A.D. 1682-1683.
Persecution instigated by the curates in the South and West—Noble
conduct of a boy—Rapacity of the military—Instructions of the
council—Exploits of Claverhouse, Meldrum, &c.—Retributive
justice—Justiciary court—Lawrie of Blackwood—Circuit courts—Rye-house
plot—Scottishmen implicated—Various instances of oppression.
While the justiciary and the commissioners were carrying on their
dreadful work, the lower menials of tyranny were not idle. Cornet Graham
followed closely the footsteps of his friend Claverhouse. In the parish
of Twynholm, Kirkcudbrightshire, several cottars’ wives, with children
at the breast, were sent to jail, because they would not oblige
themselves to keep their kirk and hear the curate. In a neighbouring
parish, the incumbent being informed of some persons who dared meet
together for prayer, procured soldiers to quarter upon them for this
dreadful irregularity; and one poor old woman, nearly blind, and lame in
both her arms, eminently pious, and therefore peculiarly obnoxious,
being cast out of her cottage, which was razed to the ground, sought
hiding in a neighbour’s house; but the implacable curate brought a party
of soldiers, whom he ordered to seize her and carry her out of the
parish, saying, “Jean, you shall crook no more in Moss-side,” and added,
“she was a scabbed hog, and would infect all the flock.” Her brother,
however, prevailed upon them by a little money to allow her to go with
him to his house, where she lingered a few days, till she reached a
better home. At Perth, Mrs Minniman, a minister’s widow, was torn from
her only son, a child, lying dangerously ill:—-the child died crying for
his mother, and the mother soon after died of grief for her child.
Parents were punished for their children, and children for their
parents, even when the parties themselves were regular. But this was the
case over the whole country, of which I shall give a few instances.
In the parish of St Mungo, Annandale, a father had a party quartered on
him, because his son, a youth about sixteen, was in fault; for the
curate said it was but fit the father should be punished for the child,
whom he ought to have made regular by a bridle. In Rutherglen, the
provost sent his officers to a widow’s house to apprehend her son for
non-attendance at church. The lad fled, but his sister was taken, fined,
and sent to prison, for aiding his escape. The poor girl could not pay
the fine, and her mother fell sick; yet, though bail was offered, she
could not be permitted to attend her. Shortly after, supposing perhaps
that the son might have supplied his sister’s place, the provost came in
the night-time, searched the house for him, and, failing to find him,
obliged the afflicted woman to pay twenty merks, probably her all. Mr
Blair, the incumbent, for not waiting on whose ministrations all this
suffering was inflicted, was at the very time living in whoredom with
his own servant wench.
At East Monkland, in Lanarkshire, an incident occurred, respecting which
it is difficult to say whether it exhibits the barbarity of the
mercenary soldiers, or the noble hardihood of a thoroughly trained
youth, in the most conspicuous point of view. Archibald Inglis, an
officer under John Skene of Hallyards, while hunting out a pious farmer
in Arnbuckles who had been denounced by the profligate curate of the
parish, missing him, laid hold on a boy, hardly fifteen years of age,
and ordered him to swear when he saw his master, and to tell them if he
knew where he was. The youth refusing, the soldiers beat him with their
swords till he was wholly covered with blood; then dragging him by the
hair of the head to the fire, they wrung his nose till it gushed—they
held his face to the flame “till his eyes were like to leap out of his
head.” The woman in the house, unable to help him, entreated him with
tears to tell all he knew before he was burned to death; but the
intrepid little fellow refused to say a word. The soldiers, holding
their drawn swords to his breast, swore they would send him to eternity,
if he did not tell. Still he kept mute. Then they struck him furiously
upon the head, but not a word would he utter. At last he fell senseless
among their hands, and they left him for dead! He afterwards recovered.
I regret I cannot record his name. This same Inglis, in the parish of
Kilbride, because three conscientious peasants refused to take the
inquisitorial oath, to answer every question that should be put to them,
ordered fiery matches to be placed between their fingers to extort
compliance; but in this case, as in the other, he appears only to have
had the diabolical satisfaction of inflicting exquisite torture without
attaining his object.
The thirst after money was insatiable among these wretches.
