RETURN OF GRIJALVA. A NEW EXPEDITION ORGANIZED.
1518.
REFUSAL OF GRIJALVA TO SETTLE—ALVARADO SENT BACK TO
CUBA—GRIJALVA CONTINUES HIS DISCOVERY—AFTER REACHING
THE PROVINCE OF PÁNUCO HE TURNS BACK—TOUCHING AT THE
RIO GOAZACOALCO, TONALÁ, THE LAGUNA DE TÉRMINOS, AND
CHAMPOTON, THE EXPEDITION RETURNS TO CUBA—GRIJALVA TRADUCED
AND DISCHARGED—A NEW EXPEDITION PLANNED—VELAZQUEZ SENDS
TO SANTO DOMINGO AND SPAIN—CHARACTERS OF VELAZQUEZ AND
GRIJALVA CONTRASTED—CANDIDATES FOR THE CAPTAINCY OF THE NEW
EXPEDITION—THE ALCALDE OF SANTIAGO SUCCESSFUL—HIS STANDING AT
THAT TIME.
At various places during this expedition, notably where is now
Vera Cruz, and at the River Tabasco, both in coming and returning,
Grijalva’s men begged permission to settle and subdue the country. In
their desire to remain they pictured to themselves all the pleasures
of the abandoned crew of Ulysses, in a land as happy as that of which
Horace sang, where Ceres decked untilled fields with sheaves and
Bacchus revelled under purple-clustered vines. And they were angry with
their commander for not breaking the instructions which forbade his
colonizing. Pedro de Alvarado was particularly chafed by the restraint,
though he kept his temper until he obtained permission to return to
Cuba with one of the vessels[37] which had become unseaworthy, so as
to report to the governor the progress of the discovery, and obtain
recruits and fresh supplies, with permission to found a colony.
Beside some fifty sick persons, all the gold, cotton, and other
articles obtained from the natives thus far were placed in Alvarado’s
ship, which sailed the 24th of June. The remainder of the expedition
continued its now north-westward course past Nautla,[38] which the
Spaniards called Almería, and with the mountains of Tuxpan[39] in full
view, advanced as far as Cabo Rojo, some say as far as the Rio de
Pánuco.[40] The entrance to the large lagoon now known as the Bahía
de Tanguijo, was mistaken for a river and named Rio de Canoas. On
anchoring here the ships of the Spaniards were fiercely attacked by
the occupants of twelve canoes,[41] which came out from a large city
compared by the worthy chaplain to Seville in size and magnificence,
in common with other towns along this seaboard; and as if this were
not strange enough, the same authority goes on to relate a miracle
which happened here because Grijalva refused the soldiers leave to
sack the place; how a star, poised above the fleet after sunset, shot
toward the town and hung over it invitingly, as if Jehovah signified
his pleasure that the Christians should seize the city.[42]
After beating back the canoes the Spaniards proceeded, but found
their course impeded by the currents off Cabo Rojo; from which
circumstance, together with the hostility of the natives, the rapidity
with which the season was advancing, and the condition of the ships,
they determined to return. Turning toward the southward, therefore,
they were carried past the River Goazacoalco by boisterous winds, and
entered Tonalá to careen and repair a leaky vessel.[43] Again the
men blasphemed and held the commander in derision because he would
not settle. After several failures in starting they continued the
voyage, encountered bad weather, touched at Deseado for water, engaged
in a parting fight with the natives of Champoton, sailed again, and
the fifth reached San Lázaro, where they were led into ambush while
searching for water, and attacked. After helping themselves to maize
they embarked, followed the shore past Rio de Lagartos, the Comi of
the natives, whence they sailed for Cuba, and arrived at Matanzas
about the first of November.[44]
When Grijalva cast anchor in the bay of Matanzas his heart beat high
with promise. He had returned successful from a brilliant discovery,
in which had begun that pronounced mastery of life which is the
dream of every chivalrous mind. There had been nothing in the least
irrational in his policy, or fickle or factious in his conduct. He
had used diligence and discretion, had been true to his companions,
and faithful to his king and to his chief. Surely his uncle would
praise him, his governor would reward him, and his king would intrust
him with new commissions. So he deserved; so he had every reason to
expect, and hence it was with pride and pleasure that he once more
set foot on Isla Fernandina.
