CHAPTER XIV

GERRARD WINSTANLEY'S UTOPIA: THE LAW OF FREEDOM

"And when reason's voice,

Loud as the voice of nature, shall have waked

The nations; and mankind perceives that vice

Is discord, war and misery; that virtue

Is peace, and happiness and harmony;

When man's maturer nature shall disdain

The playthings of its childhood;--kingly glare

Will lose its power to dazzle; its authority

Will silently pass by; the gorgeous{7} throne

Shall stand unnoticed in the regal hall,

Fast falling to decay; whilst falsehood's trade

Shall be as hateful and unprofitable

As that of truth is now."--SHELLEY.

The above words of Shelley might have been written purposely to serve as

a preface to Winstanley's final work, the main contents of which we now

propose to lay before our readers. It happened to be the first of

Winstanley's works that fell into our hands, when, many years since, in

consequence of Carlyle's somewhat patronising reference to them, we

first determined to ascertain what the views and aims of the Diggers

really were. Its perusal{8} convinced us, and our subsequent

investigations have only served to strengthen the belief, that

Winstanley was, in truth, one of the most courageous, far-seeing and

philosophic preachers of social righteousness that England has given to

the world. And yet how unequally Fame bestows her rewards. More's

_Utopia_ has secured its author a world-wide renown; it is spoken of,

even if not read, in every civilised country in the world. Gerrard

Winstanley's Utopia is unknown even to his own countrymen. Yet let any

impartial student compare the ideal society conceived by Sir Thomas

More--a society based upon slavery, and extended by wars carried on by

hireling, mercenary soldiers--with the simple, peaceful, rational and

practical social ideal pictured by Gerrard Winstanley, and it is to the

latter that he will be forced to assign the laurel crown.

From internal evidence we gather that the book was written some time

before it was published. Winstanley had come to realise that the real

power of the Country was in the hands of the Army, of its trusted

officers and leaders. Hence it is, probably, that the opening epistle is

addressed to Oliver Cromwell, who at the time was Commander in Chief of

the Army, and the man to whom all England was looking with wonder and

admiration, not unmixed with anxious forebodings. The years that had

elapsed between the conception and the publication of Winstanley's book

had been momentous ones in this great man's career. Owing to Lord

Fairfax's reluctance to invade Scotland, the command of the

Commonwealth's Army had devolved on him: and right good use had the hero

of Naseby made of his opportunities. In September 1651 he won the

decisive battle of Dunbar; and in the same month of the following year

he won the even more decisive battle of Worcester, which, to use

Gardiner's words, manifested to the world that England refused "to be

ruled by a king who came in as an invader."[163:1] In the following

November, when Winstanley was sitting down to write his Dedicatory

Epistle, Cromwell was already back in his seat in Parliament,

endeavouring "to use the patriotic fervour called out by the invasion to

settle the Commonwealth on a broader basis," and agitating for "a time

to be fixed for the dissolution of the existing Parliament and for the

calling of a new one."[163:2] And in February 1652, when the book was

published, political and religious excitement in England was probably at

the greatest height to which it ever attained even in the stirring days

of the Commonwealth, and Cromwell may be regarded as standing at the

dividing line of his wonderful career.

The title-page of the book reads as follows:

"THE LAW OF FREEDOM IN A PLATFORM:[164:1]

OR

TRUE MAGISTRACY RESTORED.

Humbly presented to Oliver Cromwel, General of the Commonwealth's

Army in England, Scotland and Ireland. And to all English-men

my Bretheren, whether in Church Fellowship or not in Church

Fellowship,[164:2] both sorts walking as they conceive

according to the order of the Gospel: and from them to all the

Nations of the World.

Wherein is declared, What is Kingly Government, and What is

Commonwealth's Government.

BY GERRARD WINSTANLEY.

In thee, O England, is the Law arising up to shine,

If thou receive and practice it, the Crown it will be thine.

If thou reject, and still remain a froward Son to be,

Another Land will it receive, and take the Crown from thee.

REV. 11-15. DAN. 7. 27.

LONDON.

Printed for the Author, and are to be sold by Giles Calvert at the

Black Spred-Eagle at the West end of Pauls."