Covetousness, in its meanest, crudest, and most revolting shape, appears
to have been their master passion. Their gross, expensive sensuality
cried—“Give! give!” and what they squandered upon their harlots, they
unmercifully wrung from their more excellent neighbours. Such was the
high-spirited gallantry of these extolled cavaliers! Claverhouse
distinguished himself in this way. Nor was that still more despicable
character, Mackenzie, the king’s advocate, less assiduous in the same
low vocation; indeed, he appears upon every occasion to have stimulated
the spoilers.
The council’s instructions to the military brigands early this year,
which were undoubtedly his production, were framed upon the principle by
which the greatest sums of money could be extorted from the people. When
petty heritors, who were also tenants, were guilty of any disorder, they
were to be fined in that capacity, which would bear the greatest fines.
Upon information that noblemen or gentlemen entertained in their
families unlicensed chaplains or pedagogues, their names were to be sent
to the chancellor, the archbishop of St Andrews, or the bishop of
Edinburgh, that the pecuniary penalties, which were exorbitant, might be
exacted. They were to call for the public records of their districts,
and if any fines had been abated, they were to be exacted in full; and
the magistrates were to be reported, that they might be brought to
account for their negligence or collusion.
In the parish of New Glenluce, Graham seized four countrymen for not
hearing the incumbent, put them in jail, and sent soldiers to quarter on
their families, and, in the language of the day, “eat them up.” After
they had been kept in durance for twelve weeks, he ordered them to be
tied two and two and set on bare-backed horses, and to be carried to
Edinburgh; but after they had undergone the torture of a day’s ride, he
sent after them, and allowed them to purchase their liberty, by giving
him each a bond for a thousand merks.
Among his other extortions in Galloway, he had imprisoned and fined
exorbitantly some of Sir John Dalrymple’s and his father’s tenants, of
which Sir John complained to the privy council, alleging that he as
heritable bailie of the regality had anticipated Captain Graham, and of
course had a preferable right both to the casualties and emoluments of
the fines. Claverhouse replied, by alleging that Sir John’s decreets
were collusive, and the fines did not amount to one sixtieth part of
what ought to have been legally exacted, and that he had weakened the
government by interfering with and opposing the commission which the
king’s council had given him, containing a power both civil, criminal,
and military, of sheriffship and justiciary, for executing the church
laws; and under pretence of his preferable jurisdiction, studied to stir
up the people to a dislike of the king’s forces. Also, that he had
defamed Claverhouse as one who had cheated the king’s treasury, in
exacting the fines of heritors and not accounting for them, at least
falsely giving in an account to the exchequer far below his
intromissions, which he ought either to prove or else be punished as the
author of an infamous libel. Sir John then asked that he might be
allowed to produce what witnesses he had in town for proving his
allegations. But this most reasonable, and one would have thought
irrefusable, request was denied him upon a quibble, that it would compel
him to raise a counter-action, instead of establishing his defence.
Claverhouse’s witnesses were then allowed to be examined. The first
called was Sir George Lockhart, the defendant’s own advocate, and the
chancellor thought he might be ordained to depone. Sir George, however,
himself insisted that it would be a most pernicious precedent to force
advocates to disclose their client’s secrets; and after “much transport,
flame, and humour,” he was passed over, not on account of any allowed
impropriety, but because it was considered unnecessary. Sir John alleged
the people in Galloway were turned orderly and regular. Claverhouse
answered, there were as many elephants and crocodiles as there were
either regular or loyal persons in the shire.
After the final hearing, February 12th, the council determined that
Claverhouse had done nothing but what was legal and consonant to his
commission and instructions, and the chancellor complimented him so far
in their name:—that they wondered that he, not being a lawyer, had
walked so warily in so irregular a country, and therefore they gave him
their thanks for his encouragement; but they found that Sir John
Dalrymple, though a lawyer and a bailie of regality, had exceeded his
bounds, and had weakened the hands of his majesty’s authority by his
interference, they therefore condemned him to lose his heritable
bailery, to pay £500 sterling of fine, and to enter Edinburgh Castle and
lie there during the council’s pleasure, “as an example to all others
who should oppose their military commissions.” He was released on the
20th, upon paying his fine, acknowledging his rashness, and craving the
council’s pardon.