But, unfortunately, this most virtuous cavalier was now destined
to reap the too common reward of honest service in the cause of a
vicious master. Scarcely had Grijalva landed, when a letter from
the governor was placed in his hand, ordering him to repair with his
ships at once to Santiago, and at the same time to notify his soldiers
that opportunity would be quickly given all who desired to embark in
a fresh adventure to New Spain, and that meanwhile they might rest
themselves at the governor’s farms in that vicinity. Then, too, he
first learned how Velazquez, ever fickle and distrustful as are all
timid and unscrupulous men, becoming nervous concerning the fleet,
had sent Cristóbal de Olid in a small vessel with seven soldiers
to search and report; and that on reaching the coast of Yucatan a
storm had obliged the explorer to part with his anchor and return
to Cuba.[45] Before the return of Olid, Alvarado had arrived with
the gold and good tidings from the armada, which gave the governor
unbounded joy. Grijalva had yet to learn, however, how Alvarado,
not forgetting the censure bestowed on him for disobedience, had not
failed to color the conduct of his commander to suit his own ends.
Grijalva’s repeated refusals to colonize were paraded as the gross
mistakes of a stubborn and spiritless man; the coolness and bravery
displayed at Champoton were made to appear as reckless imprudence; and
as the governor thought of the danger to which his adventure had there
been subjected, he became alarmed. “Had I lost all,” he muttered, “it
would have been a just penalty for sending such a fool.” And now both
Dávila and Montejo poured fresh poison into the ear of the governor
respecting his nephew, in revenge for similar fancied injuries; so
that when Grijalva reported himself to Velazquez at Santiago, he was
told to go his way, since the governor had no further use for him.
Indeed, this line of action had been for some time determined on.
Immediately upon the arrival of Alvarado, a new expedition had been
planned, in which Grijalva was not to participate. The latter was hurt,
almost to death. He had conferred a great benefit on this Tiberius
of an uncle; but as affection is heightened by the conferring of
benefits, so it is often lessened by the acceptance of them. Not long
after, Juan de Salcedo was sent to Santo Domingo for permission to
colonize New Spain, and Benito Martin, chaplain and man of business,
was despatched to Spain[46] with a full account of the discovery,
and with gold for the bishop of Búrgos. Haste seemed necessary to
Velazquez lest some one might anticipate and rob him of the honors
and emoluments won through Grijalva’s efforts. Nor were forgotten the
Licentiate Zapata and the Secretary Conchillos; and so happily were
distributed the Indian villages of Cuba among these conscientious men
of Spain, that Velazquez gained all his requests, with the title of
adelantado of Cuba added.
* * * * *
How different the quality of these two men, Velazquez and Grijalva,
and both so widely different from the phœnix now about to rise from
their ashes! The character of the governor was like a candle flame, hot
without and hollow within. Almost as much as gold he loved glory, the
brass and tinsel of it, but lacked both the ability and the courage
to achieve noble distinction. As easily worked upon by designing men
as Othello, there was in him none of the nobility of the Moor; and,
possessing no great integrity himself, he was very ready to suspect
treachery in others.