As already mentioned, it opens with a Dedicatory Letter--

"To His Excellency OLIVER CROMWEL, General of the Commonwealth's

Army in England, Scotland and Ireland"--

which commences as follows:

"SIR,--God hath honored you with the highest honor of any man since

Moses' time, to be the head of a People who have cast out an

oppressing Pharaoh. For when the Norman Power had conquered our

forefathers, he took the free use of our English Ground from them,

and made them his servants. And God hath made you a successful

instrument to cast out that Conqueror, and to recover our Land and

Liberties again, by your Victories, out of that Norman hand."

Winstanley then indicates Cromwell's duty, as well as the alternative

ways open to him, in the following words:

"That which is wanting on your part to be done is this, To see the

Oppressor's Power be cast out with his person; and to see that the

free possession of the Land and Liberties be put into the hands of

the Oppressed Commoners of England. For the Crown of Honor cannot

be yours, neither can these Victories be called victories on your

part, till the Land and Freedom won be possessed by them that

adventured person and purse for them.

"Now you know, Sir, that the Kingly Conqueror was not beaten by you

only, as you are a single man, nor by the Officers of the Army

joined to you; but by the hand and assistance of the Commoners,

whereof some came in person and adventured their lives with you,

others stayed at home and planted the Earth, and paid Taxes and

gave Free Quarter to maintain you that went to war.... And now you

have the Power of the Land in your hand, you must do one of these

two things: First, either set the Land free to the Oppressed

Commoners who assisted you ... and so take possession of your

deserved honor. Or, secondly, you must only remove the Conqueror's

power out of the King's hand into other men's, maintaining the old

laws still; and then your wisdom and honor will be blasted for

ever, and you will either lose yourself, or lay the foundation of

greater slavery to posterity than you ever knew."

A marvellous prophecy, truly! Cromwell could see nothing in Winstanley's

demands save that they tended "to make the Tenant as liberal a fortune

as the Land-lord,"[165:1] which did not conform to his sense of the

eternal fitness of things. Winstanley then continues:

"You know that while the King was in the height of his oppressing

power, the People only whispered in private chambers against him;

but afterwards it was preached upon the house-tops, that he was a

Tyrant, a Traitor to England's Peace: and he had his overturn.

"The Righteous Power in the Creation is the same still. If you and

those in power with you should be found walking in the King's

steps, can you secure yourselves or posterities from an overturn?

Surely No.

"The Spirit of the whole Creation (who is God) is about the

Reformation of the World, and he will go forward in his

work.[166:1] For if he would not spare Kings, who have sat so long

at his right hand, governing the world, neither will he regard you,

unless your ways be found more righteous than the King's.... Lose

not your Crown; take it up and wear it. But know that it is no

Crown of Honor till promises and engagements made by you be

performed to your friends. _He that continues to the end, shall

receive the Crown._ Now you do not see the end of your work unless

the Kingly Law and Power be removed as well as his person."

THE COMPLAINTS OF THE PEOPLE.

He subsequently returns to his original subject, as follows:

"It may be you will say to me, _What shall I do?_ I answer, You are

in place and power to see all Burthens taken off from your friends

the Commoners of England. You will say, _What are those burthens?_

"I will instance in some, both which I know in my own experience,

and which I hear the people daily complaining of and groaning

under, looking upon you and waiting for deliverance.

"Most people cry, We have paid taxes, given free-quarter, wasted

our estates, and lost our friends in the wars, and the Task-masters

multiply over us more than formerly. I have asked divers this

question, _Why do you say so?_

"Some have answered me that promises, oaths and engagements have

been made, as a motive to draw us to assist in the wars, that

Privileges of Parliament and Liberties of Subjects should be

preserved, and that all Popery and Episcopacy and Tyranny should be

rooted out. And these promises are not performed. Now there is an

opportunity to perform them.

"For first, say they, the current of succeeding Parliaments is

stopped, which is one of the greatest privileges (and people's

liberties) for safety and peace. And if that continue stopped, we

shall be more offended by an hereditary Parliament than we were

oppressed by an hereditary King.

"And for the Commoners, who were called Subjects while the Kingly

Conqueror was in power, they have not as yet their Liberties

granted them. I will instance them in order, according as the

common whisperings are among the people."

THE POWER OF THE CLERGY.

"For say they, The Burthens of the Clergy remain still upon us, in

a threefold nature.