Douglas of Bonjedburgh was fined by the Laird of Meldrum, as the
council’s sheriff of Teviotdale, 27,500 merks for his own and his lady’s
irregularities, in being absent from the church and private baptisms;
and Sir William Scott of Harden, 46,000 pounds Scots for similar
enormities. “The sum fined in,” Fountainhall remarks, “jumped with a
gift the king’s advocate had new gotten, of £1500 sterling, from the
king, out of the first and readiest of the fines, for his pains,
expense, and journeys to London.” Nor though Scott had the matter fully
argued before the king in council, and was strongly supported by the
Marquis of Halifax, could he obtain any relief.
When men high in office and in rank were thus setting decency at
defiance for gain, it could not be expected that men in lower life would
remain inactive spectators. Nor did they. Fountainhall gives many
examples. I select one. Menzies was brought before the criminal court,
for collecting money for the rebels in the west and receiving letters
from Balfour of Burleigh, one of Sharpe’s murderers. He was condemned to
be hanged. But it appearing afterwards that the witnesses were infamous,
and that they had sworn largely, _i. e._ falsely, and that he was
delated by one who was owing him money, the privy council reprieved him.
Early in the year, Mr John Philip, minister of Queensferry, having,
“when in his cups,” called the Duke of York a bloody tyrant, was
informed against by his compotators, and being brought before the privy
council, March 15th, was fined £2000 sterling, and sent to the Bass,
besides being declared infamous and incapable of ever preaching
hereafter. At the same time, he was informed if the money was not paid
within fourteen days, the council would order him to be criminally
prosecuted; but to make assurance doubly sure, their cash-keeper was
commanded to take possession of all his books and papers.
In pursuing the march of these despicable mercenaries, high and low, it
is deserving of remark, that while they all joined in pursuit of the
proscribed Presbyterians, they were equally ready to turn upon each
other, whenever they thought they could gain any accession to their own
estates from the spoil of those they had crouched before in the hour of
their prosperity. Thus, even in this world, does God sometimes display
his retributive justice, by permitting the wicked, in their nefarious
dealings with one another, to avenge the cause of his own people.
Lauderdale furnishes a striking exemplar. After having done every thing
in his power to advance the interest of the Duke of York, by procuring
his recall from the Continent and his appointment to the government of
Scotland, the ungrateful York rewarded him by joining his enemies and
aiding the fall of the power of the Maitlands.
In their proceedings this year, the justiciary court commenced by
setting every principle of common justice at defiance, refusing to
prisoners a list of the witnesses intended to be brought against them,
thus depriving them of one grand means of defence, while they had them
examined privately upon oath before themselves; and the reason assigned
in the king’s letter, procured for this purpose, was worthy of the
practice, “so that our advocate may be secure how to manage such
processes.” The first person brought before them, a William Martin,
younger of Dallarg, was dismissed simpliciter, upon surrendering all his
lands and heritages to the Lord Treasurer in favour of the king’s most
excellent majesty. The next was William Lawrie, tutor of Blackwood.[153]
He was charged with conversing with rebels who had been at Bothwell; but
although the persons he conversed with had never been pursued at law,
much less convicted, and resided at the same time openly in the country;
yet did the Lord Advocate contend that if they were in fact rebels, or
were reputed or suspected such, that was enough to render it treason to
have any intercourse with them; to which the lords agreeing, and several
acts of converse being proved, he was condemned to lose his head, and
his estate to be forfeited to the king; but being an old man, and
professing great sorrow and submission, he was, after several respites,
through the interest of the Marquis of Douglas, whose chamberlain he
was, pardoned as to life, but his forfeiture was confirmed as a
precedent for establishing a most indefinite but lucrative species of
treason. This was announced by proclamation, April 13th, requiring
judges and magistrates to execute the laws with rigour against all who
should receive, harbour, or converse with notour forfeited traitors, or
such as they suspected to have done so; to require them to clear
themselves by oath, which, if they refused, to hold them as confessed,
and punish them by banishment, fining, or other arbitrary punishment. To
carry this object the better into execution, circuit-courts were
appointed to be holden in the western and southern shires, at Glasgow,
Ayr, and Dumfries. Adopting another practice of the inquisition, the
emissaries of these courts were to procure all the information they
could respecting noblemen, gentlemen, sheriff-principals, or provosts of
burghs, of which they were to keep a _private_ roll, and transmit it
_secretly_ to the council. The ministers were also ordered to give in
lists of all heritors, withdrawers from the church, and all women who
were delinquents—of all persons who had left their parishes and the
reasons for it—of fugitives, their wives, and widows, and their
resetters—and of chapmen and travellers.