Grijalva, on the other hand, was the Lysander of New World discovery;
of a modest though manly spirit, obedient to customs and superior
authority, preferring honor and duty to self and pleasure, native
to generous action, the very faults brought out by his enemies shine
brilliant as virtues. He was as chivalrous as any Spaniard that ever
drew steel on naked savage, as brave and talented as any. But he
lacked the unscrupulous positiveness inseparable here from permanent
success. He was resolute in overcoming difficulties, and he was
strong and shrewd enough in the prosecution of any high enterprise,
particularly so long as fortune favored him; but he was no match for
the subtle-minded of his own nation, who overwhelmed him in their show
of learning, backed by imposing forms. All contemporary writers speak
well of him; likewise all the chroniclers, except Gomara, who permits
chivalry no place save in his pet and patron, Cortés. The soldier
Bernal Diaz pronounces him a most worthy officer. The historians
Oviedo and Herrera call him a comely man, thoroughly loyal, and never
backward at fighting. Yet we are told that some censured him, while
others cursed him outright for his conscientiousness, because he did
not break orders and seize opportunity. So ready were they to engage
in the fallacious argument that it was right to do wrong if good might
come of it. To disobey Velazquez, they said, was to break no divine
law; forgetting that the governor derived his authority from the king,
and the king from the Almighty. Of a truth, when force alone is the
standard of right, then honesty is not the best policy. For a time he
carried himself with a brave front, conscious of his integrity, yet
we may say he was laid low forever by the blow misfortune here gave
him.[47] Meanwhile patience, good governor! For soon enough will arise
an agent capable of playing shrewd tricks to your ample contentment.
Before the return of Grijalva, interest in the new expedition had
already raised itself into a whirl of excitement; and as volunteers
pressed forward, the captaincy became an apple of discord among
aspirants. Chief among these were Vasco Porcallo a near relative of the
count of Feria, Antonio Velazquez,[48] and Bernardino Velazquez, the
last two kinsmen of the governor. Another was Baltasar Bermudez,[49]
from Velazquez’ own town, and his intimate friend. None of these
suited. Then followed for the governor nights of troubled dreams and
days of irritable indecision. It was a peculiar personage Velazquez
wanted. He must be, in Mexico, courageous, wise, and prudent; in
Cuba, obedient, teachable. He must be able to command men, to brave
the proudest barbarian, and so fired by enthusiasm in the field as
cheerfully to endure hardships and risk life; his work successfully
accomplished, he must return humbly to Santiago, and lay his trophies
at the feet of his master. Grijalva was most nearly such a man; but
he lacked that subtle second sense which should tell him when it was
the governor’s pleasure to have his orders disobeyed. Porcallo was
competent, but Velazquez was afraid of him. He was scarcely farther
from the throne than himself; and in reporting any important conquest
to the king would prove the greater of the two. The relatives present
were worse, if anything, than Grijalva; besides, they had no means,
and to this position the successful aspirant must bring money as well
as courage and discretion. Bermudez might be eligible, but for his
services, in braving the dangers, and bringing the results of the
expedition to Velazquez, he had the temerity to demand three thousand
ducats. The proposition was not for a moment to be entertained; the
job must be accomplished for less money.
Watchful eyes saw the governor’s dilemma, and artful tongues wagged
opportunely. Near to him in their daily vocations were two men, both
small in stature, but large of head, and broad in experience and
sagacity. One was the governor’s secretary, Andrés de Duero, and
the other the royal contador, Amador de Láres. Both possessed rare
attainments; they were skilled in every artifice, and could make
their master see white or black; while Láres could not write, he had
not failed to profit by a twenty-two years’ career in Italy, during
which time he rose to the honorable distinction of chief butler to the
Gran Capitan, and he seldom found it difficult to move the unstable
Velazquez to his purposes, although they were not always the purest and
best.[50] Following the example of the governor, these two worthies
were not averse to improving their fortunes by securing, at little
risk or expense, an interest in the New Spain conquest; and so they
gave heed when the alcalde of Santiago softly insinuated that he was
the man for the emergency, and that if they would help him to the
command they should share the profits.[51]
* * * * *
The alcalde of Santiago bore a fair reputation, considering the
time and place; for comparatively few names in the New World were
then wholly free from taint. In the prime of manhood, his age being
thirty-three, of full medium stature, well proportioned and muscular,
with full breast, broad shoulders, square full forehead, small straight
spare compact body and well turned limbs, though somewhat bow-legged,
he presented a pleasing rather than imposing front. His portraits
show fine antique features, bearing a somewhat sad expression, which
was increased by the grave tenderness of the dark oval eyes. The full
though thin beard, cut short, counteracted to some extent the effect
of the small ash-colored face, and served to cover a deep scar on
the lower lip, the memento of a duel fought in behalf of a certain
frail fair one.