"_First_, If any man declare his judgement in the things of God

contrary to the Clergy's report, or the minds of some high

Officers, they are cashiered, imprisoned, crushed and undone, and

made sinners for a word, as they were in the Popes and Bishops

days; so that though their names be cast out, yet their High

Commission Court Power remains still, persecuting men for

conscience sake, when their actions are unblamable.

"_Secondly_,{9} In many Parishes there are old, formal, ignorant

Episcopal Priests established; and some Ministers, who are bitter

enemies to Commonwealth's Freedom, and friends to Monarchy, are

established preachers, and are continually buzzing their subtle

principles into the minds of the people, to undermine the peace of

our declared Commonwealth, causing a disaffection of spirit among

neighbours, who otherwise would live in peace.

"_Thirdly_, The burthen of Tythes remains still upon our estates,

which was taken from us by the Kings and given to the Clergy to

maintain them by our labors. So that though their preaching fill

the minds of many with madness, contention and unsatisfied

doubting, because their imaginary and ungrounded doctrines cannot

be understood by them, yet we must pay them large Tythes for so

doing: this is Oppression."

THE POWER OF THE LAWYERS.

"_Fourthly_, If we go to the Lawyer, we find him to sit in the

Conqueror's Chair, though the King be removed, maintaining the

King's power to the height....

"_Fifthly_, Say they, if we look upon the Customs of the Law

itself, it is the same it was in the King's days, only the name is

altered; as if the Commoners of England had paid their taxes, given

free-quarter, and shed their blood, not to reform, but to baptize

the Law with a new name, from Kingly Law to State Law....[168:1]

And so as the Sword pulls down Kingly Power with one hand, the

King's Old Law builds up Monarchy again with the other."

THE MAIN WORK OF REFORMATION.

"AND INDEED THE MAIN WORK OF REFORMATION LIES IN THIS, TO REFORM

THE CLERGY, LAWYERS AND LAW; FOR ALL THE COMPLAINTS OF THE LAND ARE

WRAPPED UP WITHIN THEM THREE, NOT IN THE PERSON OF A KING."

"_Sixthly_, If we look into Parishes, the burthens there are many."

AND OF LORDS OF MANORS.

"_First_, For the Power of Lords of Manors remains still over their

Bretheren, requiring Fines and Heriots, beating them off the free

use of the Common Land, unless their Bretheren will pay them Rent,

exacting obedience as much as they did, and more, when the King was

in power.

"Now saith the People, By what Power do these maintain their Title

over us? Formerly they held Title from the King, as he was the

Conqueror's successor. But have not the Commoners cast out the

King, and broken the band of that Conquest? Therefore in equity

they are free from the slavery of that Lordly Power.

"_Secondly_, In Parishes where Commons lie, the rich Norman

Free-holders, or the new (more covetous) Gentry, overstock the

Commons with sheep and cattle, so that the inferior Tenants and

poor Labourers can hardly keep a cow, but half starve her. So that

the poor are kept poor still, and the Common Freedom of the Earth

is kept from them, and the poor have no more relief than they had

when the King (or Conqueror) was in power....

"Now saith the whisperings of the People, the inferior Tenants and

Laborers bear all the burthens, in laboring the Earth, in paying

Taxes and Free-quarter above their strength, and in furnishing the

Armies with soldiers, who bear the greatest burden of the War; and

yet the Gentry, who oppress them and live idle upon their labors,

carry away all the comfortable livelihood of the Earth.

"For is not this a common speech among the People, We have parted

with our estates, we have lost our friends in the wars, which we

willingly gave up because Freedom was promised us; and now in the

end we have new Task-masters, and our old burthens are increased.

And though all sorts of people have taken an engagement to cast out

Kingly Power, yet Kingly Power remains in power still in the hands

of those who have no more right to the Earth than ourselves.

"For say the people, If the Lords of Manors and our Task-masters

hold Title to the Earth over us from the old Kingly Power, behold

that power is broken and cast out. And two Acts of Parliament have

been made. The one to cast out Kingly Power, backed by the

Engagement against King and the House of Lords. The other to make

England a Free Commonwealth."