Footnote 153:
He held the lands of Blackwood, as tutor to the sons of his wife
Marion Weir, heiress of the estate.
About this time John Nisbet, younger, was tried at Kilmarnock by Major
White, who had a justiciary power sent him for that purpose. As the
persecutors were exceedingly anxious to catch John Nisbet of Hardhill,
who was peculiarly obnoxious for his holy intrepidity, White pressed his
prisoner to inform him respecting the retreat of his namesake; and when
he positively refused to say any thing about him, the major told him,
after threatening him violently, he would make him sit three hours in
hell if he did not. The sufferer mildly replied—“that was not in his
power.” He was then asked if he owned the king to be head of the church?
He answered, I acknowledge none to be head of the church but Christ. No
witnesses were examined, his own confession being deemed sufficient for
his conviction. He was executed at Kilmarnock cross, April 14th.
Contrary to custom, he was allowed to speak, and addressed the
spectators at considerable length, exhorting them to personal godliness,
and recommending religion to them from his own feeling and experience.
“This,” said he, “is the first execution of this kind at this place, but
I am of opinion it will not be the last; but, sirs, death is before you
all, and if it were staring you in the face as nearly as it is me at
present, I doubt not there would be many awakened consciences among you.
As for myself, though death be naturally terrible, and a violent death
still more terrible, yet the sting of it being taken away, I reckon
every step of this ladder a step nearer heaven.” Here some confusion
arising among the soldiers, he stopped, and drawing the napkin over his
face, while in the act of commending his soul into his Father’s hands,
was launched into eternity.
In May following, John Wilson, writer in Lanark, a pious, learned, and
talented man, who had been condemned to die on the 7th, petitioned for a
reprieve, as his wife was near her time, and was respited till she was
delivered of the babe their cruelty was so soon to make fatherless. On
the 17th he was executed along with David Macmillan. He departed
rejoicing in God his Saviour, and in the firm belief that he would yet
return to his church and people in Scotland, though he feared there
would be sad judgments upon those who had forsaken his ways, and
declared it as his firm conviction that God would remove that race of
kings, root and branch, and make them like Zeba and Zalmunna for taking
God’s house in possession. In the testimony which he left, he vindicated
resistance to the government then existing, upon the grounds of the
violation by them of the duty they owed to the people, although he
thought that a rising could only be justified by its probability of
success. “As to the denial of the king’s authority, he scunnered to own
it, and such things had been done as in a well ordered commonwealth
would annul his right; yet he thought authority should not be cast off
without a probable power to support in this.” And he proved his
positions by the Confession of Faith embodied in the test itself, as
well as by the authority of their own leading bishop, Honyman, who in
his answer to Naphtali granted “that a king might be lawfully resisted
in case he should alienate the kingdom to strangers.” With regard to the
bishop’s death, he would pronounce no opinion; he durst not call it
murder, if the motives of the actors were pure; but if the actors were
touched with anything of particular prejudice or by-ends, that Scripture
of avenging the blood of Jezebel upon the house of Jehu would not suffer
him to justify it. Along with him suffered David Macmillan, a plain
countryman, who had gone with a party of horse to Bothwell. On their
being dispersed, he dismounted and joined a body of foot which still
maintained their ground, till they also were overpowered. When he asked
for quarter, a soldier replied—“I’ll give you quarters,” and knocked him
down. While lying bleeding, a Highlander fired at him and struck him,
but the ball being perhaps spent, did him no hurt. He got home and
remained undisturbed, although suspected, till now, when having retired
to the kirk for the purpose of reading the Scriptures, he was discovered
by Claverhouse in the very act; and being carried before the justiciary,
he was very summarily sent to the gibbet. In his last testimony he
“earnestly wished that love might continue among the godly,
notwithstanding of differences in judgment, and desired every one to
look on their own sins as the cause of the present undoing of religion,
and still remember the church was purchased by Christ’s blood.” He
blessed God who had honoured him with his cross, and that ever he had
heard the gospel preached in the fields; and adds—“I could not argument
for the truth as others, but I never had a look to go back, nor one hard
thought of God.”
