The documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. Many of them
concern the Chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which much
apprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, and
the ordinances excluding the Sangleys from the islands are so relaxed
that soon the Parián is as large as in 1603. The usual difficulties
between the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; and
to the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one,
that of the discalced Augustinians, or Recollects. Acuña conducts an
expedition to drive out the Dutch from the Moluccas, and soon afterward
dies. Various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of the
islands; and the new fiscal, Guiral, complains of various illegal
and injurious proceedings on the part of officials. The expenses of
government are nearly double the amount of the revenues. The province
of Cagayán is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted by
the prospect of gold-mines.
In July, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishop
of Manila are sent to the king, Acuña writes that Benavides is
arrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggests
that hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. The
provincial and other high officials of the Augustinian order state that
the archbishop's rash utterances had much to do with precipitating
the Chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governor
are unnecessary and notorious--moreover, he opposes their order
in every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority and
restrain Benavides. At the same time the Audiencia complain that he
interferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect,
and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled.
Interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of the
colony with the Chinese. The archbishop appeals to the Audiencia,
in memorials presented June 10 and 13, to accede to the demands of
the Chinese emperor by making restitution to the Chinese merchants for
property of theirs left in Manila at the time of the insurrection and
sold by the Spaniards; and by sending back to their own country those
Chinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. The
letter sent to Acuña in March, 1605, by a Chinese official is now
answered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of July). He
blames the Portuguese of Macao for not having delivered the letters
to Chinese officials which he wrote after the Sangley insurrection
of 1603; and claims that the Chinese slain therein were themselves
to blame for their deaths. To maintain this position, he cites the
kindness with which the Chinese in the islands were treated by the
Spaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, and
killed or abused many Spaniards and Indians, and that the survivors
were punished with great leniency. He sends a part of the money due to
Chinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises to
send the rest next year. A letter from one of the auditors at Manila
informs the king that the number of Chinese allowed to remain there
is now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred.
Letters from Acuña (July 1-15) to the king give his usual yearly
report of affairs. Reënforcements of troops have arrived from Mexico,
very opportunely for the expedition which Acuña is preparing for the
recovery of Ternate. He details these preparations, and the condition
of his troops and ships. He complains of the opposition which he has
encountered from the archbishop and the auditor Maldonado. Various
private persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying their
own provisions. He plans to leave Panay in February, 1606; and has
been informed that the Dutch are preparing a large fleet to drive
the Spaniards from the Maluco Islands, and to establish themselves
more firmly there than before. Acuña needs more money, to pay his
troops in the Maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urges
the desirability of cutting off the Dutch from their treasury of the
Spice Islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilities
against them. He recommends better adjustment of the soldiers'
pay. In another letter Acuña reports the failure of this year's
trading voyage to Mexico, one of the ships being compelled to return
to port and the other being probably lost--which causes the utmost
distress and poverty in the islands. Acuña relates the non-residence
in the islands of Gabriel de Ribera, in consequence of which his
encomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. The Moro
pirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so Acuña is discussing
this with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, except
as he can inspire them with fear. The difficulties arising from the
slaughter of the Chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a source
of much anxiety to the Spaniards; but these are in a fair way to be
settled. The fiscal, Salazar y Salcedo, has died; and the Audiencia
has appointed temporarily to that post Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, whom Acuña
highly commends. The governor complains that the archbishop has been
meddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. He also
asks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. In
a third letter Acuña complains of the unjust and tyrannical conduct
of the auditor Maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. This
evil conduct has been especially noticeable in Maldonado's efforts
to secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress.
A group of documents relating to the Dominican mission which reached
the islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long and
toilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journey
to the other side of the world. Diego Aduarte, one of the most noted
of the Dominican missionaries in the Far East, is in charge of a
reënforcement to go to the Philippines, and applies (at some time
in 1604) to the officials of the treasury in Spain for the money
necessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this is
made. He furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, with
the names of the convents that send them. In a document written by
Aduarte (January 20, 1605) he relates at length "the difficulties
of conducting religious to the Philippine Islands." The hardships
and perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he who
is in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. At
the court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity,
locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. The sum of
money allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries to
Sevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter more
red tape and delays. Besides, the amount granted for provisions on
the voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for the
friars' support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. The
royal council requires that the list of missionaries be submitted
to it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time which
they spend at Sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by the
examination to which the council subjects them. Those who finally reach
the port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees,
which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in Nueva España,
at Mexico, and at Acapulco; and at all these places, the missionaries
encounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset them
in Spain. Aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties,
and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and more
liberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partially
granted by the authorities.