He then still further supports his fundamental contention in the

following unanswerable manner:

"If Lords of Manors lay claim to the Earth over us from the Army's

Victories over the King; then we have as much right to the Land as

they, because our labors and blood and death of friends, were the

purchasers of the Earth's Freedom as well as theirs. And is not

this a slavery, say the people, that though there be land enough in

England to maintain ten times as many people as are in it, yet some

must beg of their bretheren, or work in hard drudgery for day wages

for them, or starve, or steal, and so be hanged out of the way, as

men not fit to live on the Earth? Before they are suffered to plant

the waste land for a livelihood, they must pay rent to their

bretheren for it. Well, this is a burthen the Creation groans

under; and the subjects (so-called) have not their birth-right

freedom granted them from their bretheren, who hold it from them by

Club-Law, but not by Righteousness."

WHAT IS TO RULE?

"And who now must we be subject to, seeing the Conqueror is gone? I

answer, We must either be subject to a law or to men's wills. If to

a law, then _all_ men in England are subject, or ought to be,

thereunto.... You will say, We must be subject to the Rulers. This

is true, but not to suffer the Rulers to call the Earth theirs and

not ours; for by so doing they betray their trust and run into the

line of tyranny, and we lose our freedom, and from thence enmity

and wars arise. A Ruler is worthy double honor when he rules well;

that is, when he himself is subject to the Law, and requires all

others to be subject thereunto, and makes it his work to see the

Law obeyed, and not his own will; and such Rulers are faithful, and

they are to be subjected unto us therein: For all Commonwealth's

Rulers are Servants to, not Lords and Kings over the

people."[170:1]

THE LAND QUESTION.

"But you will say, Is not the land your brother's? and you cannot

take away another man's right by claiming a share therein with him.

I answer, It is his either by Creation Right or by Right of

Conquest. If by Creation Right he calls the Earth his and not mine,

then it is mine as well as his; for the Spirit of the whole

Creation, who made us both, is no respecter of persons. And if by

Conquest he calls the Earth his and not mine, it must be either by

the conquest of the King over the Commoners or by the conquest of

the Commoners over the King. If he claim the Earth to be his from

the King's Conquest, the Kings are beaten and cast out, and that

title is undone. If he claim title to the Earth to be his from the

conquest of the Commoners over the Kings, then I have right to the

land as well as my brother; for my brother without me, nor I

without my brother, did not cast out the Kings; but both together

assisting, with purse and person, we prevailed, so that I have by

this victory as equal a share in the Earth which is now redeemed as

my brother, by the Law of Righteousness.

"If my brother still say he will be Land Lord (through his covetous

ambition) and I must pay him rent, or else I shall not live in the

Land, then does he take my right from me, which I have purchased by

my money in taxes, free-quarter and blood. And O thou Spirit of the

Whole Creation, who hath this title to be called King of

Righteousness and King of Peace, judge thou between my brother and

me, Whether this be Righteous, etc.

"And now say the people, Is not this a grievous thing, that our

bretheren that will be Land Lords, right or wrong, will make Laws,

and call for a Law to be made to imprison, crush, nay put to death

any that denies God, Christ and Scripture; and yet they will not

practice that Golden Rule, _Do to another as thou wouldst have

another do to thee_, which God, Christ and Scripture have enacted

for a Law? Are not these men guilty of death by their own Law,

which is the word of their own mouth? Is it not a flat denial of

God and Scripture?"

Winstanley then gives some interesting details of the history of this

pamphlet, as follows:

"Thus, Sir, I have reckoned up some of those burdens which the

people groan under. And I being sensible hereof was moved in myself

to present this Platform of Commonwealth's Government unto you,

wherein I have declared a full Commonwealth's Freedom, according to

the Rule of Righteousness, which is God's Word. It was intended for

your view about two years ago, but the disorder of the times caused

me to lay it aside, with a thought never to bring it to light.

Likewise I hearing that Mr. Peters and some others propounded this

request--That the Word of God might be consulted with to find out a

healing Government, which I liked well, and waited to see such a

Rule come forth, for there are good Rules in the Scripture if they

were obeyed and practised.

"I laid aside this in silence, and said I would not make it public;

but this word was like fire in my bones ever and anon--_Thou shalt

not bury thy talent in the earth_. Thereupon I was stirred to give

it a resurrection, and to pick together as many of my scattered

papers as I could find, and to compile them into this method, which

I do here present to you, and do quiet my own spirit. And now I

have set the candle at your door; for you have power in your hand

to act for Common Freedom if you will: I have no power."