He was an exceedingly popular alcalde; there was nothing staid or
sombre in his method of administering justice. The law was less to
him than expediency, and his standard of right was easily shifted,
according to circumstances. In wit and vivacity he was a Mercutio.
Astute of intellect, discreet, of a cheerful, even jovial disposition,
with brilliant intuitions and effervescent animal spirits, he knew
how to please, how to treat every man as best he liked to be treated.
A cavalier of the Ojeda and Balboa type, he was superior to either.
He would not, like the former, woo danger for the mere pleasure of
it, nor, like the latter, tamely trust his forfeited head to any
governor. Life was of value to him; yet adventure was the rhythm of
it, and the greater the peril the greater the harmony secured. An
hidalgo of respectable antecedents, whatever he might have been,
or might be, he now played the part of magistrate to perfection.
As a matter of course, he was in entire sympathy with the religious
views of the day, as well as with the leading men among the clergy.
Indeed the friars ever praised him, believing him to be a zealous and
conscientious man; he made it a point that they should. The moral
ideal of the Japanese is politeness. Politeness is virtue. They do
not say that lying and stealing are wrong, but impolite. While the
alcalde if pressed must confess himself an optimist, believing that
whatever is, is best, yet in practice that best he would better, and
whatsoever his strength permitted, it was right for him to do. He was
a sort of Mephistopheles, decked in manners and guided by knowledge.
Besides the world, he knew books, and how to make somewhat of them.
Earnestly devoted to the service of the church, many of his acts yet
met with its most unqualified condemnation. Possessed of vehement
aspirations, his ambition was of the aggressive kind; not like that
of Velazquez, mercenary and timid. Like Tigellinus Sophonius, it was
to his pleasing person and unscrupulous character that the alcalde
owed his rise from poverty and obscurity; and now, like Phaethon,
if for one day he might drive the governor’s sun-chariot across the
heavens, it would be his own fault if he were not a made man. This
much at this time we may say of Hernan[52] Cortés, for such was the
alcalde’s name; which is more than he could say for himself, not
knowing himself as we know him, and more than his associates could say
of him. Hereafter as his character develops we shall become further
acquainted with him. It is as difficult to detect the full-grown
plant in a seed as in a stone, and yet the seed will become a great
tree, while the stone remains a stone.
And so, with the aid of his loving friends Duero and Láres, whose
deft advice worked successfully on the plastic mind of Velazquez, and
because he possessed some money and many friends, as well as courage
and wisdom, the alcalde of Santiago was proclaimed captain-general of
the expedition.[53] And now, while the heathen wail let the Spaniards
rejoice. Yes. Noble Castilian! cry aloud! for gold shall fill the
coffers of your king as they were never filled before, and great
shall be the glory of your kingdom; and if the sight of the blood
your captains shall draw from the hapless savages, even more freely
than gold is drawn, does not spoil your appetite for the game, then
whet your swords for the grand pacification.
FOOTNOTES
[37] Herrera says it was the _San Sebastian_; Oviedo, the
_Trinidad_.
[38] Town and river given both by Cortés and Orontius. Colon
writes _R: de almeria_; Ribero, _almera_; Vaz Dourado,
_allmeira_; Hood, _Almeria_; nos. vi. and vii., _Munich
Atlas_, _rio de almeria_, and Mercator, _Almeria_. Ogilby
places north of _Lhanos de Almeria_ a large gulf labelled
_R. de S Pº y S Paulo_, and south of it _Toluia_, and _Tore
Branco_. Dampier lays down _Almeria I._ opposite _Tispe_
and _Haniago Isle_ on the mainland. Laet gives _Naothlan
ó Almeria_, and _Lhanos de Almeria_.