Early in June, the justiciary courts set out on their bloody circuit. At
Stirling, one Boog, when brought before them, produced a testificate
under Sir William Paterson, the clerk of the council’s hand, that he had
taken the bond within the specified time; yet refusing to promise not to
rise in arms hereafter, “was coney-catched,” as Fountainhall terms it,
by that blood-thirsty crew; and the day they sat down at Glasgow was
marked by the execution of two persons, John Macwharry and James Smith—a
deed singular for its injustice and cruelty, even in these times. A
party of soldiers, in conveying one Alexander Smith to Edinburgh, were
attacked by some of his friends near Inchbelly Bridge, who released the
prisoner and killed one of the party. After they had retired, the
soldiers rallied, and in revenge—as cowards are always cruel—seized
these two unarmed countrymen, who were sitting quietly together in a
wood not far distant, and carried them to Glasgow, where, without any
other evidence of guilt, than their being taken near the place, they
were condemned to have their right hands cut off, then to be hanged, and
their bodies afterwards hung in chains. They are represented as having
been most pious and exemplary persons; and the letters they addressed to
their fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters, upon this occasion,
breathe a tender spirit of filial affection and ardent piety. “It is
worthy recording to the praise of his grace, for whose royal dignity
they witnessed, that they endured all these hardships with a great deal
of Christian magnanimity, even to the conviction of enemies.” They
rejoiced in their bonds and joyed in their tribulations. When
Macwharry’s hand was cut off, he held up the stump, and said—“This and
other blood shed through Scotland will yet raise the burnt covenants.”
Pre-eminent in infamy were the clerical informers; and among them, one
Fenwick, the curate of Cathcart; Abercrombie, in Carrick; and Joseph
Clelland, in Dalserf—to enumerate even a tithe of the non-conformist
heritors and commonalty who were persecuted by these incapables—for they
were grossly illiterate as well as immoral—would require a folio; but
some idea may be formed of the nature of the inflictions from one or two
cases, resulting from their informations. William Boswell of Auchinleck,
a very young gentleman, having accidently, when taking a ride, met a
company going to join the west country folks, merely stopt his horse to
see them draw up, was for this crime obliged to take the test and pay
one thousand merks fine, to preserve his estate from forfeiture. William
Muir, laird of Glanderston, when in a fever, having been blooded by Mr
Spreul the apothecary, was imprisoned for holding converse with rebels,
and was only released by an act of the justiciary.
The only person who suffered for being directly concerned in Sharpe’s
death, was one Andrew Guillan, a weaver, near Magusmuir, who was
executed at the cross of Edinburgh in July this year. His conviction
occurred in rather a curious manner. After the transaction, he had fled
south and settled in the neighbourhood of Cockpen, where he worked as a
day-labourer. While at work, the curate of the parish coming past, went
to him, and asked where he was on the Lord’s day? and if he kept the
church? Andrew replied, that he did not own him, and would give no
account of himself; on which the curate called for some people
thereabout and seized him, and took him to the village, where he was
pressed to drink the king’s health, which he refusing, as he said he
drank no healths, he was carried to Dalkeith, and there put in prison,
and from thence to Edinburgh, where, after examination, he was put into
the iron-house. While there, some rumour arose of his having been
present at the act, but there was no proof till the advocate charging
him, at one of his examinations, with the crime, and aggravating its
cruelty by every exaggeration, turned to Andrew, and exclaimed—“What a
horrid deed to murder the holy bishop when he was on his knees praying.”