He then continues to indicate his own views, as also the outlines of the

scheme the details of which are unfolded in the body of his work, and

warns Cromwell that--

"It may be here are some things inserted which you may not like,

yet other things you may like; therefore I pray you read it, and be

as the industrious bee, suck out the honey and cast away the weeds.

Though this Platform be like a piece of timber rough-hewed, yet the

discreet workman may take it and frame a handsome building out of

it."

OF COMPENSATION.

"It may be you will say, If Tythe be taken from the Priests and

Impropriators, and Copyhold Services from Lords of Manors, how

shall they be provided for again; for is it not unrighteous to take

their estates from them?

"I answer, When Tythes were first enacted, and Lordly Power drawn

over the backs of the oppressed, the Kings and Conquerors made no

scruple of conscience to take it, though the people lived in sore

bondage of poverty for want of it; and can there be scruple of

conscience to make restitution of this which hath been so long

stolen goods? It is no scruple arising from the Righteous Law, but

from Covetousness, who goes away sorrowful to hear he must part

with all to follow Righteousness and Peace."

He then explains that under his scheme even the privileged classes would

not be injured, since they would share with the rest of the community.

OF RICHES.

"But shall not one man be richer than another?

"There is no need for that; for riches make men vainglorious,

proud, and to oppress their bretheren, and are the occasion of

wars. No man can be rich but he must be rich either by his own

labors, or by the labors of other men helping him. If a man have no

help from his neighbors, he shall never gather an estate of

hundreds and thousands a year. If other men help him to work, then

are those riches his neighbors' as well as his; for they be the

fruits of other men's labors as well as his own. But all rich men

live at ease, feeding and clothing themselves by the labors of

other men, not by their own, which is their shame and not their

nobility; for it is a more blessed thing to give than to receive.

But rich men receive all they have from the laborer's hand, and

what they give, they give away other men's labors, not their own.

Therefore they are not righteous actors in the Earth."

TITLES OF HONOUR.

"But shall not one man have more Titles of Honor than another?

"Yes: As a man goes through offices, he rises to Titles of Honor,

till he comes to the highest nobility, to be a faithful

Commonwealth's Man in a Parliament House. Likewise he who finds out

any secret in Nature shall have a Title of Honor given him, though

he be a young man. But no man shall have any Title of Honor till he

win it by industry, or come to it by age or Office-bearing. Every

man that is fifty years of age shall have respect as a man of honor

from all others that are younger, as is shown hereafter."

OF FAMILY LIFE.

"Shall every man count his neighbour's house as his own, and live

together as one family?

"No; though the Earth and Storehouses be common to every Family,

yet every Family shall live apart as they do; and every man's

house, wife, children and furniture for ornament of his house, or

anything he hath fetched in from the Storehouses, or provided for

the necessary use of his family, is all a propriety unto that

Family, for the peace thereof. And if any man offer to take away a

man's wife, children, or furniture of his house, without his

consent, or disturb the peace of his dwelling, he shall suffer

punishment as an enemy to the Commonwealth's Government, as is

mentioned in the Platform following."

OF LAW AND LAWYERS.

"Shall we have no Lawyers?

"There shall be no need of them, for there is to be no buying and

selling, neither any need to expound Laws; for the bare letter of

the Law shall be both Judge and Lawyer, trying every man's actions.

And seeing we shall have successive Parliaments every year, there

will be rules made for every action that a man can do.

"But there are to be Officers chosen yearly in every Parish, to see

the Laws executed according to the letter of the Laws; so that

there will be no long work in trying of offences, as it is under

Kingly Government, to get the Lawyers money, and to enslave the

Commoners to the Conqueror's Prerogative Law or Will. The sons of

contention, Simeon and Levi, must not bear rule in a Free

Commonwealth."

PLEA FOR CONSIDERATION.

"At the first view you may say, 'This is a strange government.' But

I pray you judge nothing before trial. Lay this Platform of

Commonwealth's Government in one scale, and lay Monarchy, or Kingly

Government, in the other scale, and see which gives true weight to

Righteous Freedom and Peace. _There is no middle path between

these two; for a man must either be a free and true Commonwealth

man, or a Monarchial Tyrannical Royalist._"

ANSWERS TO FURTHER OBJECTIONS.

