribulation, London, 1859, p.

4; see also his Things Hard to be Understood, London, 1861, p. 48. For

an admirable summary of the work of the great modern philologists, and

a most careful estimate of the conclusions reached, see Prof. Whitney's

article on Philology in the Encyclopaedia Britannica. A copy of Mr.

Atkinson's book is in the Harvard College Library, it having been

presented by the Trustees of the Public Library of Victoria. For

Galloway, see his Philosophy of the Creation, Edinburgh and London,

1885, pp. 21, 238, 239, 446. For citation from Baylee, see his Verbal

Inspiration the True Characteristic of God's Holy Word, London, 1870,

p. 14 and elsewhere. For Archdeacon Pratt, see his Scripture and Science

not at Variance, London, 1856, p. 55. For the citation from Dr. Eadie,

see his Biblical Cyclopaedia, London, 1870, p. 53. For Dr. Dwight,

see The New-Englander, vol. xvi, p. 465. For the theological article

referred to as giving up the sacred theory, see the Cyclopaedia of

Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature, prepared by Rev.

John McClintock, D. D., and James Strong, New York, 1873, vol. v, p.

233. For Arabic as an earlier Semitic development than Hebrew, as well

as for much other valuable information on the questions recently

raised, see article Hebrew, by W. R. Smith, in the latest edition of

the Encyclopaedia Britannica. For quotation from Canon Farrar, see his

language and Languages, London, 1878, pp. 6,7.

It may, indeed, be now fairly said that the thinking leaders of theology

have come to accept the conclusions of science regarding the origin of

language, as against the old explanations by myth and legend. The result

has been a blessing both to science and to religion. No harm has been

done to religion; what has been done is to release it from the clog of

theories which thinking men saw could no longer be maintained. No matter

what has become of the naming of the animals by Adam, of the origin of

the name Babel, of the fear of the Almighty lest men might climb up into

his realm above the firmament, and of the confusion of tongues and the

dispersion of nations; the essentials of Christianity, as taught by its

blessed Founder, have simply been freed, by Comparative Philology, from

one more great incubus, and have therefore been left to work with more

power upon the hearts and minds of mankind.

Nor has any harm been done to the Bible. On the contrary, this divine

revelation through science has made it all the more precious to us.

In these myths and legends caught from earlier civilizations we see an

evolution of the most important religious and moral truths for our

race. Myth, legend, and parable seem, in obedience to a divine law, the

necessary setting for these truths, as they are successively evolved,

ever in higher and higher forms. What matters it, then, that we have

come to know that the accounts of Creation, the Fall, the Deluge, and

much else in our sacred books, were remembrances of lore obtained from

the Chaldeans? What matters it that the beautiful story of Joseph is

found to be in part derived from an Egyptian romance, of which the

hieroglyphs may still be seen? What matters it that the story of David

and Goliath is poetry; and that Samson, like so many men of strength

in other religions, is probably a sun-myth? What matters it that the

inculcation of high duty in the childhood of the world is embodied in

such quaint stories as those of Jonah and Balaam? The more we realize

these facts, the richer becomes that great body of literature brought

together within the covers of the Bible. What matters it that those who

incorporated the Creation lore of Babylonia and other Oriental

nations into the sacred books of the Hebrews, mixed it with their own

conceptions and deductions? What matters it that Darwin changed the

whole aspect of our Creation myths; that Lyell and his compeers placed

the Hebrew story of Creation and of the Deluge of Noah among legends;

that Copernicus put an end to the standing still of the sun for Joshua;

that Halley, in promulgating his law of comets, put an end to the

doctrine of "signs and wonders"; that Pinel, in showing that all

insanity is physical disease, relegated to the realm of mythology the

witch of Endor and all stories of demoniacal possession; that the Rev.

Dr. Schaff, and a multitude of recent Christian travellers in Palestine,

have put into the realm of legend the story of Lot's wife transformed

into a pillar of salt; that the anthropologists, by showing how man

has risen everywhere from low and brutal beginnings, have destroyed the

whole theological theory of "the fall of man"? Our great body of sacred

literature is thereby only made more and more valuable to us: more and

more we see how long and patiently the forces in the universe which make

for righteousness have been acting in and upon mankind through the only

agencies fitted for such work in the earliest ages of the world--through

myth, legend, parable, and poem.

CHAPTER XVIII. FROM THE DEAD SEA LEGENDS TO COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY,

I. THE GROWTH OF EXPLANATORY TRANSFORMATION MYTHS.

A few years since, Maxime Du Camp, an eminent member of the French

Academy, travelling from the Red Sea to the Nile through the Desert

of Kosseir, came to a barren slope covered with boulders, rounded and

glossy.

His Mohammedan camel-driver accounted for them on this wise:

"Many years ago Hadji Abdul-Aziz, a sheik of the dervishes, was

travelling on foot through this desert: it was summer: the sun was hot

and the dust stifling; thirst parched his lips, fatigue weighed down his

back, sweat dropped from his forehead, when looking up he saw--on this

very spot--a garden beautifully green, full of fruit, and, in the midst

of it, the gardener.

"'O fellow-man,' cried Hadji Abdul-Aziz, 'in the name of Allah, clement

and merciful, give me a melon and I will give you my prayers.'"

The gardener answered: 'I care not for your prayers; give me money, and

I will give you fruit.'

"'But,' said the dervish, 'I am a beggar; I have never had money; I am

thirsty and weary, and one of your melons is all that I need.'

"'No,' said the gardener; 'go to the Nile and quench your thirst.'

"Thereupon the dervish, lifting his eyes toward heaven, made this

prayer: 'O Allah, thou who in the midst of the desert didst make the

fountain of Zem-Zem spring forth to satisfy the thirst of Ismail, father

of the faithful: wilt thou suffer one of thy creatures to perish thus of

thirst and fatigue? '

"And it came to pass that, hardly had the dervish spoken, when an

abundant dew descended upon him, quenching his thirst and refreshing him

even to the marrow of his bones.

"Now at the sight of this miracle the gardener knew that the dervish was

a holy man, beloved of Allah, and straightway offered him a melon.

"'Not so,' answered Hadji Abdul-Aziz; 'keep what thou hast, thou wicked

man. May thy melons become as hard as thy heart, and thy field as barren

as thy soul!'

"And straightway it came to pass that the melons were changed into

these blocks of stone, and the grass into this sand, and never since has

anything grown thereon."

In this story, and in myriads like it, we have a survival of that early

conception of the universe in which so many of the leading moral and

religious truths of the great sacred books of the world are imbedded.

All ancient sacred lore abounds in such mythical explanations of

remarkable appearances in nature, and these are most frequently prompted

by mountains, rocks, and boulders seemingly misplaced.

In India we have such typical examples among the Brahmans as the

mountain-peak which Durgu threw at Parvati; and among the Buddhists the

stone which Devadatti hurled at Buddha.

In Greece the Athenian, rejoicing in his belief that Athena guarded her

chosen people, found it hard to understand why the great rock Lycabettus

should be just too far from the Acropolis to be of use as an outwork;

but a myth was developed which explained all. According to this, Athena

had intended to make Lycabettus a defence for the Athenians, and she

was bringing it through the air from Pallene for that very purpose; but,

unfortunately, a raven met her and informed her of the wonderful birth

of Erichthonius, which so surprised the goddess that she dropped the

rock where it now stands.

So, too, a peculiar rock at Aegina was accounted for by a long and

circumstantial legend to the effect that Peleus threw it at Phocas.

A similar mode of explaining such objects is seen in the mythologies of

northern Europe. In Scandinavia we constantly find rocks which tradition

accounts for by declaring that they were hurled by the old gods at each

other, or at the early Christian churches.

In Teutonic lands, as a rule, wherever a strange rock or stone is found,

there will be found a myth or a legend, heathen or Christian, to account

for it.

So, too, in Celtic countries: typical of this mode of thought in

Brittany and in Ireland is the popular belief that such features in the

landscape were dropped by the devil or by fairies.

Even at a much later period such myths have grown and bloomed. Marco

Polo gives a long and circumstantial legend of a mountain in Asia Minor

which, not long before his visit, was removed by a Christian who,

having "faith as a grain of mustard seed," and remembering the Saviour's

promise, transferred the mountain to its present place by prayer, "at

which marvel many Saracens became Christians."(422)

(422) For Maxime Du Camp, see Le Nil: Egypte et Nubie, Paris, 1877,

chapter v. For India, see Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums, vol. iii,

p. 366; also Coleman, Mythology of the Hindus, p. 90. For Greece, as to

the Lycabettus myth, see Leake, Topography of Athens, vol. i, sec. 3;

also Burnouf, La Legende Athenienne, p. 152. For the rock at Aegina,

see Charton, vol. i, p. 310. For Scandanavia, see Thorpe, Northern

Antiquities, passim. For Teutonic countries, see Grimm, Deutsche

Mythologie; Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, vol. ii; Zingerle,

Sagen aus Tyrol, pp. 111 et seq., 488, 504, 543; and especially J. B.