While the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas is at Tidore, one of the
Dutch prisoners is interrogated (March 16, 1606), and his deposition
gives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actions
of the Dutch in the Spice Islands. He explains the treaty made by
them with the ruler of Tidore, the goods brought by the Dutch for
this trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in those
islands. Another account of the Chinese insurrection of 1603 is
here presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), written
by a soldier in the Philippines, but edited by one Maldonado. He
describes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of that
revolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see
_Vol_. XII). For instance, he relates that a great many religious
took part in the defence of Manila; he gives details of each battle
with the Chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machines
which overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the Parian,
the slaughter of the Chinese in the villages beyond, and the execution
of the ring-leaders. At the end of the narrative of the insurrection
some additional information is given. The governor sends an envoy to
China with the news of this tragic affair. The writer relates bits
of news which have come from China to Manila--of ravages occasioned
therein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the Japanese.
In a letter dated July 6, 1606, the Audiencia informs Felipe III
of the death of Governor Acuña. New regulations for the commerce
of the islands have been received from Spain, of which complaints
are made. The amount of the Mexican trade has been limited to two
hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to five
hundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that this
restricts their profits too much, and that they should be permitted
to invest a larger sum. This liberty will tend to increase not only
their prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. The
proposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers is
quite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. Instead
of paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wages
proposed by the government, it is better to continue the present system
of allowing each to do a little trading for himself. The auditors
recommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods,
which are onerous on the merchants.
By the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to the
king the condition of affairs in the islands. He complains that the
Sangreys are allowed to remain in Manila, and that this is done by
the Audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officials
and himself. Many Chinese also come without registry, evading even
the slight restrictions heretofore imposed. Their number is steadily
increasing, and the Parian is now as large as it was when the revolt
occurred. He advises further and more severe restrictions on the
Chinese immigration. Guiral also notifies the king that the laws
regarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated;
and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declared
vacant and be reassigned. The encomenderos resent his enforcement of
the royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instruct
their Indians wine for celebrating mass. He recommends that the matter
of granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. The
increase in extent and number of the cattle-farms near Manila causes
much damage to the Indians and Guiral recommends that these farms be
abandoned within a certain distance of all towns. The peaceful Pampango
Indians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting Zambales; the only
way to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone who
will capture them. Certain questions regarding the status of children
of slaves should now be settled. Guiral makes various recommendations
as to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. The seminary
of Santa Potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has since
been rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. A public-spirited citizen
of Manila has established a hospital for Spanish women, and royal aid
is asked for this also. The hospital for Spaniards is not properly
cared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren of
the Order of St. John of God. The guardians of minors often prove
unfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by the
Audiencia. Disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogatives
of the Audiencia in case of their succession _ad interim_ to the
government of the islands, Guiral asks for the royal decision of
such questions. The fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct of
many friars, especially among the Augustinians, toward the Indians;
he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redress
from the king. The coming of the discalced Augustinians (Recollects)
has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especially
on its arrogant provincial, Lorenzo de León--of whose unlawful acts
Guiral complains, and demands an investigation. He has obliged the
stray Indians about Manila to return to their native places; and he
asks that those who are retained for the service of the religious
orders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friars
be compelled to pay these servants fairly. The Audiencia has allowed
Gabriel de Ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegal
absence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of this
procedure. He advises the king to refuse the claims made by Figueroa's
heirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of Mindanao;
and states that Tello and Morga are the ones responsible for part
of these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royal
treasury by the Audiencia. Guiral ends by requesting permission to
leave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his office
of fiscal can be made.
Proceedings in the Council of the Indias (August 5 and 15, 1606)
deal with Acuña's effort to recover the Maluco Islands, from, the
Dutch, summarizing his letters of July 1-7, 1605, and recommending
the measures to be taken by the Spanish government in regard to
it. Later advices emphasize Acuña's statements as to the gravity
of the situation in the Spice Islands. The Council commend Acuña's
action, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him
(from Mexico) with troops and money. The Council of State act thereon,
seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop and
the Audiencia of Manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war.
Of special interest to American readers is a royal decree (August 19,
1606) addressed to Governor Acuña, establishing "a way station for
Philippine vessels on the Californian coast". The king recounts the
results of Vizcaino's exploration on that coast in 1602, and the
advantages of Monterey as such station. It is believed that gold
abounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accrue
from a settlement there. The king appoints Monterey as a way-station
for the Philippine vessels, and Vizcaino as the commander of the
expedition to establish it; and directs Acuña to send with him two
men from the Philippines to learn all that is necessary about the
new station, so that they may command the next galleons from Manila.