"If any say this will bring poverty, surely they mistake: for there

will be plenty of all Earthly Commodities, with less labor and

trouble then now it is under Monarchy. There will be no want; for

every man may keep as plentiful a house as he will, and never run

into debt, for common stock pays for all.

"If you say, Some will live idle; I answer, No. It will make idle

persons to become workers, as is declared in the Platform: There

shall be neither Beggar nor Idle Person.

"If you say, This will make men quarrel and fight; I answer, No. It

will turn Swords into Ploughshares, and settle such a peace in the

Earth as Nations shall learn war no more. Indeed, the Government of

Kings is a breeder of wars, because men being put into the straits

of poverty, are moved to fight for Liberty, and to take one

another's estates from them, and to obtain Mastery. Look into all

Armies and see what they do more, but make some poor, some rich,

put some into freedom others into bondage: and is not this a plague

among mankind?

"Well I question not but what Objections can be raised against this

Commonwealth's Government, they shall find an answer in this

Platform following. I have been something large, because I could

not contract myself into a lesser volume, having so many things to

speak of."

THE ONE THING NECESSARY.

"I do not say nor desire that everyone shall be compelled to

practice this Commonwealth's Government; for the spirits of some

will be enemies at first, though afterwards they will prove the

most cordial and true friends thereunto. Yet I desire that the

Commonwealth's Land ... may be set free to all that have lent

assistance{10} either of person or purse to obtain it, and to all

that are willing to come in to the practice of this Government, and

be obedient to the Laws thereof. And for others who are not

willing, let them stay in the way of buying and selling, which is

the Law of the Conqueror, till they be willing."

CONCLUSION.

"And so I leave this in your hand, humbly prostrating myself and it

before you, and remain, A true lover of Commonwealth's Government,

Peace and Freedom.

"GERRARD WINSTANLEY.

"_November 5th, 1651._"

TO THE FRIENDLY AND UNBIASSED READER.

The somewhat long, though comprehensive, letter to Cromwell is followed

by one addressed "To the Friendly and Unbiassed Reader," in which a very

different tone is adopted, and which runs as follows:

"READER,--It was the Apostle's advice formerly to try all things,

and to hold fast that which is best. This Platform of Government

which I offer is the original Righteousness and Peace in the Earth,

though he hath been buried under the clod of Kingly Covetousness,

Pride and Oppression a long time. Now he begins to have his

Resurrection, despise it not while it is small; though thou

understand it not at the first sight, yet open the door and look

into the house; for thou mayst see that which will satisfy thy

heart in quiet rest."

SUMMARY OF THE RESULTS OF HIS PLAN.

"To prevent thy hasty rashness, I have given thee a short

compendium of the whole.

"_First_, Thou knowst that the Earth in all Nations is governed by

buying and selling, for all the Laws of Kings hath relation

thereunto. Now this Platform following declares to thee the

Government of the Earth without buying and selling, and the Laws

are the Laws of a free and peaceable Commonwealth....

"Every family shall live apart, as now they do; every man shall

enjoy his own wife, and every woman her own husband, as now they

do: every Trade shall be improved to more excellency than now it

is; all children shall be educated and trained up in subjection to

parents and elder persons more than now they are: The Earth shall

be planted and the fruits reaped and carried into Storehouses by

common assistance of every family: The Riches of the Storehouses

shall be the common stock to every Family: There shall be no idle

person nor beggar in the Land."

COMMONWEALTH GOVERNMENT AND KINGLY GOVERNMENT.

"The Commonwealth's Government unites all people in a Land into one

heart and mind. And it was this Government which made Moses to call

Abraham's seed one House of Israel, though there were many Tribes

and many Families. And it may be said, Blessed is the People whose

Earthly Government is the Law of Common Righteousness....

"The Government of Kings is the Government of the Scribes and

Pharisees, who count it no freedom unless they be the Lords of the

Earth and of their Bretheren. But Commonwealth's Government is the

Government of Righteousness and Peace, who is no respecter of

persons."

FINAL APPEAL TO THE READER.

"Therefore, Reader, here is a trial for thy sincerity. Thou shalt

have no want of food, raiment or freedom among bretheren in this

way propounded. See now if thou canst be content, as the Scriptures

say, Having food and raiment therewith be content, and grudge not

to let thy brother have the same with thee.