Friedrich, Symbolik und Mythologie der Natur, pp. 116 et seq. For Celtic

examples I am indebted to that learned and genial scholar, Prof. J.

P. Mahaffy, of Trinity College, Dublin. See also story of the devil

dropping a rock when forced by the archangel Michael to aid him in

building Mont Saint-Michel on the west coast of France, in Sebillot's

Traditions de la Haute Bretagne, vol. i, p. 22; also multitudes of other

examples in the same work. For Marco Polo, see in Grynaeus, p. 337; also

Charton, Voyageurs anciens et modernes, tome ii, pp. 274 et seq., where

the legend is given in full.

Similar mythical explanations are also found, in all the older religions

of the world, for curiously marked meteoric stones, fossils, and the

like.

Typical examples are found in the imprint of Buddha's feet on stones in

Siam and Ceylon; in the imprint of the body of Moses, which down to the

middle of the last century was shown near Mount Sinai; in the imprint

of Poseidon's trident on the Acropolis at Athens; in the imprint of the

hands or feet of Christ on stones in France, Italy, and Palestine; in

the imprint of the Virgin's tears on stones at Jerusalem; in the imprint

of the feet of Abraham at Jerusalem and of Mohammed on a stone in the

Mosque of Khait Bey at Cairo; in the imprint of the fingers of giants on

stones in the Scandinavian Peninsula, in north Germany, and in western

France; in the imprint of the devil's thighs on a rock in Brittany,

and of his claws on stones which he threw at churches in Cologne and

Saint-Pol-de-Leon; in the imprint of the shoulder of the devil's grand

mother on the "elbow-stone" at the Mohriner see; in the imprint of

St. Otho's feet on a stone formerly preserved in the castle church at

Stettin; in the imprint of the little finger of Christ and the head

of Satan at Ehrenberg; and in the imprint of the feet of St. Agatha

at Catania, in Sicily. To account for these appearances and myriads of

others, long and interesting legends were developed, and out of this

mass we may take one or two as typical.

One of the most beautiful was evolved at Rome. On the border of the

medieval city stands the church of "Domine quo vadis"; it was erected in

honour of a stone, which is still preserved, bearing a mark resembling a

human footprint--perhaps the bed of a fossil.

Out of this a pious legend grew as naturally as a wild rose in a

prairie. According to this story, in one of the first great persecutions

the heart of St. Peter failed him, and he attempted to flee from the

city: arriving outside the walls he was suddenly confronted by the

Master, whereupon Peter in amazement asked, "Lord, whither goest thou?"

(Domine quo vadis?); to which the Master answered, "To Rome, to be

crucified again." The apostle, thus rebuked, returned to martyrdom; the

Master vanished, but left, as a perpetual memorial, his footprint in the

solid rock.

Another legend accounts for a curious mark in a stone at Jerusalem.

According to this, St. Thomas, after the ascension of the Lord, was

again troubled with doubts, whereupon the Virgin Mother threw down her

girdle, which left its imprint upon the rock, and thus converted the

doubter fully and finally.

And still another example is seen at the very opposite extreme of

Europe, in the legend of the priestess of Hertha in the island of Rugen.

She had been unfaithful to her vows, and the gods furnished a proof of

her guilt by causing her and her child to sink into the rock on which

she stood.(423)

(423) For myths and legend crystallizing about boulders and other stones

curiously shaped or marked, see, on the general subject, in addition to

works already cited, Des Brosses, Les Dieux Fetiches, 1760, passim, but

especially pages 166, 167; and for a condensed statement as to worship

paid them, see Gerard de Rialle, Mythologie comparee, vol. vi, chapter

ii. For imprints of Buddha's feet, see Tylor, Researches into the Early

History of Mankind, London, 1878, pp. 115 et seq.; also Coleman, p. 203,

and Charton, Voyageurs anciens et modernes, tome i, pp. 365, 366, where

engravings of one of the imprints, and of the temple above another, are

seen. There are five which are considered authentic by the Siamese,

and a multitude of others more or less strongly insisted upon. For the

imprint os Moses' body, see travellers from Sir John Mandeville down.

For the mark of Neptune's trident, see last edition of Murray's Handbook

of Greece, vol. i, p. 322; and Burnouf, La Legende Athenienne, p. 153.

For imprint of the feet of Christ, and of the Virgin's girdle and tears,

see many of the older travellers in Palestine, as Arculf, Bouchard,

Roger, and especially Bertrandon de la Brocquiere in Wright's

collection, pp. 339, 340; also Maundrell's Travels, and Mandeville. For

the curious legend regarding the imprint of Abraham's foot, see Weil,

Biblische Legenden der Muselmanner, pp. 91 et seq. For many additional

examples in Palestine, particularly the imprints of the bodies of three

apostles on stones in the Garden of Gethsemane and of St. Jerome's body

in the desert, see Beauvau, Relation du Voyage du Lavant, Nancy, 1615,

passim. For the various imprints made by Satan and giants in Scandanavia

and Germany, see Thorpe, vol. ii, p. 85; Friedrichs, pp. 126 and passim.

For a very rich collection of such explanatory legends regarding stones

and marks in Germany, see Karl Bartsch, Sagen, Marchen und Gebrauche

aus Meklenburg, Wien, 1880, vol. ii, pp. 420 et seq. For a woodcut

representing the imprint of Christ's feet on the stone from which he

ascended to heaven, see woodcut in Mandeville, edition of 1484, in the

White Library, Cornell University. For the legend of Domine quo vadis,

see many books of travel and nearly all guide books for Rome, from

the mediaeval Mirabilia Romae to the latest edition of Murray. The

footprints of Mohammed at Cairo were shown to the present writer in

1889. On the general subject, with many striking examples, see Falsan,

La Periode glaciaire, Paris, 1889, pp. 17, 294, 295.

Another and very fruitful source of explanatory myths is found in

ancient centres of volcanic action, and especially in old craters of

volcanoes and fissures filled with water.

In China we have, among other examples, Lake Man, which was once the

site of the flourishing city Chiang Shui--overwhelmed and sunk on

account of the heedlessness of its inhabitants regarding a divine

warning.

In Phrygia, the lake and morass near Tyana were ascribed to the wrath

of Zeus and Hermes, who, having visited the cities which formerly stood

there, and having been refused shelter by all the inhabitants save

Philemon and Baucis, rewarded their benefactors, but sunk the wicked

cities beneath the lake and morass.

Stories of similar import grew up to explain the crater near Sipylos

in Asia Minor and that of Avernus in Italy: the latter came to be

considered the mouth of the infernal regions, as every schoolboy knows

when he has read his Virgil.

In the later Christian mythologies we have such typical legends as those

which grew up about the old crater in Ceylon; the salt water in it being

accounted for by supposing it the tears of Adam and Eve, who retreated

to this point after their expulsion from paradise and bewailed their sin

during a hundred years.

So, too, in Germany we have multitudes of lakes supposed to owe their

origin to the sinking of valleys as a punishment for human sin. Of these

are the "Devil's Lake," near Gustrow, which rose and covered a

church and its priests on account of their corruption; the lake at

Probst-Jesar, which rose and covered an oak grove and a number of

peasants resting in it on account of their want of charity to beggars;

and the Lucin Lake, which rose and covered a number of soldiers on

account of their cruelty to a poor peasant.

Such legends are found throughout America and in Japan, and will

doubtless be found throughout Asia and Africa, and especially among

the volcanic lakes of South America, the pitch lakes of the Caribbean

Islands, and even about the Salt Lake of Utah; for explanatory myths and

legends under such circumstances are inevitable.(424)

(424) As to myths explaining volcanic craters and lakes, and embodying

ideas of the wrath of Heaven against former inhabitants of the

neighboring country, see Forbiger, Alte Geographie, Hamburg, 1877, vol.

i, p. 563. For exaggerations concerning the Dead Sea, see ibid., vol. i,

p. 575. For the sinking of Chiang Shui and other examples, see Denny's

Folklore of China, pp. 126 et seq. For the sinking of the Phrygian

region, the destruction of its inhabitants, and the saving of Philemon

and Baucis, see Ovid's Metamorphoses, book viii; also Botticher,

Baumcultus der Alten, etc. For the lake in Ceylon arising from the tears

of Adam and Eve, see variants of the original legend in Mandeville and

in Jurgen Andersen, Reisebeschreibung, 1669, vol. ii, p. 132. For

the volcanic nature of the Dead Sea, see Daubeny, cited in Smith's

Dictionary of the Bible, s.v. Palestine. For lakes in Germany owing

their origin to human sin and various supernatural causes, see Karl

Bartsch, Sagen, Marche und Gebrauche aus Meklenburg, vol. i, pp. 397 et

seq. For lakes in America, see any good collection of Indian legends.

For lakes in Japan sunk supernaturally, see Braun's Japanesische Marche

und Sagen, Leipsic, 1885, pp. 350, 351.