[39] ‘Vimos las sierras de Tusta, y mas adelante de a hi á
otros dos dias vimos otros sierras muy altas, q̄ agora se
llamã las sierras de Tuspa;’ so called, Bernal Diaz says,
_Hist. Verdad._, 10, from the towns lying at their base.
The Rio de Tuxpan is supposed to be the _San Pedro y San
Pablo_ of early days. ‘Da das Peter-und-Pauls-Fest auf den
29 Juni.’
[40] Kohl thinks Grijalva did not pass Cabo Rojo, the
_C:. roxo_ of Vaz Dourado, and Hood, and I am inclined to
agree with him. Bernal Diaz says, _Hist. Verdad._, 10, ‘Y
esto es ya en la Provincia de Panuco: é yendo por nuestra
nauegaciõ llegamos á vn rio grande, que le pusimos por nõbre
Rio de Canoas.’ The nomenclature of this stream is quite
regular in the several times and places. Cortés gives _Rio
Panuco loaton_; Colon, _R: panuco_; Ribero and Vaz Dourado,
_panuco_; Orontius, _R. panico_; Hood, _Panuço_; Baptista
Agnese, _panucho_, and _rio panucho_; no. vi. _Munich
Atlas_ the same; Ptolemy, 1530, in _Munster_, _Panuco_;
Mercator, river and town _Panuco_, and next town south
_Chila_. And so on with Hondius, Ogilby, Dampier, and the
rest. See _Goldschmidt’s Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., i. 578.
Upon the hypothesis that the San Pedro y San Pablo and the
Tuxpan were two streams, the latter may have been the Rio
de Canoas of Grijalva and the Pánuco discovered by Montejo
and Alaminos the year following, as Kohl surmises, but not
otherwise. Herrera says the expedition did not pass Cabo
Rojo; Bernal Diaz speaks of a wide projecting cape, which
does not exist beyond the Pánuco River. Yet both affirm
that the province of Pánuco was reached, and we well know
that little would be said to strangers of an aboriginal
province by its inhabitants before its great town, or its
great river, was approached. Hence the general impression
that Grijalva on this occasion coasted as far as Tampico,
and that the Pánuco was his Rio de Canoas. It is my opinion
that the entrance to the Bahia de Tanguijo, mistaken for
a river, was the Rio de Canoas of Grijalva, and that Cabo
Rojo was his ultimate point of discovery.
[41] Some say sixteen.
[42] In questo giorno sul tardi vedessemo miracolo ben grande
el qual fu che apparve una stella incima la nave dapoi el
tramontar del sole et partisse sempre buttando razi fino che
se pose sopra quel vilagio over populo grande et lasso uno
razo ne laiere che duro piu de tre hore grande et anchora
vedessimo altri signal ben chiari dove comprendessemo che
dio volea per suo servitio populassemo la dicta terra.
_Itinerario_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 302.
[43] Bernal Diaz claims to have planted here the first
orange-seeds sown in New Spain. It was at the base of a
temple, on whose summit he had enjoyed a refreshing sleep,
above the clouds of mosquitoes, and through gratitude
he sowed these seed, which he had brought from Cuba. He
tells, likewise, of obtaining here by barter 4,000 pesos,
which, with the 16,000 pesos Alvarado carried home, made
20,000 pesos secured during the voyage. Among the treasures
were some copper hatchets, which the Spaniards took to
be an inferior kind of gold. Las Casas gives a detailed
description of the treasures obtained by this expedition,
among which was an emerald worth 2,000 ducats, from the
mainland opposite Isla de Sacrificios.