The Chinese immigration to the islands continues, the official
statement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land at
Manila in that year. On November 4 following, Felipe III sends warning
to Acuña not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessary
for the service of the community. The king also writes a letter of the
same date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops to
defend Samar from the Moros, in reducing the expenses of government,
and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuilding
the hospital and for certain other measures.
On January 18, 1607, the request of the Jesuits for confirmation of a
grant in aid of their seminary for the Indians in Leyte is approved by
the royal council. A report is made (July 6) by the chief of artillery,
showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted on
all the fortifications at Manila--in all eighty-three pieces, of
various sizes and power. At the king's command, the Audiencia furnish
(July 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitable
confraternity, La Misericordia, at Manila. It has one hundred and
fifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital for
women and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal labors
for the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. They provide
food and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of Santa
Potenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transient
persons. They also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons.
The question of restricting trade between the Spanish colonies is
discussed by the Council of the Indias (December 18, 1607); they think
it necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to take
too vigorous measures. At various times (1606-07) the Council of the
Indias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permitted
to go to Japan via the Philippines. Certain objections to this are
stated (May 30, 1606); that the Japanese suspect the Spaniards of
desiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of Mexican
silver to China should be stopped; that the Jesuits, who are already
established in Japan, desire to exclude the other orders from that
country; and that the Portuguese desire to keep out all Spaniards
from both Japan and China. The Council answer all these objections,
and recommend that religious be required to go to Japan via Manila,
but to embark there in Japanese, not Castilian, vessels. Ten months
later (March 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and,
as before, the Council of Portugal object to the entrance of Castilian
religious into Japan. The Council of the Indias oppose this view,
citing the profitable commerce of the Philippine Islands with Japan,
recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there,
and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. They adhere to
their former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to Japan,
and recommend that the Philippines be allowed at least a moderate
trade with that country. Both these reports are discussed in the
Council of State (September 7 and December 20, 1607), where complaint
is made against the methods of the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and
the king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enter
that field, and to prohibit trade from the Philippines to Japan,
The king thereupon requests from Rome the revocation of the briefs
obliging friars to go to Japan via India, and a new one placing this
matter in Felipe's hands.
An itemized statement of the "annual receipts and expenditures of
the Philippine government" (August 18, 1608) enumerates these. The
receipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths
of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines
from the courts. All these sources of income amount to over one
hundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, the
expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other
local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and
others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various
purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches
and missions. To these are added "extraordinary expenses:" the cost
of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of
tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers;
and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount to
over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than
twice as much as the income.
Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (September 27
1608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. After
summarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco's predecessor,
Montesclaros, the king approves the latter's advice to choose, as
such way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata
(afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and orders
Velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the
enterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May
3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, and
advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement
should be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon this
latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of
the governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July
29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him
not to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services,
and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans to
found a college in the islands.
Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grande
de Cagayán, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these,
with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega
(July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made by
Lavezaris, Vera, and Dasmariñas to bring this province under Spanish
control. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of Luis
Dasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the
Rio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, and
treats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Francisco
de Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile,
refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmariñas (the main
object of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city of
Nueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year,
Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the natives
friendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought
from the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations,
and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Three
years later, Luis Dasmariñas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594),
with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province
of Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances
of treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guard
continually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each village
visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. At
Anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals;
"such was their custom". At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requires
hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the little
children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, "good enough
to be worn in Madrid". At Tuguey and some other villages the natives
resist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the sound
of firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, the
Spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now
revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and
send him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him back
to his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Miranda
searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and
discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijo
is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being
assaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs from
Tuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; but
the Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later,
those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religious
instruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described;
and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent
mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the
natives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some
mention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry,
it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason to
believe that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this account
are appended several others bearing on this subject. One of these
relates the circumstances which induced Dasmariñas to explore Tuy;
another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by
his father the governor. These are followed by a curious document,
apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interested
in the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed to
some high official in Spain--perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe
III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the
interests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in the
form of small shares in the galleon's cargo, to the officers and men
who serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only in
certain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appoint
the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered
country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from
the royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain,
they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, rather
than via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous
tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas,
at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifth
of gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given,
also over Vega's signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand that
answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released
from all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne by
the royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate--some man
of affairs--as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal
sanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province of
Tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the
encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted
to Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers.
On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal
(a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila),
praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and other
Indians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this
matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominican
missionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but
of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the
mission of 1606 had remained in Nueva España, instead of completing the
voyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reach
the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries
was too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against the
embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries
have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance
made for their traveling expenses--illustrating this from his own and
others' experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalced
Augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send
more of their friars to the Philippines.
_The Editors_
April, 1904.