To the same manner of explaining striking appearances in physical

geography, and especially strange rocks and boulders, we mainly owe

the innumerable stories of the transformation of living beings, and

especially of men and women, into these natural features.

In the mythology of China we constantly come upon legends of such

transformations--from that of the first Counsellor of the Han dynasty

to those of shepherds and sheep. In the Brahmanic mythology of India,

Salagrama, the fossil ammonite, is recognised as containing the body of

Vishnu's wife, and the Binlang stone has much the same relation to Siva;

so, too, the nymph Ramba was changed, for offending Ketu, into a mass of

sand; by the breath of Siva elephants were turned into stone; and in a

very touching myth Luxman is changed into stone but afterward released.

In the Buddhist mythology a Nat demon is represented as changing himself

into a grain of sand.

Among the Greeks such transformation myths come constantly before

us--both the changing of stones to men and the changing of men to

stones. Deucalion and Pyrrha, escaping from the flood, repeopled the

earth by casting behind them stones which became men and women; Heraulos

was changed into stone for offending Mercury; Pyrrhus for offending

Rhea; Phineus, and Polydectes with his guests, for offending Perseus:

under the petrifying glance of Medusa's head such transformations became

a thing of course.

To myth-making in obedience to the desire of explaining unusual

natural appearances, coupled with the idea that sin must be followed by

retribution, we also owe the well-known Niobe myth. Having incurred the

divine wrath, Niobe saw those dearest to her destroyed by missiles from

heaven, and was finally transformed into a rock on Mount Sipylos which

bore some vague resemblance to the human form, and her tears became the

rivulets which trickled from the neighbouring strata.

Thus, in obedience to a moral and intellectual impulse, a striking

geographical appearance was explained, and for ages pious Greeks looked

with bated breath upon the rock at Sipylos which was once Niobe, just

as for ages pious Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans looked with awe upon

the salt pillar at the Dead Sea which was once Lot's wife.

Pausanias, one of the most honest of ancient travellers, gives us a

notable exhibition of this feeling. Having visited this monument of

divine vengeance at Mount Sipylos, he tells us very naively that, though

he could discern no human features when standing near it, he thought

that he could see them when standing at a distance. There could

hardly be a better example of that most common and deceptive of all

things--belief created by the desire to believe.

In the pagan mythology of Scandinavia we have such typical examples as

Bors slaying the giant Ymir and transforming his bones into boulders;

also "the giant who had no heart" transforming six brothers and their

wives into stone; and, in the old Christian mythology, St. Olaf changing

into stone the wicked giants who opposed his preaching.

So, too, in Celtic countries we have in Ireland such legends as those of

the dancers turned into stone; and, in Brittany, the stones at Plesse,

which were once hunters and dogs violating the sanctity of Sunday; and

the stones of Carnac, which were once soldiers who sought to kill St.

Cornely.

Teutonic mythology inherited from its earlier Eastern days a similar

mass of old legends, and developed a still greater mass of new ones.

Thus, near the Konigstein, which all visitors to the Saxon Switzerland

know so well, is a boulder which for ages was believed to have once been

a maiden transformed into stone for refusing to go to church; and near

Rosenberg in Mecklenburg is another curiously shaped stone of which

a similar story is told. Near Spornitz, in the same region, are seven

boulders whose forms and position are accounted for by a long and

circumstantial legend that they were once seven impious herdsmen; near

Brahlsdorf is a stone which, according to a similar explanatory myth,

was once a blasphemous shepherd; near Schwerin are three boulders which

were once wasteful servants; and at Neustadt, down to a recent period,

was shown a collection of stones which were once a bride and bridegroom

with their horses--all punished for an act of cruelty; and these stories

are but typical of thousands.

At the other extremity of Europe we may take, out of the multitude

of explanatory myths, that which grew about the well-known group of

boulders near Belgrade. In the midst of them stands one larger than the

rest: according to the legend which was developed to account for all

these, there once lived there a swineherd, who was disrespectful to the

consecrated Host; whereupon he was changed into the larger stone, and

his swine into the smaller ones. So also at Saloniki we have the pillars

of the ruined temple, which are widely believed, especially among the

Jews of that region, to have once been human beings, and are therefore

known as the "enchanted columns."

Among the Arabs we have an addition to our sacred account of Adam--the

legend of the black stone of the Caaba at Mecca, into which the angel

was changed who was charged by the Almighty to keep Adam away from the

forbidden fruit, and who neglected his duty.

Similar old transformation legends are abundant among the Indians of

America, the negroes of Africa, and the natives of Australia and the

Pacific islands.

Nor has this making of myths to account for remarkable appearances yet

ceased, even in civilized countries.

About the beginning of this century the Grand Duke of Weimar, smitten

with the classical mania of his time, placed in the public park near

his palace a little altar, and upon this was carved, after the manner

so frequent in classical antiquity, a serpent taking a cake from it.

And shortly there appeared, in the town and the country round about, a

legend to explain this altar and its decoration. It was commonly said

that a huge serpent had laid waste that region in the olden time, until

a wise and benevolent baker had rid the world of the monster by means of

a poisoned biscuit.

So, too, but a few years since, in the heart of the State of New York,

a swindler of genius having made and buried a "petrified giant," one

theologian explained it by declaring it a Phoenician idol, and published

the Phoenician inscription which he thought he had found upon it; others

saw in it proofs that "there were giants in those days," and within a

week after its discovery myths were afloat that the neighbouring remnant

of the Onondaga Indians had traditions of giants who frequently roamed

through that region.(425)

(425) For transformation myths and legends, identifying rocks and stones

with gods and heroes, see Welcker, Gotterlehre, vol. i, p. 220. For

recent and more accessible statements for the general reader, see

Robertson Smith's admirable Lectures on the Religion of the Semites,

Edinburgh, 1889, pp. 86 et seq. For some thoughtful remarks on the

ancient adoration of stones rather than statues, with refernce to

the anointing of stones at Bethel by Jacob, see Dodwell, Tour through

Greece, vol. ii, p. 172; also Robertson Smith, as above, Lecture V. For

Chinese transformation legends, see Denny's Folklore of China, pp. 96,

128. For Hindu and other ancient legends of transformations, see

Dawson, Dictionary of Hindu Mythology; also Coleman, as above; also Cox,

Mythology of the Aryan Nations, pp. 81-97, etc. For such transformations

in Greece, see the Iliad, and Ovid, as above; also Stark, Niobe und die

Niobiden, p. 444 and elsewhere; also Preller, Griechische Mythologie,

passim; also Baumeister, Denkmaler des classischen Alterthums, article

Niobe; also Botticher, as above; also Curtius, Griechische Geschichte,

vol i, pp. 71, 72. For Pausanius's naive confession regarding the

Sipylos rock, see book i, p. 215. See also Texier, Asie Mineure, pp. 265

et seq.; also Chandler, Travels in Greece, vol. ii, p. 80, who seems to

hold to the later origin of the statue. At the end of Baumeister there

is an engraving copied from Stuart which seems to show that, as to the

Niobe legend, at a later period, Art was allowed to help Nature. For the

general subject, see Scheiffle, Programm des K. Gymnasiums in

Ellwangen: Mythologische Parallelen, 1865. For Scandinavian and Teutonic

transformation legends, see Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, vierte Ausg.,

vol. i, p. 457; also Thorpe, Northern Antiquities; also Friedrich,

passim, especially p. 116 et seq.; also, for a mass of very curious

ones, Karl Bartsch, Sagen, Marchen und gebrauche aus Meklenburg, vol. i,

pp. 420 et seq.; also Karl Simrock's edition of the Edda, ninth edition,

p. 319; also John Fiske, Myths and Myth-makers, pp. 8, 9. On the

universality of such legends and myths, see Ritter's Erdkunde, vol. xiv,

pp. 1098-1122. For Irish examples, see Manz, Real-Encyclopadie, article

Stein; and for multitudes of examples in Brittany, see Sebillot,

Traditions de la Haute-Bretagne. For the enchanted columns at Saloniki,

see the latest edition of Murray's Handbook of Turkey, vol. ii, p. 711.

For the legend of the angel changed into stone for neglecting to guard

Adam, see Weil, university librarian at Heidelberg, Biblische Legende

der Muselmanner, Frankfort-am-Main, 1845, pp. 37, 84. For similar

transformation legends in Australia and among the American Indians, see

Andrew Lang, Mythology, French translation, pp. 83, 102; also his Myth,

Ritual, and Religion, vol. i, pp. 150 et seq., citing numerous examples

from J. G. Muller, Urreligionen, and Dorman's Primitive Superstitions;

also Report of the Bureau of Ethnoligy for 1880-'81; and for an African

example, see account of the rock at Balon which was once a woman, in

Berenger-Feraud, Contes populaires de la Senegambie, chap. viii. For the

Weimar legend, see Lewes, Life of Goethe, book iv. For the myths which

arose about the swindling "Cardiff giant" in the State of New York, see

especially an article by G. A. Stockwell, M. D., in The Popular Science

Monthly for June, 1878; see also W. A. McKinney in The New-Englander

for October, 1875; and for the "Phoenician inscription," given at length

with a translation, see the Rev. Alexander McWhorter, in The Galaxy for

July, 1872. The present writer visited the "giant" shortly after it

was "discovered," carefully observed it, and the myths to which it gave

rise, has in his possession a mass of curious documents regarding this

fraud, and hopes ere long to prepare a supplement to Dr. Stockwell's

valuable paper.