[44] This, following Oviedo, who in 1523 visited Velazquez,
and was told these things. Other authors give widely
different accounts of Grijalva’s return, most of them
taking him at once from Tonalá to Matanzas, but allowing
forty days for the voyage. Oviedo dates Grijalva’s arrival
at the River Goazacoalco July 9; at Deseado, August 17;
at Champoton, September 1; San Lázaro, September 5, and
Matanzas, October 8, which is too early, according to the
date of Cortés’ instructions.
[45] Oviedo says that Olid went to Cozumel and took
possession of the island, thinking he had discovered it;
then coasting north and westward to a port, Laguna de
Términos, and finding no traces of Grijalva, and having
lost his anchors, he returned to Matanzas eight days before
Grijalva; but in this statement he is sustained neither by
his contemporaries nor by his own collateral statements.
Velazquez’ instructions to Cortés are dated the 23d of
October, at which time neither Olid nor Grijalva had
returned, since Cortés is told to search for them; both
arrived, however, before he sailed.
[46] It was in May, 1519, according to Oviedo, that Benito
Martin—some call him Martinez—sailed for Spain, Grijalva
having arrived at Santiago late in the October previous.
By reference to a Velazquez memorial, in iv. 233-4, _Col.
Doc. Inéd._, we find that before this, upon the strength
of Córdoba’s discovery, the king, on the 13th of November,
1518, at Saragossa, made Velazquez adelantado of what he
had discovered, or might discover. Thus far he claimed as
having found, at his own cost, Cozumel and Yucatan, the Santa
María de los Remedios of the Spaniards, which was not true.
Indeed, these memorials of the descendants of conquerors
are, as a rule, widely different from the facts; instance
this one again, which gives Olid seventy men instead of
seven. As a matter of course, the honor of the discovery is
claimed wholly for the governor of Cuba, to the prejudice
of others who ventured more than he. See _Carta del Ayunt.
de Vera Cruz_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, i. 418-9. Instance
further a _Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velazquez de
Basan_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 80-6,
in which Grijalva is given five ships and a year and a half,
and Olid three ships and seventy men. In the _Instruccion
que dió el adelantado Diego Velazquez á Hernan Cortés_,
in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xii. 226-46, the little boat of Olid
has grown into a caravel with 80 or 90 men.
[47] Las Casas saw him at Santo Domingo in 1523. He was
reduced to penury. Proceeding thence to Panamá, he was
sent by Pedrarias to Nicaragua, where he was killed. So
perished the best and morally bravest of cavaliers, while
unscrupulous tricksters flourished. Prior to his departure
from Cuba, however, and notwithstanding the vile treatment
of the governor, at Velazquez’ request, Grijalva wrote a
narrative of his expedition, which was lost by Oviedo in
its transmission to the king. It is embodied, however, in
substance, in _Oviedo_, i. 502-37. One of the most original
and complete accounts of Grijalva’s expedition extant is
that by the priest Juan Diaz, _Itinerario de Larmata del
Re Catholico in India verso la Isola de Iuchathan del anno
M. D. XVIII, alla qual fu Presidente & Capitan Generale
Ioan de Grisalva; el qual e facto per el capellano maggior
de dicta Armata a sua Altezza_, published in Italian, at
Venice, in 1520, in French by Ternaux-Compans, in 1838, the
former being copied and quoted in manuscript by Prescott. The
issue at Venice was as the second part of the _Itinerario de
Ludovico de varthema Bolognese nello Egitto, nella Soria_,
etc., and was there begun, _Qui comincia lo Itinerario de
Lisola de Iuchatan nouamente ritrouata per il signor Gioan
de Grisalue_, etc. By far the best edition is that given
with a Spanish translation by Icazbalceta, in his _Col.
Doc._, i. 281-308, printed in Mexico in 1858. Next is the
account by Bernal Diaz, who, like the chaplain, accompanied
the expedition, thus giving us narratives by eye-witnesses
at once from ecclesiastical and secular stand-points. The
statements of Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 56-8, and _Hist. Mex._, 9-11,
must be taken with allowance. Worse still are the memorials
of the relatives of Velazquez to sovereign majesty, such
as that found in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x.
