BOOK XIV.

MAY TO DECEMBER, A.D. 1679.

Outrages of the soldiery—Dissensions among the persecuted—Commotions in

the West—Rutherglen declaration—Rising of the Presbyterians—Skirmish

at Drumclog—Royal troops retire to Edinburgh—Divisions among the

Presbyterians—Arrival of Monmouth—Battle of Bothwell Bridge.

Matters were now fast hastening to a crisis, especially in the west

country. The licentiousness of the soldiery increased by indulgence; and

after they had, through the accurate intelligence of the incumbents,

pillaged every intercommuned or recusant inhabitant worth plundering,

especially in the rural districts, their insatiable greed did not spare

the conformist part of the community. Money was their great object; and

when they could not obtain that, they vented their rage upon the

property they could not carry off. In some places, they thrashed out the

corn and threw it into the stream, and took the meal and trode it in the

dunghill; in others, they set fire to the stacks, and if there were any

grain in the garner, cast it into the flames, while they rioted on all

the stock or whatever edibles they could lay their hands on. In this

indiscriminate pillage, many suffered who made no great pretensions to

religion, and who, without that grand counteracting principle, were by

no means disposed to take patiently the spoiling of their goods by

military ruffians. These, from motives of self-interest, were led to

make common cause with the Presbyterians, in defence of their national

rights and to avenge their civil oppressions.

The small armed conventicles finding it hazardous to meet in the

neighbourhood of the garrisons, withdrew to more retired situations, and

assembled in greater numbers, while their discussions involved the

general principles of civil liberty, as well as the more isolated

question of their right to hear the preaching of the gospel. The

constant harassings they met with from the soldiers in going to or

coming from the meetings, who being pre-pardoned for whatever outrage

they might commit, were restrained by no motive but fear, obliged them

to keep as much and as long together as they could. Their little parties

gradually approximated each other; and all converging towards one focus,

they at length mustered a formidable body; but not all of one mind.

Ministers who wished to pursue moderate measures, laboured under

peculiar disadvantages. Some idea may be formed of the mental struggles

and outward difficulties of these worthies from the account which Mr

Blackadder gives of himself at this time. He ventured to preach at

Fala-moor, in Livingston, on the last Sabbath of May this year, which

happened to be the day before Drumclog, though neither he nor the people

knew of it. His subject led him to speak of defensive arms; but in

handling it, it appeared he had by no means given satisfaction.

Contrasting their spiritual with their military preparations for their

meetings, he proceeded:—“When you come forth with swords in your hands

to defend the worship of God, it is well; but whatever you endeavour

with your hostile weapons, I would have you trust little to them.” And

he exhorted them to put their confidence in God rather than in their own

instruments of war.

After sermon, some honest men came to him as they used to do. They

were on their way westward, having heard the rumour of their

friends combining in arms. He perceived them looking angry and

discontented-like. “We fear, sir, you have discouraged the people

by not putting them more forward to appear in arms. They needed a

word of exhortation and upstirring, and not to cool their zeal as

you have done.” “I do not,” said he, “condemn honest endeavours to

redress your wrongs; I should be the first in cases where there is

clearness to stand up and defend the gospel; but I fear

forwardness without deliberation.” His conscientious hearers and

he, upon some further conference, came to a better understanding;

but he adds—“About this time there were several people more

froward than godly, prudent, or charitable, who upbraided

ministers that they did not press the people more, or preach so

and so, according to their mind; but little did they consider, how

much ministers were difficulted to give advice therein, perceiving

the case so intricate for want of clearness; yet the few who

stickled underhand still continued to meddle, so that poor people

were put to great uncertainty, and knew not how to behave; their

consciences were tortured; their hearts grieved; and their spirits

fretted. But the council still furious to suppress their meetings

by sending forces from time to time to dissipate them and take

prisoners, was the main cause why they went forth in arms;

otherwise they would not, if their rulers had not by their violent

persecution provoked them to that necessity.

“Though unable from indisposition himself, he hindered none from

appearing in arms who were clear and in capacity to assist, although he

was much jumbled in his own mind anent that particular; and used to say,

both before and after, he did not see a call for rising so clear as he

could like. Though he always reverenced the providence of the rising,

and approved honest designs, yet his opinion was, that the Lord called

for a testimony by suffering rather than outward deliverance.”[119]

Footnote 119:

Mem. of Rev. John Blackadder, p. 229 et seq.