To the same stage of thought belongs the conception of human beings

changed into trees. But, in the historic evolution of religion

and morality, while changes into stone or rock were considered as

punishments, or evidences of divine wrath, those into trees and shrubs

were frequently looked upon as rewards, or evidences of divine favour.

A very beautiful and touching form of this conception is seen in such

myths as the change of Philemon into the oak, and of Baucis into the

linden; of Myrrha into the myrtle; of Melos into the apple tree; of

Attis into the pine; of Adonis into the rose tree; and in the springing

of the vine and grape from the blood of the Titans, the violet from the

blood of Attis, and the hyacinth from the blood of Hyacinthus.

Thus it was, during the long ages when mankind saw everywhere miracle

and nowhere law, that, in the evolution of religion and morality,

striking features in physical geography became connected with the idea

of divine retribution.(426)

(426) For the view taken in Greece and Rome of transformations into

trees and shrubs, see Botticher, Baumcultus der Hellenen, book i, chap.

xix; also Ovid, Metamorphoses, passim; also foregoing notes.

But, in the natural course of intellectual growth, thinking men began to

doubt the historical accuracy of these myths and legends--or, at least,

to doubt all save those of the theology in which they happened to be

born; and the next step was taken when they began to make comparisons

between the myths and legends of different neighbourhoods and countries:

so came into being the science of comparative mythology--a science sure

to be of vast value, because, despite many stumblings and vagaries,

it shows ever more and more how our religion and morality have been

gradually evolved, and gives a firm basis to a faith that higher planes

may yet be reached.

Such a science makes the sacred books of the world more and more

precious, in that it shows how they have been the necessary envelopes of

our highest spiritual sustenance; how even myths and legends apparently

the most puerile have been the natural husks and rinds and shells of our

best ideas; and how the atmosphere is created in which these husks and

rinds and shells in due time wither, shrivel, and fall away, so that the

fruit itself may be gathered to sustain a nobler religion and a purer

morality.

The coming in of Christianity contributed elements of inestimable value

in this evolution, and, at the centre of all, the thoughts, words, and

life of the Master. But when, in the darkness that followed the

downfall of the Roman Empire, there was developed a theology and a vast

ecclesiastical power to enforce it, the most interesting chapters in

this evolution of religion and morality were removed from the domain of

science.

So it came that for over eighteen hundred years it has been thought

natural and right to study and compare the myths and legends arising

east and west and south and north of Palestine with each other, but

never with those of Palestine itself; so it came that one of the regions

most fruitful in materials for reverent thought and healthful comparison

was held exempt from the unbiased search for truth; so it came that, in

the name of truth, truth was crippled for ages. While observation, and

thought upon observation, and the organized knowledge or science which

results from these, progressed as regarded the myths and legends of

other countries, and an atmosphere was thus produced giving purer

conceptions of the world and its government, myths of that little

geographical region at the eastern end of the Mediterranean retained

possession of the civilized world in their original crude form, and have

at times done much to thwart the noblest efforts of religion, morality,

and civilization.

II. MEDIAEVAL GROWTH OF THE DEAD SEA LEGENDS.

The history of myths, of their growth under the earlier phases of human

thought and of their decline under modern thinking, is one of the most

interesting and suggestive of human studies; but, since to treat it as

a whole would require volumes, I shall select only one small group, and

out of this mainly a single myth--one about which there can no longer be

any dispute--the group of myths and legends which grew upon the shore of

the Dead Sea, and especially that one which grew up to account for the

successive salt columns washed out by the rains at its southwestern

extremity.

The Dead Sea is about fifty miles in length and ten miles in width; it

lies in a very deep fissure extending north and south, and its surface

is about thirteen hundred feet below that of the Mediterranean. It has,

therefore, no outlet, and is the receptacle for the waters of the whole

system to which it belongs, including those collected by the Sea of

Galilee and brought down thence by the river Jordan.

It certainly--or at least the larger part of it--ranks geologically

among the oldest lakes on earth. In a broad sense the region is

volcanic: On its shore are evidences of volcanic action, which must from

the earliest period have aroused wonder and fear, and stimulated the

myth-making tendency to account for them. On the eastern side are

impressive mountain masses which have been thrown up from old volcanic

vents; mineral and hot springs abound, some of them spreading sulphurous

odours; earthquakes have been frequent, and from time to time these have

cast up masses of bitumen; concretions of sulphur and large formations

of salt constantly appear.

The water which comes from the springs or oozes through the salt layers

upon its shores constantly brings in various salts in solution, and,

being rapidly evaporated under the hot sun and dry wind, there has been

left, in the bed of the lake, a strong brine heavily charged with the

usual chlorides and bromides--a sort of bitter "mother liquor" This

fluid has become so dense as to have a remarkable power of supporting

the human body; it is of an acrid and nauseating bitterness; and by

ordinary eyes no evidence of life is seen in it.

Thus it was that in the lake itself, and in its surrounding shores,

there was enough to make the generation of explanatory myths on a large

scale inevitable.

The main northern part of the lake is very deep, the plummet having

shown an abyss of thirteen hundred feet; but the southern end is shallow

and in places marshy.

The system of which it forms a part shows a likeness to that in South

America of which the mountain lake Titicaca is the main feature; as a

receptacle for surplus waters, only rendering them by evaporation, it

resembles the Caspian and many other seas; as a sort of evaporating dish

for the leachings of salt rock, and consequently holding a body of water

unfit to support the higher forms of animal life, it resembles,

among others, the Median lake of Urumiah; as a deposit of bitumen, it

resembles the pitch lakes of Trinidad.(427)

(427) For modern views of the Dead Sea, see the Rev. Edward Robinson, D.

D., Biblical Researches, various editions; Lynch's Exploring Expedition;

De Saulcy, Voyage autour de la Mer Morte; Stanley's Palestine and Syria;

Schaff's Through Bible Lands; and other travellers hereafter quoted. For

good photogravures, showing the character of the whole region, see the

atlas forming part of De Luynes's monumental Voyage d'Exploration. For

geographical summaries, see Reclus, La Terre, Paris, 1870, pp. 832-834;

Ritter, Erdkunde, volumes devoted to Palestine and especially as

supplemented in Gage's translation with additions; Reclus, Nouvelle

Geographie Universelle, vol. ix, p. 736, where a small map is given

presenting the difference in depth between the two ends of the lake,

of which so much was made theologically before Lartet. For still better

maps, see De Saulcy, and especially De Luynes, Voyage d'Exploration

(atlas). For very interesting panoramic views, see last edition of Canon

Tristram's Land of Israel, p. 635. For the geology, see Lartet, in his

reports to the French Geographical Society, and especially in vol. iii

of De Luynes's work, where there is an admirable geological map with

sections, etc.; also Ritter; also Sir J. W. Dawson's Egypt and Syria,

published by the Religious Tract Society; also Rev. Cunningham Geikie,

D. D., Geology of Palestine; and for pictures showing salt formation,

Tristram, as above. For the meteorology, see Vignes, report to De

Luynes, pp. 65 et seq. For chemistry of the Dead Sea, see as above,

and Terreil's report, given in Gage's Ritter, vol. iii, appendix 2, and

tables in De Luynes's third volume. For zoology of the Dead Sea, as to

entire absence of life in it, see all earlier travellers; as to presence

of lower forms of life, see Ehrenberg's microscopic examinations in

Gage's Ritter. See also reports in third volume of De Luynes. For botany

of the Dead Sea, and especially regarding "apples of Sodom," see Dr.

Lortet's La Syrie, p. 412; also Reclus, Nouvelle Geographie, vol. ix,

p. 737; also for photographic representations of them, see portfolio

forming part of De Luynes's work, plate 27. For Strabo's very perfect

description, see his Geog., lib. xvi, cap. ii; also Fallmerayer, Werke,

pp. 177, 178. For names and positions of a large number of salt lakes in

various parts of the world more or less resembling the Dead Sea, see De

Luynes, vol. iii, pp. 242 et seq. For Trinidad "pitch lakes," found by

Sir Walter Raleigh in 1595, see Lengegg, El Dorado, part i, p. 103, and

part ii, p. 101; also Reclus, Ritter, et al. For the general subject,

see Schenkel, Bibel-Lexikon, s.v. Todtes Meer, an excellent summery.