This so touched the simple countryman, that, lifting up his hands, he
cried out—“O dreadful! he would not pray one word for all that could be
said to him!” This was sufficient; he was immediately found guilty on
his own confession, and sentenced to be taken to the cross of Edinburgh,
to have both his hands cut off at the foot of the gallows, and then
hanged; his head to be fixed at Cupar, and his body to be carried to
Magusmuir, and to be hung in chains. He endured the infliction with
great courage, and denied that he was a murderer, although he joined
with those who executed justice upon Judas, who sold the kirk of
Scotland for fifty thousand merks a-year. He received nine strokes
before his hands were amputated; and after the right hand was cut off,
he held out the bleeding stump, and exclaimed—“My blessed Lord sealed my
salvation with his blood, and I am honoured this day to seal his truths
with my blood.” Along with Guillan was executed Edward Aitken, who was
condemned on the narrowed points of converse with, and harbouring,
Gordon of Earlston.
About this time, what has been called the Rye-house plot was discovered,
which enabled Charles to crush the friends of liberty in England, who
had projected an insurrection in case of his death, in order to exclude
the Duke of York from succeeding to the throne, and had entered into a
correspondence with the Scottish exiles abroad, and a number of the
leaders among the sufferers at home. These were, the Earl of Loudon,
Lord Melville, Sir John Cochrane of Ochiltree and his son, Sir Hugh
Campbell of Cessnock and his son, Baillie of Jerviswood, Stuart of
Coltness, and Crauford of Craufordland. Several meetings had taken place
in London, but nothing had been definitely arranged, when one of the
inferior agents, or government spies, revealed the whole; or rather
invented a plot of his own, which he communicated to the government—ever
on the alert after conspiracies—for the sake of a reward. On this vile
denunciator’s testimony chiefly, Russell and Sidney suffered; and a
number of the Scottish partizans were secured, and sent to Edinburgh to
be tortured and executed.
Besides these, Gordon of Earlston, who had been seized at Newcastle, was
also sent to Scotland. Having been attainted in his absence, he was
brought to the bar of the justiciary; and his former sentence being
read, he was ordered for execution; but there was produced a letter from
the king, ordering him first to be put in the boots. The council wrote
back to his majesty, that it was not either regular or usual to torture
malefactors after they were condemned; but the royal commands were
peremptory, and he was accordingly brought into the Council-chamber to
be tortured, when “he, through fear or distraction, roared out like a
bull, and cried and struck about him, so that the hangman and his man
durst scarce lay hands on him.” At last he fell into a swoon, from which
when he recovered he spoke in the most incoherent manner. The council
differing in opinion, some calling it real, and some affected madness,
physicians were ordained upon soul and conscience to report upon his
condition, which they did, affirming that he was affected by that
distemper, called _alienatio menti_, and advised he should be sent to
the Castle, which was accordingly done; and afterwards he was conveyed
to the Bass, where he remained till the Revolution set him free.
Shortly after, undeterred by the gathering storm, Mr James Renwick again
raised the gospel standard on the mountains and muirs of his country.
Having been ordained at Groningen, he immediately embarked at the Brill
in a vessel bound for Ireland. During his voyage the ship was forced by
a storm to put into Rye, just at the time when the noise about the plot
was at its height, but he escaped without trouble, and arrived in his
native land safely, in time to attend the general meeting appointed to
be held at Darmede on the 3d of October, by whom he was called and
received as their minister. James Nisbet, son of Nisbet of Hardhill, in
his memoirs, gives the following account of his manner of
preaching:—“After this I went sixteen miles to hear a sermon preached by
the great Mr James Renwick, a faithful servant of Christ Jesus, who was
a young man, endued with great piety, prudence, and moderation. The
meeting was held in a very large desolate muir. The minister appeared to
be accompanied with much of his master’s presence. He prefaced on the
7th Psalm, and lectured on 2 Chron. chap. xix., from which he raised a
sad applicatory regret that the rulers of our day were as great enemies
to religion as those of that day were friends to it. He preached from
Mark xii. 34, in the forenoon. After explaining the words, he gave
thirteen marks of a hypocrite, backed with pertinent and suitable
applications. In the afternoon, he gave the marks of a sound believer,
backed with a large, full, and free offer of Christ to all sorts of
perishing sinners that would come and accept of him for their Lord and
Saviour, and for their Lord and Lawgiver. His method was both plain and
well-digested, suiting the substance and simplicity of the gospel. This
was a great day of the Son of Man to many serious souls, who got a
Pisgah view of the Prince of Life, and that pleasant land that lies
beyond the banks of death—Jordan.”