80-6, which are little better than tissues of misstatements
and exaggerations. Solis, _Hist. Mex._, i. 24-40, gives
a fair, full, and graphic statement of particulars. The
_Instruccion que dió el adelantado Diego Velazquez á Hernan
Cortés_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xii.
226-51, also important, as furnishing original collateral
light. Las Casas, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 16, 421-4, though full,
is specially inaccurate and weak, not only in his facts,
but in his deductions. Nor is Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap.
iii., any stronger. _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 4-6,
_De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii_, in _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, i. 341-6, and _Landa_, _Rel. de Yuc._, 21,
are mediocre; and _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. i.
and ix., is quite full and very valuable. Cogolludo, _Hist.
Yucathan_, 8-16, gives a fair résumé, but a far better one
is Torquemada’s, i. 351-7. Prescott’s account, _Mex._, i.
224-9, is meagre and imperfect, though his deductions are
much more sound than those of Robertson’s _Hist. Am._, i.
240-3. One of the most superficial of the modern narratives
of this expedition is given by Zamacois, _Hist. Méj._,
ii. 236-52. Those by Morelet, _Voy. dans l’Am. Cent._, i.
179-85, and Fancourt’s _Hist. Yuc._, 9-18, are valuable. A
collection of extracts from several letters to Charles V.,
referring to Yucatan, and forming ‘an account of a recently
discovered island, describing its locality, the customs
and habits of its inhabitants,’ was printed at Nuremberg,
by Frederick Peypus, in 1520, under title beginning _Ein
auszug ettlicher sendbrieff dem aller durchleüchtigisten_.
Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._, i. 51-65, ii. 21, and
Ramirez, in his Mexican edition of Prescott, i. 132 and 135,
beside narratives, give portraits of Velazquez, Córdoba, and
Grijalva. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 9-13, and _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 27-50, are most valuable
from an aboriginal stand-point. Alaman, in his _Disert._,
i. 49-91, treats of both Córdoba’s and Grijalva’s voyages.
Among the many allusions to these two expeditions of no
special significance are those found in _Ogilby’s Am._, 76-8;
_Purchas, His Pilgrimes_, v. 858; _Oveido_, _Sommario_,
in _Ramusio_, _Viaggi_, iii. 182-9; _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, iii. 242-3; _Robertson’s Visit Mex._, i. 143;
_Voy., Cur. and Ent._, 471-9; _World Displayed_, i. 166-79;
_Voy., A New Col._, i. 189-98; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._,
xiii. 254-64; _Laharpe_, _Abrégé_, ix. 219-31; _Kerr’s
Voy._, ii. 70-1, and iii. 416-53; _Klemm_, _Allgemeine
Cultur-Geschichte_, 219; _Cordua_, _Scheeps-Togt_, 3-18, and
35-89, in _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling, Montanus, Nieuwe
Weereld_, 72-5; _Gottfried_, _Reysen_, iii.; _Folsom_,
in _Cortés’ Despatches_, 6-8; _Howitt’s Hist. U. S._, i.
8-9; _Lardner’s Hist. Discov._, ii. 43-4; _Span. Conq. in
Am._, ii. 3-9; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii., 106-9;
_Larenaudière_, _Mex. et Guat._, 53-4; _Calle_, _Mem. y
Not._, 81-2; _Mayer’s Mex. Aztec_, i. 14-15; _Hassel_,
_Mex. Guat._, 6; _Holmes’ An. Am._, i. 35-7; _Galvano’s
Discov._, 130-2; _Corradi_, _Descub. de la Am._, ii. 7-19;
_Dalton’s Conq. Mex. and Peru_, 47-9; _Span. Emp. in Am._,
27-8; _Snowden’s Am._, 77-9; _Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iii.
246-7; _Descripcion de Am._, MS., 112-13; _Gordon’s Hist.