Other equally excellent men considered the question to be, Whether shall

we consent to the preaching of the gospel being suppressed altogether,

or shall we assert it at the point of the Sword? With regard to civil

liberty, there could be no dispute. Where it is concerned, the question

comes shortly to this, when tyranny reigns triumphant, “Is there, or is

there not, a rational prospect of success in resistance?” But here the

question was, Is it our duty with or without a prospect of success, to

lift up our testimony against the iniquity of the times? nay, should

there be only a prospect of sealing it with our blood? And they

hesitated not to reply in the affirmative; and the first rencounter

seemed to set the stamp of wisdom to this resolve, but whether more

propitious to the cause of religious liberty has been thought

problematical; and of this opinion were the most influential of the

persons who directed the operations of the great western meeting.

This meeting, obliged for mutual protection to assume the appearance of

an army, were guilty of no acts of hostility, but their formidable front

alarmed the soldiers, who reported to the council, with many

exaggerations, the frequency and the force of those rendezvouses of

rebellion. These produced more severe instructions for the soldiers to

act with greater promptness; and thus both sides stood as it were ready

prepared for conflict in the mutual apprehensions entertained of each

other. At this juncture, the ultra-covenanters were headed by Robert

Hamilton, brother to the Laird of Preston, who, whatever might be his

abilities for theological controversy, possessed none of the commanding

powers necessary for directing the movements of men maddened by

oppression, and driven by the denial of every legitimate mode of

redress, to the ultimate resort of a brave people—the assertion of their

natural rights on the field. Besides being wholly destitute of military

talents, his mind was contracted by his associating solely with those

who were of his own sentiments, and seemed more anxious to secure the

triumph of a party than the great cause for which all were contending.

Uncertain as to the issue of the present commotion, a number of those

who composed the general meeting were anxious to publish to the world

their “Testimony to the truth and cause which they owned, and against

the sins and defections of the times.” This Hamilton urged as what would

bind them together, and by explaining their principles, be an inducement

for others to join. A majority agreeing, he, along with Mr Thomas

Douglas, one of their ministers, was appointed to go to some public

place, escorted by a strong party of about eighty armed men, and publish

their declaration. The 29th of May, the anniversary of the king’s birth

and restoration, was chosen as the most appropriate one for this their

solemn act; and the royal burgh of Rutherglen was pitched upon as the

place.

Accordingly, when the burghers of this little county-capital were

displaying their loyalty, the small party entered in the afternoon,

burned the various acts enumerated in their Testimony, then extinguished

the bonfires, and affixed upon the cross a copy of “the Declaration and

Testimony of some of the true Presbyterian party in Scotland.” It ran

thus—“As the Lord hath been pleased to keep and preserve his interest in

this land by the testimony of faithful witnesses from the beginning, so

some in our days have not been wanting, who, upon the greatest of

hazards, have added their testimony to the testimonies of those who have

gone before them, and who have suffered imprisonments, finings,

forfeitures, banishment, torture, and death, from an evil and perfidious

adversary to the church and kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ in the

land. Now, we being pursued by the same adversary for our lives, while

owning the interest of Christ, according to his word and the National

and Solemn League and Covenants, judge it our duty (though unworthy, yet

hoping we are true members of the church of Scotland) to add our

testimony to those of the worthies who have gone before us in witnessing

against all things that have been done publicly on prejudice of his

interest from the beginning of the work of reformation, especially from

the year 1648 downward to the year 1660; but more particularly those

since, as—the act rescissory; the act establishing abjured prelacy; the

declaration renouncing the covenants; the Glasgow act, whereby upwards

of _three hundred_ faithful ministers were ejected from their churches,

because they could not comply with prelacy; the act for imposing an holy

anniversary day, to be kept yearly upon the 29th of May, as a day of

rejoicing and thanksgiving for the setting up of an usurping power to

the destroying the interest of Christ in the land; the act establishing

the sacrilegious supremacy; and all the acts of council, warrants, and

instructions for indulgence; and all their other sinful and unlawful

acts.” In confirmation of this testimony, and to evidence their dislike

of the acts testified against, they burned them publicly at the cross of

Rutherglen, as their rulers unjustly, perfidiously, and presumptuously

burned the sacred covenants. The paper was unsubscribed, but a notandum

attached to it announced the readiness of its authors to do so if

necessary, and to enlarge and avow it with all their suffering brethren

in the land.