The description of the Dead Sea in Lenormant's great history is utterly

unworthy of him, and must have been thrown together from old notes after

his death. It is amazing to see in such a work the old superstitions

that birds attempting to fly over the sea are suffocated. See Lenormant,

Histoire ancienne de l'Orient, edition of 1888, vol. vi, p. 112. For the

absorption and adoption of foreign myths and legends by the Jews, see

Baring-Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, p. 390. For the views of

Greeks and Romans, see especially Tacitus, Historiae, book v, Pliny, and

Strabo, in whose remarks are the germs of many of the mediaeval myths.

For very curious examples of these, see Baierus, De Excidio Sodomae,

Halle, 1690, passim.

In all this there is nothing presenting any special difficulty to the

modern geologist or geographer; but with the early dweller in Palestine

the case was very different. The rocky, barren desolation of the Dead

Sea region impressed him deeply; he naturally reasoned upon it; and this

impression and reasoning we find stamped into the pages of his sacred

literature, rendering them all the more precious as a revelation of the

earlier thought of mankind. The long circumstantial account given in

Genesis, its application in Deuteronomy, its use by Amos, by Isaiah,

by Jeremiah, by Zephaniah, and by Ezekiel, the references to it in

the writings attributed to St. Paul, St. Peter, and St. Jude, in the

Apocalypse, and, above all, in more than one utterance of the Master

himself--all show how deeply these geographical features impressed the

Jewish mind.

At a very early period, myths and legends, many and circumstantial, grew

up to explain features then so incomprehensible.

As the myth and legend grew up among the Greeks of a refusal of

hospitality to Zeus and Hermes by the village in Phrygia, and the

consequent sinking of that beautiful region with its inhabitants beneath

a lake and morass, so there came belief in a similar offence by the

people of the beautiful valley of Siddim, and the consequent sinking

of that valley with its inhabitants beneath the waters of the Dead Sea.

Very similar to the accounts of the saving of Philemon and Baucis are

those of the saving of Lot and his family.

But the myth-making and miracle-mongering by no means ceased in ancient

times; they continued to grow through the medieval and modern period

until they have quietly withered away in the light of modern scientific

investigation, leaving to us the religious and moral truths they

inclose.

It would be interesting to trace this whole group of myths: their

origin in times prehistoric, their development in Greece and Rome, their

culmination during the ages of faith, and their disappearance in the age

of science. It would be especially instructive to note the conscientious

efforts to prolong their life by making futile compromises between

science and theology regarding them; but I shall mention this main group

only incidentally, confining my self almost entirely to the one above

named--the most remarkable of all--the myth which grew about the salt

pillars of Usdum.

I select this mainly because it involves only elementary principles,

requires no abstruse reasoning, and because all controversy regarding it

is ended. There is certainly now no theologian with a reputation to lose

who will venture to revive the idea regarding it which was sanctioned

for hundreds, nay, thousands, of years by theology, was based on

Scripture, and was held by the universal Church until our own century.

The main feature of the salt region of Usdum is a low range of hills

near the southwest corner of the Dead Sea, extending in a southeasterly

direction for about five miles, and made up mainly of salt rock. This

rock is soft and friable, and, under the influence of the heavy winter

rains, it has been, without doubt, from a period long before human

history, as it is now, cut ever into new shapes, and especially into

pillars or columns, which sometimes bear a resemblance to the human

form.

An eminent clergyman who visited this spot recently speaks of the

appearance of this salt range as follows:

"Fretted by fitful showers and storms, its ridge is exceedingly uneven,

its sides carved out and constantly changing;... and each traveller

might have a new pillar of salt to wonder over at intervals of a few

years."(428)

(428) As to the substance of the "pillars" or "statues" or "needles" of

salt at Usdum, many travellers speak of it as "marl and salt." Irby and

Mangles, in their Travels in Egypt, Nubia, Syria, and the Holy Land,

chap. vii, call it "salt and hardened sand." The citation as to frequent

carving out of new "pillars" is from the Travels in Palestine of the

Rev. H. F. Osborn, D. D.; see also Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, vol ii,

pp. 478, 479. For engravings of the salt pillar at different times,

compare that given by Lynch in 1848, when it appeared as a column forty

feet high, with that given by Palmer as the frontpiece to his Desert of

the Exodus, Cambridge, England, 1871, when it was small and "does

really bear a curious resemblance to an Arab woman with a child upon

he shoulders", and this again with the picture of the salt formation at

Usdum given by Canon Tristram, at whose visit there was neither "pillar"

nor "statue." See The Land of Israel, by H. B. Tristram, D. D., F. R.

S., London, 1882, p. 324. For similar pillars of salt washed out from

the mud at Catalonia, see Lyell.

Few things could be more certain than that, in the indolent dream-life

of the East, myths and legends would grow up to account for this as

for other strange appearances in all that region. The question which

a religious Oriental put to himself in ancient times at Usdum was

substantially that which his descendant to-day puts to himself at

Kosseir. "Why is this region thus blasted?" "Whence these pillars of

salt?" or "Whence these blocks of granite?" "What aroused the vengeance

of Jehovah or of Allah to work these miracles of desolation?"

And, just as Maxime Du Camp recorded the answer of the modern Shemite at

Kosseir, so the compilers of the Jewish sacred books recorded the answer

of the ancient Shemite at the Dead Sea; just as Allah at Kosseir blasted

the land and transformed the melons into boulders which are seen to this

day, so Jehovah at Usdum blasted the land and transformed Lot's wife

into a pillar of salt, which is seen to this day.

No more difficulty was encountered in the formation of the Lot legend,

to account for that rock resembling the human form, than in the

formation of the Niobe legend, which accounted for a supposed

resemblance in the rock at Sipylos: it grew up just as we have seen

thousands of similar myths and legends grow up about striking natural

appearances in every early home of the human race. Being thus consonant

with the universal view regarding the relation of physical geography to

the divine government, it became a treasure of the Jewish nation and

of the Christian Church--a treasure not only to be guarded against

all hostile intrusion, but to be increased, as we shall see, by the

myth-making powers of Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans for thousands

of years. The spot where the myth originated was carefully kept in mind;

indeed, it could not escape, for in that place alone were constantly

seen the phenomena which gave rise to it. We have a steady chain of

testimony through the ages, all pointing to the salt pillar as the

irrefragable evidence of divine judgment. That great theological test of

truth, the dictum of St. Vincent of Lerins, would certainly prove

that the pillar was Lot's wife, for it was believed so to be by Jews,

Christians, and Mohammedans from the earliest period down to a time

almost within present memory--"always, everywhere, and by all." It would

stand perfectly the ancient test insisted upon by Cardinal Newman,"

Securus judicat orbis terrarum."

For, ever since the earliest days of Christianity, the identity of the

salt pillar with Lot's wife has been universally held and supported by

passages in Genesis, in St. Luke's Gospel, and in the Second Epistle of

St. Peter--coupled with a passage in the book of the Wisdom of Solomon,

which to this day, by a majority in the Christian Church, is believed to

be inspired, and from which are specially cited the words, "A standing

pillar of salt is a monument of an unbelieving soul."(429)

(429) For the usual biblical citations, see Genesis xix, 26; St. Luke

xvii, 32; II Peter ii, 6. For the citation from Wisdom, see chap. x,

v. 7. For the account of the transformation of Lot's wife put into

its proper relations with the Jehovistic and Elohistic documents, see

Lenormant's La Genese, Paris, 1883, pp. 53, 199, and 317, 318.

Never was chain of belief more continuous. In the first century of the

Christian era Josephus refers to the miracle, and declares regarding

the statue, "I have seen it, and it remains at this day"; and Clement,

Bishop of Rome, one of the most revered fathers of the Church, noted

for the moderation of his statements, expresses a similar certainty,

declaring the miraculous statue to be still standing.

In the second century that great father of the Church, bishop and

martyr, Irenaeus, not only vouched for it, but gave his approval to the

belief that the soul of Lot's wife still lingered in the statue, giving

it a sort of organic life: thus virtually began in the Church that

amazing development of the legend which we shall see taking various

forms through the Middle Ages--the story that the salt statue exercised

certain physical functions which in these more delicate days can not be

alluded to save under cover of a dead language.

This addition to the legend, which in these signs of life, as in other

things, is developed almost exactly on the same lines with the legend

of the Niobe statue in the rock of Mount Sipylos and with the legends of

human beings transformed into boulders in various mythologies, was for

centuries regarded as an additional confirmation of revealed truth.

In the third century the myth burst into still richer bloom in a

poem long ascribed to Tertullian. In this poem more miraculous

characteristics of the statue are revealed. It could not be washed away

by rains; it could not be overthrown by winds; any wound made upon it

was miraculously healed; and the earlier statements as to its physical

functions were amplified in sonorous Latin verse.

With this appeared a new legend regarding the Dead Sea; it became

universally believed, and we find it repeated throughout the whole

medieval period, that the bitumen could only he dissolved by such fluids

as in the processes of animated nature came from the statue.

The legend thus amplified we shall find dwelt upon by pious travellers

and monkish chroniclers for hundreds of years: so it came to be more

and more treasured by the universal Church, and held more and more

firmly--"always, everywhere, and by all."