That such preaching, attended by such numbers as came to hear, and
accompanied by such power on those who heard, should attract the
attention and hatred of men like those, the then rulers in church and
state, was exactly what was to be expected. The council no sooner got
intelligence of the revival of field-preaching, which they thought they
had crushed for ever, than they sent Mr Cargill to his reward, and
recommended their efforts to suppress them; and because Renwick had
preached and baptized some children on the lands of Dundas, in the
parish of New Monkland—the superiority of which belonged to the Laird of
Dundas and the Trades of Glasgow—they fined both parties in £50 sterling
each. Nor did the opposition rest here. Mr Hog and Mr Wilkie, two
ministers, were fined, the one in five thousand, and the other in ten
thousand merks, for having been at this or similar conventicles. In the
same month, and for the same crime, several women as well as men were
sent to New Jersey and to Jamaica, to be sold as slaves. Searchers were
also appointed in the west, particularly in Glasgow, by whom every
house, from the cellar to the garret, was examined for suspicious
strangers, who were also empowered to interrogate whoever they chose,
and apprehend such as did not give what they deemed satisfactory
answers.
While the work of blood went forward at Edinburgh, three plain
countrymen were, in the latter end of November, brought before the
justiciary:—John Whitelaw in New Monkland, Arthur Bruce in Dalserf, and
John Cochrane, a shoemaker in Lesmahago. They were persons from whom
government had nothing to fear; “and their blood was shed,” says Wodrow,
“for what I can see, merely out of love to blood.” Their confessions
were the only proof of their guilt; and the depth of their criminality
may be judged of from that of the first, with which all the rest
essentially agreed. “John Whitelaw declares he thinks Bothwell Bridge
lawful, that rising being in defence of the gospel. He thinks himself
and these three nations bound by the Covenants. That it is above his
reach to tell whether the king be lawful king or not. Confesseth that he
was some time with the rebels at Bothwell, but not at the battle, and
that he had a sword. Refuses to say—“God save the king,” this not being
a proper place for prayer; and if it mean his owning his authority, he
has spoken to that already. Being interrogate if his judges were lawful
judges, and the bishop’s death murder? he declared these were questions
above his reach.” Bruce, when required to say—“God save the king,”
replied by saying—“God save all the election of grace.” They were all
three executed within three days, and died rejoicing in hope. Cochrane,
in his last speech, remarks, that suffering was no discouragement to
him, for “when the storm blew hardest, the smiles of my Lord were at the
sweetest. It is matter of rejoicing unto me to think how my Lord hath
passed by many a tall cedar, and hath laid his love upon a poor
bramble-bush like me; and now I am made to say, the Lord hath done all
things well, and holy is his name.” “Moreover, I leave my wife and six
small children to the care and protection of Almighty God, who hath
promised to be a father to the fatherless and an husband to the widow;
and my soul to God who gave it, and for whose cause I now willingly lay
down my life.”
Another general search was made at Glasgow at the close of the year,
but, with jesuitical policy, it was allowed to transpire some days
before that such a thing was to take place, in order that “suspected
persons” might take the alarm. In the mean time, however, soldiers were
stationed at some little distance around the town in all directions, to
seize such as should attempt to escape; but it does not appear that any
person was apprehended, except John Buchanan, a student, who, after
being imprisoned a while, was transported to Carolina. At the same time,
a singularly affecting case occurred in the parish of Dalmellington.
James Dun, a very peaceable and pious man, had four sons, one of whom,
with a brother-in-law, was murdered by the soldiers; another was
banished; a third was hunted on the mountains; the fourth, a lad not
fourteen years of age, was seized and imprisoned at Ayr. Nothing could
be laid to his charge, except non-conformity; yet was not his father
able to procure his liberation till he paid two hundred and forty
pounds, and even after this, he was taken, sent to the plantations, and
sold for a slave!
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