Immediately after affixing their declaration, Hamilton and his party

retired towards Evandale and Newmills, in the neighbourhood of which Mr

Douglas proposed to preach next Lord’s day. The news of this daring

defiance spread like wildfire; and being proclaimed so near Glasgow,

where the king’s troops lay, was considered by their commanders as a

personal insult. James Grahame, Laird of Claverhouse, already notorious

as one of the vile tools of the prelates, and active oppressors of his

country, having been intrusted with extensive powers by the privy

council for suppressing these abhorred conventicles, received new

instructions to search out and seize, kill and destroy, all who had any

share in the appearance at Rutherglen. Nor did he allow them to remain

long an idle letter. Mr John King was to preach at Hamilton on Sabbath.

Claverhouse set out with his band on the Saturday, and surprised and

took him prisoner, with about fourteen countrymen, chiefly strangers,

who had come to hear. Some few escaped and carried tidings to their

friends, who formed the design of rescuing their minister. Next day, the

meeting was to be held, and they expected to receive a reinforcement

from them. Claverhouse, who had also been apprised of the conventicle,

resolved to disperse it before returning to Glasgow with his captives.

Accordingly, upon the Sabbath morning (June 1st), he marched thither,

driving the prisoners before him like sheep, bound two and two together.

Public worship was begun when the accounts came of his approach. Mr

Douglas stopped, prayed a little, then laid the case before the people.

All that had arms, willingly offered themselves to defend the assembled

company, and prevent their dispersion or capture. They mustered about

forty horse and one hundred and fifty or two hundred foot, not one-third

of whom had muskets; the rest carried forks and halberts. They were led

by Mr (afterwards Colonel) Cleland, who fell nobly at the head of the

Cameronian regiment in the battle of Dunkeld, Balfour, Rathillet, John

Nisbet of Hardhill, and Mr Hamilton; and although untrained, were

resolute and eager for action. They came up with the enemy on a moor

“half a mile bewest Drumclog.” They received their first fire

resolutely, returned it with effect, and instantly closed hand to hand.

The encounter was short. The soldiers, who probably did not expect such

a reception, gave way and fled, leaving about forty killed and wounded,

besides a number of prisoners who were disarmed and dismissed. The

accounts of this battle which we have, are not very distinct, but from

what Russell says, who was present, the chief merit appears to have

belonged to Cleland. He drew up a party of foot armed with pikes, who

received and broke the attack upon the right of their small party, led

on by Clavers himself, who had his horse shot and very narrowly escaped.

Of the countrymen, only five or six were killed; and it was the general

belief, if they had pursued their advantage without giving the soldiers

time to rally, they would have completely annihilated the whole party.

But they only pursued them a short way, and returned to the meeting in

triumph with their minister.

They could not now separate with safety; they therefore resolved to

continue together, and having refreshed themselves, they marched to

Hamilton, where they remained all night. Flushed by their success, they

determined to proceed to Glasgow to attack the enemy’s head-quarters.

Accordingly, on Monday they marched thither—their numbers swelling as

they went. Grahame, however, had carried the intelligence of his own

disgrace there before them, to lessen which he naturally exaggerated

their force; and the troops under Lord Ross were prepared to receive

them. The main body was stationed at the cross, all approaches to which

were barricaded by carts, wood, and such articles as came readiest. A

few men were distributed in the houses adjoining, from the windows of

which they could annoy the countrymen as they advanced. The latter

entered the town in two divisions—the one under the direction of John

Balfour, by the High Street; the other under Hamilton, along the

Gallowgate. The men attacked the entrenchments bravely; but after a

contest, in which they lost about six or eight killed, and a few

wounded, they were obliged to desist; but they retired in good order,

and halting at a little distance to the eastward, drew up their small

force and offered the soldiers battle upon even ground and equal terms—a

challenge the latter did not choose to accept; and they marched back to

Hamilton, less disheartened by their failure, than encouraged by the

numerous accessions their ranks had received by the way.[120]

Footnote 120:

Wodrow says, Hamilton skulked upon this occasion. “Some question if he

looked the soldiers in the face, and say that he stepped into a house

at the Gallowgate bridge till the soldiers retired.” Vol. ii. p. 47. I

should rather think this inconsistent with the fact of his being

chosen so soon after to the chief command—only there is no accounting

for the variations of mere animal courage.