In the two following centuries we have an overwhelming mass of

additional authority for the belief that the very statue of salt into

which Lot's wife was transformed was still existing. In the fourth, the

continuance of the statue was vouched for by St. Silvia, who visited the

place: though she could not see it, she was told by the Bishop of Segor

that it had been there some time before, and she concluded that it

had been temporarily covered by the sea. In both the fourth and fifth

centuries such great doctors in the Church as St. Jerome, St. John

Chrysostom, and St. Cyril of Jerusalem agreed in this belief and

statement; hence it was, doubtless, that the Hebrew word which is

translated in the authorized English version "pillar," was translated

in the Vulgate, which the majority of Christians believe virtually

inspired, by the word "statue"; we shall find this fact insisted upon by

theologians arguing in behalf of the statue, as a result and monument of

the miracle, for over fourteen hundred years afterward.(430)

(430) See Josephus, Antiquities, book i, chap. xi; Epist. I; Cyril

Hieros, Catech., xix; Chrysostom, Hom. XVIII, XLIV, in Genes.; Irenaeus,

lib. iv, c. xxxi, of his Heresies, edition Oxon., 1702. For St. Silvia,

see S. Silviae Aquitanae Peregrinatio ad Loca Sancta, Romae, 1887, p.

55; also edition of 1885, p. 25. For recent translation, see Pilgrimage

of St. Silvia, p. 28, in publications of Palestine Text Society for

1891. For legends of signs of continued life in boulders and stones

into which human beings have been transformed for sin, see Karl Bartsch,

Sage, etc., vol. ii, pp. 420 et seq.

About the middle of the sixth century Antoninus Martyr visited the Dead

Sea region and described it, but curiously reversed a simple truth in

these words: "Nor do sticks or straws float there, nor can a man swim,

but whatever is cast into it sinks to the bottom." As to the statue of

Lot's wife, he threw doubt upon its miraculous renewal, but testified

that it was still standing.

In the seventh century the Targum of Jerusalem not only testified that

the salt pillar at Usdum was once Lot's wife, but declared that she must

retain that form until the general resurrection. In the seventh century

too, Bishop Arculf travelled to the Dead Sea, and his work was added

to the treasures of the Church. He greatly develops the legend, and

especially that part of it given by Josephus. The bitumen that floats

upon the sea "resembles gold and the form of a bull or camel"; "birds

can not live near it"; and "the very beautiful apples" which grow there,

when plucked, "burn and are reduced to ashes, and smoke as if they were

still burning."

In the eighth century the Venerable Bede takes these statements of

Arculf and his predecessors, binds them together in his work on The

Holy Places, and gives the whole mass of myths and legends an enormous

impulse.(431)

(431) For Antoninus Martyr, see Tobler's edition of his work in the

Itinera, vol. i, p. 100, Geneva, 1877. For the Targum of Jerusalem, see

citation in Quaresmius, Terrae Sanctae Elucidation, Peregrinatio vi,

cap. xiv; new Venice edition. For Arculf, see Tobler. For Bede, see his

De Locis Sanctis in Tobler's Itinera, vol. i, p. 228. For an admirable

statement of the mediaeval theological view of scientific research,

see Eicken, Geschichte der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung, Stuttgart,

1887, chap. vi.

In the tenth century new force is given to it by the pious Moslem

Mukadassi. Speaking of the town of Segor, near the salt region, he says

that the proper translation of its name is "Hell"; and of the lake

he says, "Its waters are hot, even as though the place stood over

hell-fire."

In the crusading period, immediately following, all the legends burst

forth more brilliantly than ever.

The first of these new travellers who makes careful statements is Fulk

of Chartres, who in 1100 accompanied King Baldwin to the Dead Sea and

saw many wonders; but, though he visited the salt region at Usdum, he

makes no mention of the salt pillar: evidently he had fallen on evil

times; the older statues had probably been washed away, and no new one

had happened to be washed out of the rocks just at that period.

But his misfortune was more than made up by the triumphant experience

of a far more famous traveller, half a century later--Rabbi Benjamin of

Tudela.

Rabbi Benjamin finds new evidences of miracle in the Dead Sea, and

develops to a still higher point the legend of the salt statue of Lot's

wife, enriching the world with the statement that it was steadily and

miraculously rene wed; that, though the cattle of the region licked its

surface, it never grew smaller. Again a thrill of joy went through the

monasteries and pulpits of Christendom at this increasing "evidence of

the truth of Scripture."

Toward the end of the thirteenth century there appeared in Palestine

a traveller superior to most before or since--Count Burchard, monk of

Mount Sion. He had the advantage of knowing something of Arabic, and his

writings show him to have been observant and thoughtful. No statue of

Lot's wife appears to have been washed clean of the salt rock at his

visit, but he takes it for granted that the Dead Sea is "the mouth of

hell," and that the vapour rising from it is the smoke from Satan's

furnaces.

These ideas seem to have become part of the common stock, for Ernoul,

who travelled to the Dead Sea during the same century, always speaks of

it as the "Sea of Devils."

Near the beginning of the fourteenth century appeared the book of far

wider influence which bears the name of Sir John Mandeville, and in

the various editions of it myths and legends of the Dead Sea and of the

pillar of salt burst forth into wonderful luxuriance.

This book tells us that masses of fiery matter are every day thrown up

from the water "as large as a horse"; that, though it contains no living

thing, it has been shown that men thrown into it can not die; and,

finally, as if to prove the worthlessness of devout testimony to the

miraculous, he says: "And whoever throws a piece of iron therein, it

floats; and whoever throws a feather therein, it sinks to the bottom;

and, because that is contrary to nature, I was not willing to believe it

until I saw it."

The book, of course, mentions Lot's wife, and says that the pillar of

salt "stands there to-day," and "has a right salty taste."

Injustice has perhaps been done to the compilers of this famous work

in holding them liars of the first magnitude. They simply abhorred

scepticism, and thought it meritorious to believe all pious legends.

The ideal Mandeville was a man of overmastering faith, and resembled

Tertullian in believing some things "because they are impossible"; he

was doubtless entirely conscientious; the solemn ending of the

book shows that he listened, observed, and wrote under the deepest

conviction, and those who re-edited his book were probably just as

honest in adding the later stories of pious travellers.

The Travels of Sir John Mandeville, thus appealing to the popular heart,

were most widely read in the monasteries and repeated among the people.

Innumerable copies were made in manuscript, and finally in print, and so

the old myths received a new life.(432)

(432) For Fulk of Chartres and crusading travellers generally, see

Bongars' Gesta Dei and the French Recueil; also Histories of the

Crusades by Wilken, Sybel, Kugler, and others; see also Robinson,

Biblical Researches, vol. ii, p. 109, and Tobler, Bibliographia

Geographica Palestinae, 1867, p. 12. For Benjamin of Tudela's statement,

see Wright's Collection of Travels in Palestine, p. 84, and Asher's

edition of Benjamin of Tudela's travels, vol. i, pp. 71, 72; also

Charton, vol. i, p. 180. For Borchard or Burchard, see full text in the

Reyssbuch dess Heyligen Landes; also Grynaeus, Nov. Orbis, Basil, 1532,

fol. 298, 329. For Ernoul, see his L'Estat de la Cite de Hierusalem, in

Michelant and Reynaud, Itineraires Francaises au 12me et 13me Siecles.

For Petrus Diaconus, see his book De Locis Sanctis, edited by Gamurrini,

Rome, 1887, pp. 126, 127. For Mandeville I have compared several

editions, especially those in the Reyssbuch, in Canisius, and in Wright,

with Halliwell's reprint and with the rare Strasburg edition of 1484

in the Cornell University Library: the whole statement regarding the

experiment with iron and feathers is given differently in different

copies. The statement that he saw the feathers sink and the iron swim

is made in the Reyssbuch edition, Frankfort, 1584. The story, like the

saints' legends, evidently grew as time went on, but is none the less

interesting as showing the general credulity. Since writing the above, I

have been glad to find my view of Mandeville's honesty confirmed by the

Rev. Dr. Robinson, and by Mr. Gage in his edition of Ritter's Palestine.

In the fifteenth century wonders increased. In 1418 we have the Lord of

Caumont, who makes a pilgrimage and gives us a statement which is

the result of the theological reasoning of centuries, and especially

interesting as a typical example of the theological method in contrast

with the scientific. He could not understand how the blessed waters of

the Jordan could be allowed to mingle with the accursed waters of the

Dead Sea. In spite, then, of the eye of sense, he beheld the water with

the eye of faith, and calmly announced that the Jordan water passes

through the sea, but that the two masses of water are not mingled. As to

the salt statue of Lot's wife, he declares it to be still existing; and,

copying a table of indulgences granted by the Church to pious pilgrims,

he puts down the visit to the salt statue as giving an indulgence of

seven years.