"Dost thou pray and fast for Freedom, and give God thanks again for

it? Why, know that God is not partial. For if thou pray, it must be

for Freedom to all; and if thou give thanks, it must be because

Freedom covers all people: for this will prove a lasting peace.

"Everyone is ready to say, They fight for their Country, and what

they do, they do it is for the good of their Country. Well, let it

appear now that thou hast fought and acted for thy Country's

Freedom. But if when thou hast power to settle Freedom in thy

Country, thou takest the possession of the Earth into thy own

particular hands, and makest thy Brother work for thee, as the

Kings did, thou hast fought and acted for thyself, not for thy

Country, and here thy inside hypocrisy is discovered.

"But here take notice, That Common Freedom, which is the Rule I

would have practiced and not talked on, was thy pretence, but

particular Freedom to thyself was thy intent. Amend, or else thou

wilt be shamed, when Knowledge doth spread to cover the Earth, even

as the waters cover the Seas. And so Farewell.

J. W."

To-day knowledge is commencing "to spread to cover the Earth even as the

waters cover the Seas"; and the thinkers of our times are rapidly coming

to realise, to use Shelley's words, that--"The most fatal error that

ever happened in the world was the separation of political and ethical

science": a separation against which, as we have seen, Winstanley in his

time protested so vigorously. Hence it is, probably, that the teachings

of our modern seers and prophets, of the leaders and inspirers of the

advanced thought of to-day, of Ruskin, Tolstoy, and even of Henry

George, almost seem to us but as the echoes of those of their great

forerunner in the stirring days of the Commonwealth.

FOOTNOTES:

[163:1] _History of the Commonwealth_, vol. i. p. 446.

[163:2] _Ibid._ p. 471.

[164:1] King's Pamphlets. British Museum, Press Mark, E. 655. Also at

the Guildhall Library and the Bodleian.

[164:2] At the very time this book was being written, some of the new

settlements in America were making Church Fellowship a necessary

condition of civil rights.

[165:1] See Carlyle's _Letters and Speeches_, Speech II., Sept. 4th,

1654, part viii. p. 20.

[166:1] This argument would have appealed strongly to Cromwell, who, in

one of his Speeches to his First Parliament, said: "If I had not a hope

fixed in me that this cause and this business was of God, I would many

years ago have run from it. If it be of God, He will bear it up. If it

be of man, it will tumble; as everything that hath been of man since the

world began hath done. And what are all our Histories and other

Traditions of Actions in former times but God manifesting Himself, that

He hath shaken and tumbled down, and trampled upon everything that He

had not planted."--Carlyle, _Letters and Speeches_, part viii. p. 89.

[168:1] With this contention, too, Cromwell would have found himself in

complete sympathy. For "the truth of it is, There are wicked and

abominable laws which will be in your power to alter," he said to one of

his Parliaments on Sept. 17th, 1656. "To hang a man for

Six-and-eight-pence, and I know not what; to hang for a trifle and

acquit murder,--is in the ministration of the Law, through the ill

framing of it. I have known in my experience abominable murders

acquitted. And to see men lose their lives for petty matters: this is a

thing God will reckon for. And I wish it may not lie upon this Nation a

day longer than you have an opportunity to give a remedy; and I hope I

shall cheerfully join with you in it. This hath been a great grief to

many honest hearts and conscientious people; and I hope it is in all

your hearts to rectify it."

[170:1] "And truly this is matter of praise to God:--and it hath some

instruction in it, To own men who are religious and godly. And so many

of them as are peaceable and honestly and quietly disposed to live

within Government, and will be subject to those Gospel rules of obeying

Magistrates and living under Authority. I reckon no Godliness without

that circle! Without that spirit, let it pretend what it will, it is

diabolical, it is devilish," and so on. See Cromwell's Speech to his

Second Parliament, April 13th, 1657 (Carlyle, part x. p. 250). It would

almost seem as if Winstanley had written the above paragraph to answer

this explosive utterance of Cromwell, some six years before it took

place. As a matter of fact, of course, he was only answering an

objection which every little conventional upholder of existing abuses,

in his time as in our time, would be sure to make in one form or other.

The Digger Movement in the Days of the Commonwealth As Revealed in the Writings of Gerrard Winstanley, the Digger, Mystic and Rationalist, Communist and Social Reformer · 第 14 / 17 章