Am._, 112-13; _Malte-Brun_, _Yucatan_, 23-4; _Wilson’s Conq.
Mex._, 291; _Castellanos_, _Varones ilustres de Indias_, 71;
_Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., cap. i.-v., _Dufey_, _Résumé_, i.
97-103; _Mavor’s Hist._, xxiv. 65-6; _Gregory’s Hist. Mex._,
19-20; _Norman’s Rambles_, 95; _Wilson’s Mex. and Reg._,
18; _Colton’s Jour. Geog._, No. vi. 84; _Newe Zeittung von
Jucatan_, 1, etc.; _Monglave_, _Résumé_, 41-6; _March y
Labores_, _Marina Española_, i. 463-4; _Cortesii_, _von dem
Newen Hisp._, pt. ii. 2-5; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_,
16; _Armin_, _Alte Mex._, 77-8; _Touron_, _Hist. Gen. Am._,
iii. 58-78; _Bussierre_, _l’Empire Mex._, 193-9; _Sandoval_,
_Hist. Carlos V._, i. 161-2; _Cortés_, _Hist. Mex._, 30-110;
_Campe_, _Hist. Descub. Am._, ii. 7-19; _Cortés_, _Aven. y
Conq._, 12-13; _Stephens’ Incid. of Travel in Yuc._, ii.
366-9; _Drake’s Voy._, 161-3; _Hart’s Tabasco_, 4-5; _La
Cruz_, v. 541-4; _Nouvelles An. des Voy._, xcvii. 30-1,
and clxiv. 101; and _Manzi_, _Conq. di Mess._, 1-3.
[48] Called Borrego, says Torquemada, i. 361. Bernal Diaz
gives Borrego as the second surname.
[49] Bernal Diaz says Augustin Bermudez.
[50] Las Casas regarded him as a schemer, and often warned
Velazquez against ‘Veintidos años de Italia.’ _Hist. Ind._,
iv. 447. He calls him likewise ‘Burgalés’ and ‘hombre
astutísimo.’
[51] ‘Que partirian,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 13,
‘entre todos tres la ganancia del oro, y plata, y joyas,
de la parte que le cupiesse á Cortés,’ and also, growls
Las Casas, _ubi supra_—knowledge of the facts as yet being
but rumor—what Cortés could steal from the king and the
governor was subject to division, beside what he would rob
from the natives.
[52] Hernan, Hernando, Fernan, Fernando, Ferdinando. The
names are one. With no special preference, I employ the
first, used by the best writers. Among the early authorities,
Solis, the Spanish translator of _De Rebus Gestis Ferdinandi
Cortesii_, and many others, write Hernan; Pizarro y Orellana,
_Varones Ilvstres_, Fernan; Bernal Diaz and Oviedo, Hernando;
Gomara, Fernando. In accordance with the Spanish usage of adding
the mother’s surname, he is sometimes, though rarely, called
Cortés y Pizarro. For portrait and signature I refer the
reader to _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. app. i. 15-16; portrait
as an old man; _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 6-8;
_Prescott’s Mex._, iii. 1; _Id._, (ed. Mex., 1846, iii.
210-11); _Armin_, _Alte Mex._, 82, plate from the painting
in the Concepcion Hospital at Mexico; _March y Labores_,
_Marina Española_, i. 466.
[53] In making out the commission Duero stretched every
point in favor of his friend, naming him captain-general
of lands discovered and to be discovered, as well as of
the fleet. _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, i. 47; for the greater
the share of Cortés, the greater Duero’s share. Gomara says,
_Hist. Mex._, 12, ‘Hablo a Fernâdo Cortés para q̄ armassen
ambos a medias, porq̄ tenia dos mil Castellanos de oro,’
etc.; but 2000 castellanos alone would not purchase a half
interest in this undertaking. Las Casas, loc. cit., states
that Velazquez, for reasons that will appear in the next
chapter, was very cautious in intercourse with Cortés until
his scruples were overcome by advisers.