Toward the end of the century we have another traveller yet more

influential: Bernard of Breydenbach, Dean of Mainz. His book of travels

was published in 1486, at the famous press of Schoeffer, and in various

translations it was spread through Europe, exercising an influence wide

and deep. His first important notice of the Dead Sea is as follows: "In

this, Tirus the serpent is found, and from him the Tiriac medicine is

made. He is blind, and so full of venom that there is no remedy for

his bite except cutting off the bitten part. He can only be taken by

striking him and making him angry; then his venom flies into his head

and tail." Breydenbach calls the Dead Sea "the chimney of hell," and

repeats the old story as to the miraculous solvent for its bitumen.

He, too, makes the statement that the holy water of the Jordan does not

mingle with the accursed water of the infernal sea, but increases the

miracle which Caumont had announced by saying that, although the waters

appear to come together, the Jordan is really absorbed in the earth

before it reaches the sea.

As to Lot's wife, various travellers at that time had various fortunes.

Some, like Caumont and Breydenbach, took her continued existence for

granted; some, like Count John of Solms, saw her and were greatly

edified; some, like Hans Werli, tried to find her and could not, but,

like St. Silvia, a thousand years before, were none the less edified by

the idea that, for some inscrutable purpose, the sea had been allowed to

hide her from them; some found her larger than they expected, even forty

feet high, as was the salt pillar which happened to be standing at the

visit of Commander Lynch in 1848; but this only added a new proof to the

miracle, for the text was remembered, "There were giants in those days."

Out of the mass of works of pilgrims during the fifteenth century I

select just one more as typical of the theological view then dominant,

and this is the noted book of Felix Fabri, a preaching friar of Ulm. I

select him, because even so eminent an authority in our own time as Dr.

Edward Robinson declares him to have been the most thorough, thoughtful,

and enlightened traveller of that century.

Fabri is greatly impressed by the wonders of the Dead Sea, and typical

of his honesty influenced by faith is his account of the Dead Sea fruit;

he describes it with almost perfect accuracy, but adds the statement

that when mature it is "filled with ashes and cinders."

As to the salt statue, he says: "We saw the place between the sea and

Mount Segor, but could not see the statue itself because we were too far

distant to see anything of human size; but we saw it with firm faith,

because we believed Scripture, which speaks of it; and we were filled

with wonder."

To sustain absolute faith in the statue he reminds his reader's that

"God is able even of these stones to raise up seed to Abraham," and goes

into a long argument, discussing such transformations as those of King

Atlas and Pygmalion's statue, with a multitude of others, winding up

with the case, given in the miracles of St. Jerome, of a heretic who was

changed into a log of wood, which was then burned.

He gives a statement of the Hebrews that Lot's wife received her

peculiar punishment because she had refused to add salt to the food

of the angels when they visited her, and he preaches a short sermon in

which he says that, as salt is the condiment of food, so the salt statue

of Lot's wife "gives us a condiment of wisdom."(433)

(433) For Bernard of Breydenbach, I have used the Latin edition, Mentz,

1486, in the White collection, Cornell University, also the German

edition in the Reyssbuch. For John of Solms, Werli, and the like, see

the Reyssbuch, which gives a full text of their travels. For Fabri

(Schmid), see, for his value, Robinson; also Tobler, Bibliographia, pp.

53 et seq.; and for texts, see Reyssbuch, pp. 122b et seq., but best the

Fratris Fel. Fabri Evagatorium, ed. Hassler, Stuttgart, 1843, vol. iii,

pp. 172 et seq. His book now has been translated into English by the

Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society.

There were, indeed, many discrepancies in the testimony of travellers

regarding the salt pillar--so many, in fact, that at a later period the

learned Dom Calmet acknowledged that they shook his belief in the whole

matter; but, during this earlier time, under the complete sway of the

theological spirit, these difficulties only gave new and more glorious

opportunities for faith.

For, if a considerable interval occurred between the washing of one salt

pillar out of existence and the washing of another into existence, the

idea arose that the statue, by virtue of the soul which still remained

in it, had departed on some mysterious excursion. Did it happen that one

statue was washed out one year in one place and another statue another

year in another place, this difficulty was surmounted by believing that

Lot's wife still walked about. Did it happen that a salt column was

undermined by the rains and fell, this was believed to be but another

sign of life. Did a pillar happen to be covered in part by the sea,

this was enough to arouse the belief that the statue from time to time

descended into the Dead Sea depths--possibly to satisfy that old fatal

curiosity regarding her former neighbours.

Did some smaller block of salt happen to be washed out near the statue,

it was believed that a household dog, also transformed into salt, had

followed her back from beneath the deep. Did more statues than one

appear at one time, that simply made the mystery more impressive.

In facts now so easy of scientific explanation the theologians found

wonderful matter for argument.

One great question among them was whether the soul of Lot's wife did

really remain in the statue. On one side it was insisted that, as Holy

Scripture declares that Lot's wife was changed into a pillar of salt,

and as she was necessarily made up of a soul and a body, the soul must

have become part of the statue. This argument was clinched by citing

that passage in the Book of Wisdom in which the salt pillar is declared

to be still standing as "the monument of an unbelieving SOUL." On the

other hand, it was insisted that the soul of the woman must have been

incorporeal and immortal, and hence could not have been changed into a

substance corporeal and mortal. Naturally, to this it would be answered

that the salt pillar was no more corporeal than the ordinary materials

of the human body, and that it had been made miraculously immortal,

and "with God all things are possible." Thus were opened long vistas of

theological discussion.(434)

(434) For a brief statement of the main arguments for and against the

idea that the soul of Lot's wife remained within the salt statue, see

Cornelius a Lapide, Commentarius in Pentateuchum, Antwerp, 1697, chap.

xix.

As we enter the sixteenth century the Dead Sea myths, and especially the

legends of Lot's wife, are still growing. In 1507 Father Anselm of the

Minorites declares that the sea sometimes covers the feet of the statue,

sometimes the legs, sometimes the whole body.

In 1555, Gabriel Giraudet, priest at Puy, journeyed through Palestine.

His faith was robust, and his attitude toward the myths of the Dead

Sea is seen by his declaration that its waters are so foul that one can

smell them at a distance of three leagues; that straw, hay, or feathers

thrown into them will sink, but that iron and other metals will float;

that criminals have been kept in them three or four days and could not

drown. As to Lot's wife, he says that he found her "lying there, her

back toward heaven, converted into salt stone; for I touched her,

scratched her, and put a piece of her into my mouth, and she tasted

salt."

At the centre of all these legends we see, then, the idea that,

though there were no living beasts in the Dead Sea, the people of the

overwhelmed cities were still living beneath its waters, probably in

hell; that there was life in the salt statue; and that it was still

curious regarding its old neighbours.

Hence such travellers in the latter years of the century as Count Albert

of Lowenstein and Prince Nicolas Radziwill are not at all weakened

in faith by failing to find the statue. What the former is capable of

believing is seen by his statement that in a certain cemetery at Cairo

during one night in the year the dead thrust forth their feet, hands,

limbs, and even rise wholly from their graves.

There seemed, then, no limit to these pious beliefs. The idea that

there is merit in credulity, with the love of myth-making and

miracle-mongering, constantly made them larger. Nor did the Protestant

Reformation diminish them at first; it rather strengthened them and

fixed them more firmly in the popular mind. They seemed destined to last

forever. How they were thus strengthened at first, under Protestantism,

and how they were finally dissolved away in the atmosphere of scientific

thought, will now be shown.(435)

(435) For Father Anselm, see his Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, in H.

Canisius, Thesaurus Monument Eccles., Basnage edition, Amsterdam, 1725,

vol. iv, p. 788. For Giraudet, see his Discours du Voyage d'Outre-Mer,

Paris, 1585, p. 56a. For Radziwill and Lowenstein, see the Reyssbuch,

especially p. 198a.

III. POST-REFORMATION CULMINATION OF THE DEAD SEA LEGENDS.--BEGINNINGS

OF A HEALTHFUL SCEPTICISM.

The first effect of the Protestant Reformation was to popularize the

older Dead Sea legends, and to make the public mind still more receptive

for the newer ones.

Luther's great pictorial Bible, so powerful in fixing the ideas of the

German people, showed by very striking engravings all three of these

earlier myths--the destruction of the cities by fire from heaven, the

transformation of Lot's wife, and the vile origin of the hated Moabites

and Ammonites; and we find the salt statue, especially, in this and

other pictorial Bibles, during generation after generation.

Catholic peoples also held their own in this display of faith. About

1517 Francois Regnault published at Paris a compilation on Palestine

enriched with woodcuts: in this the old Dead Sea legend of the "serpent

Tyrus" reappears embellished, and with it various other new versions

of old stories. Five years later Bartholomew de Salignac travels in the

Holy Land, vouches for the continued existence of the Lot's wife statue,

and gives new life to an old marvel by insisting that the sacred waters

of the Jordan are not really poured into the infernal basin of the Dead

Sea, but that they are miraculously absorbed by the earth.

These ideas were not confined to the people at large; we trace them

among scholars.

In 1581, Bunting, a North German professor and theologian, published his

Itinerary of Holy Scripture, and in this the Dead Sea and Lot legends

continue to increase. He tells us that the water of the sea "changes

three times every day"; that it "spits forth fire" that it throws up

"on high" great foul masses which "burn like pitch" and "swim about like

huge oxen"; that the statue of Lot's wife is still there, and that it

shines like salt.

In 1590, Christian Adrichom, a Dutch theologian, published his famous

work on sacred geography. He does not insist upon the Dead Sea legends

generally, but declares that the statue of Lot's wife is still in

existence, and on his map he gives a picture of her standing at Usdum.

Nor was it altogether safe to dissent from such beliefs. Just as, under

the papal sway, men of science were severely punished for wrong views of

the physical geography of the earth in general, so, when Calvin decided

to burn Servetus, he included in his indictment for heresy a charge

that Servetus, in his edition of Ptolemy, had made unorthodox statements

regarding the physical geography of Palestine.(436)

(436) For biblical engravings showing Lot's wife transformed into a

salt statue, etc., see Luther's Bible, 1534, p. xi; also the pictorial

Electoral Bible; also Merian's Icones Biblicae of 1625; also the

frontpiece of the Luther Bible published at Nuremberg in 1708; also

Scheuchzer's Kupfer-Bibel, Augsburg, 1731, Tab. lxxx. For the account of

the Dead Sea serpent "Tyrus," etc., see La Grande Voyage de Hierusalem,

Paris (1517?), p. xxi. For De Salignac's assertion regarding the salt

pillar and suggestion regarding the absorption of the Jordan before

reaching the Dead Sea, see his Itinerarium Sacrae Scripturae, Magdeburg,

1593, SS 34 and 35. For Bunting, see his Itinerarium Sacrae Scripturae,

Magdeburg, 1589, pp. 78, 79. For Andrichom's picture of the salt statue,

see map, p. 38, and text, p. 205, of his Theatrum Terrae Sanctae, 1613.

For Calvin and Servetus, see Willis, Servetus and Calvin, pp. 96, 307;

also the Servetus edition of Ptolemy.

Protestants and Catholics vied with each other in the making of new

myths. Thus, in his Most Devout Journey, published in 1608, Jean

Zvallart, Mayor of Ath in Hainault, confesses himself troubled by

conflicting stories about the salt statue, but declares himself sound in

the faith that "some vestige of it still remains," and makes up for

his bit of freethinking by adding a new mythical horror to the

region--"crocodiles," which, with the serpents and the "foul odour of

the sea," prevented his visit to the salt mountains.

In 1615 Father Jean Boucher publishes the first of many editions of his

Sacred Bouquet of the Holy Land. He depicts the horrors of the Dead Sea

in a number of striking antitheses, and among these is the statement

that it is made of mud rather than of water, that it soils whatever is

put into it, and so corrupts the land about it that not a blade of grass

grows in all that region.

In the same spirit, thirteen years later, the Protestant Christopher

Heidmann publishes his Palaestina, in which he speaks of a fluid

resembling blood oozing from the rocks about the Dead Sea, and cites

authorities to prove that the statue of Lot's wife still exists and

gives signs of life.

Yet, as we near the end of the sixteenth century, some evidences of a

healthful and fruitful scepticism begin to appear.

The old stream of travellers, commentators, and preachers, accepting

tradition and repeating what they have been told, flows on; but here and

there we are refreshed by the sight of a man who really begins to think

and look for himself.

First among these is the French naturalist Pierre Belon. As regards the

ordinary wonders, he had the simple faith of his time. Among a multitude

of similar things, he believed that he saw the stones on which the

disciples were sleeping during the prayer of Christ; the stone on which

the Lord sat when he raised Lazarus from the dead; the Lord's footprints

on the stone from which he ascended into heaven; and, most curious of

all, "the stone which the builders rejected." Yet he makes some advance

on his predecessors, since he shows in one passage that he had thought

out the process by which the simpler myths of Palestine were made. For,

between Bethlehem and Jerusalem, he sees a field covered with small

pebbles, and of these he says: "The common people tell you that a man

was once sowing peas there, when Our Lady passed that way and asked

him what he was doing; the man answered 'I am sowing pebbles' and

straightway all the peas were changed into these little stones."

His ascribing belief in this explanatory transformation myth to the

"common people" marks the faint dawn of a new epoch.

Typical also of this new class is the German botanist Leonhard Rauwolf.

He travels through Palestine in 1575, and, though devout and at times

credulous, notes comparatively few of the old wonders, while he makes

thoughtful and careful mention of things in nature that he really saw;

he declines to use the eyes of the monks, and steadily uses his own to

good purpose.

As we go on in the seventeenth century, this current of new thought is

yet more evident; a habit of observing more carefully and of comparing

observations had set in; the great voyages of discovery by Columbus,

Vasco da Gama, Magellan, and others were producing their effect; and

this effect was increased by the inductive philosophy of Bacon, the

reasonings of Descartes, and the suggestions of Montaigne.

So evident was this current that, as far back as the early days of the

century, a great theologian, Quaresmio of Lodi, had made up his mind

to stop it forever. In 1616, therefore, he began his ponderous work

entitled The Historical, Theological, and Moral Explanation of the

Holy Land. He laboured upon it for nine years, gave nine years more to

perfecting it, and then put it into the hands of the great publishing

house of Plantin at Antwerp: they were four years in printing and

correcting it, and when it at last appeared it seemed certain to

establish the theological view of the Holy Land for all time. While

taking abundant care of other myths which he believed sanctified by Holy

Scripture, Quaresmio devoted himself at great length to the Dead Sea,

but above all to the salt statue; and he divides his chapter on it

into three parts, each headed by a question: First, "HOW was Lot's

wife changed into a statue of salt?" secondly, "WHERE was she thus

transformed?" and, thirdly, "DOES THAT STATUE STILL EXIST?" Through each

of these divisions he fights to the end all who are inclined to swerve

in the slightest degree from the orthodox opinion. He utterly refuses

to compromise with any modern theorists. To all such he says, "The

narration of Moses is historical and is to be received in its natural

sense, and no right-thinking man will deny this." To those who favoured

the figurative interpretation he says, "With such reasonings any passage

of Scripture can be denied."

As to the spot where the miracle occurred, he discusses four places,

but settles upon the point where the picture of the statue is given in

Adrichom's map. As to the continued existence of the statue, he plays

with the opposing view as a cat fondles a mouse; and then shows that the

most revered ancient authorities, venerable men still living, and the

Bedouins, all agree that it is still in being. Throughout the whole

chapter his thoroughness in scriptural knowledge and his profundity

in logic are only excelled by his scorn for those theologians who were

willing to yield anything to rationalism.

So powerful was this argument that it seemed to carry everything before

it, not merely throughout the Roman obedience, but among the most

eminent theologians of Protestantism.

As regards the Roman Church, we may take as a type the missionary priest

Eugene Roger, who, shortly after the appearance of Quaresmio's book,

published his own travels in Palestine. He was an observant man, and his

work counts among those of real value; but the spirit of Quaresmio had

taken possession of him fully. His work is prefaced with a map showing

the points of most importance in scriptural history, and among these he

identifies the place where Samson slew the thousand Philistines with the

jawbone of an ass, and where he hid the gates of Gaza; the cavern which

Adam and Eve inhabited after their expulsion from paradise; the spot

where Balaam's ass spoke; the tree on which Absalom was hanged; the

place where Jacob wrestled with the angel; the steep place where the

swine possessed of devils plunged into the sea; the spot where the

prophet Elijah was taken up in a chariot of fire; and, of course, the

position of the salt statue which was once Lot's wife. He not only

indicates places on land, but places in the sea; thus he shows where

Jonah was swallowed by the whale, and "where St. Peter caught one

hundred and fifty-three fishes."

As to the Dead Sea miracles generally, he does not dwell on them

at great length; he evidently felt that Quaresmio had exhausted the

subject; but he shows largely the fruits of Quaresmio's teaching in

other matters.

So, too, we find the thoughts and words of Quaresmio echoing afar

through the German universities, in public disquisitions, dissertations,

and sermons. The great Bible commentators, both Catholic and Protestant,

generally agreed in accepting them.

But, strong as this theological theory was, we find that, as time went

on, it required to be braced somewhat, and in 1692 Wedelius, Professor

of Medicine at Jena, chose as the subject of his inaugural address The

Physiology of the Destruction of Sodom and of the Statue of Salt.

It is a masterly example of "sanctified science." At great length he

dwells on the characteristics of sulphur, salt, and thunderbolts; mixes

up scriptural texts, theology, and chemistry after a most bewildering

fashion; and finally comes to the conclusion that a thunderbolt, flung

by the Almighty, calcined the body of Lot's wife, and at the same time

vitrified its particles into a glassy mass looking like salt.(437)

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