The royal troops, after they were withdrawn, sallied forth and vented

their dastardly spleen on the dead bodies left in the streets. They

would not allow them decent burial; and when some of the townsfolk,

under covert of night, took the corpses into their houses and prepared

them for interment, the ruffians broke in and sacrilegiously stripped

off the dead-clothes, and carried away the linen for sale. Even when at

length women were tacitly permitted to perform the last sad rites, they

attacked them as they were proceeding to the burial-ground, robbed them

of their plaids, cut the mortcloths, and obliged them to leave the

coffins in the almshouse, near the High Church, where they remained for

several days, till the military were called to other service.

Immediately on receiving intelligence of these transactions, the council

met and issued a vehement proclamation, denouncing the insurgents as

traitors, whose rebellion was aggravated by “their having formerly

tasted of the royal bounty!! and clemency,” whereunto they owed their

lives and fortunes, which had been forfeited by their former rebellious

practices, under the cloak of religion—the ordinary colour and pretext

of rebellion. Their transactions at Rutherglen, &c. were declared to be

open, manifest, and horrid rebellion and high treason, for which the

actors and their adherents ought to be pursued as professed traitors;

and they were called upon to lay down their weapons and surrender their

persons within twenty-four hours, to the Earl of Linlithgow,

commander-in-chief, or other officer or magistrates, on pain of being

holden and proceeded against as incorrigible and desperate traitors,

incapable of mercy or pardon; while they were not assured of pardon if

they should surrender themselves upon these terms.

Two days after, another proclamation was sent forth, ordering the

militia to hold themselves to act with the regulars, as they should be

required by the council, which was quickly followed by a third ordering

all the heritors and freeholders to attend the king’s host—those of the

western shires excepted. Meanwhile Lord Ross withdrew from Glasgow, and

marching eastward was joined by the Earl of Linlithgow at Larbert-moor,

whence they sent despatches to the council, entreating them to apply to

his majesty for assistance from England. The council wrote to Lauderdale

for the required help, and at the same time ordered the forces to cover

Edinburgh. On the 7th of June they were cantoned in the vicinity.

During their encampment about Hamilton, the insurgents received

considerable accessions. Captain John Paton of Meadowhead, arrived with

a body of horse from Fenwick, Newmills, and Galston; Mr John Welsh

brought a considerable number from Carrick;[121] and a considerable

number of others assembled from various quarters without any leaders, or

at least without any whose names are recorded. The whole party when at

their highest, never exceeded four thousand permanent, though they

varied considerably at different times owing to the numbers who came and

went away again, when they perceived the confusion that reigned, from a

total want of training, and of officers to train the men, scarcely one

among them having ever been in the army, which was wofully increased by

the melancholy dissensions and bitter disputations by which they were

agitated; for no person of influence, either gentlemen or men of

property, came among them.

Footnote 121:

When they entered Glasgow, they removed the heads of their friends

which were stuck up in and about that city.

The first palpable difference was about a declaration emitted at

Rutherglen, which several considered as not sufficiently explicit, yet

were willing to adhere to it; as considering the shortness of the time

and the hurry in which those who drew it up necessarily were, required

that some allowance should be made; and it contained, in sufficiently

plain terms, the grand objects for which they contended—redress of their

grievances, and correction of the abuses in the affairs of church and

state. The others insisted that an enumeration of the sins and

defections of the times should be inserted at length, and the indulgence

especially witnessed against.

These ranged in two parties; the former, _i. e._ the moderate, were

guided by the Laird of Kaitloch, Mr John Welsh, Mr David Hume, and some

other ministers; the latter, _i. e._ the ultras, by Mr Robert Hamilton,

with Mr Thomas Douglas, Donald Cargill, and the great majority of the

younger brethren in the ministry. At the first meeting, after some warm

discussion, the following sketch was agreed to:—

“We who are here providentially convened in our own defence, for

preventing and removing the mistakes and misapprehensions of all,

especially of those whom we wish to be and hope are friends, do declare

our present purposes and endeavours to be only in vindication and

defence of the true reformed religion in its professions and doctrine,

as we stand obliged thereunto by our ‘National and Solemn League and

Covenants,’ and that solemn ‘Acknowledgment of sins,’ and ‘Engagement to

duties,’ made and taken in the year 1648, declaring against popery,

prelacy, erastianism, and all things depending thereupon.” This did not

give general satisfaction; and the few days they were allowed to be

together, while the enemy were gathering around them, which they ought

to have employed in assiduously improving their discipline, and in

military exercises, they wasted in theological tilting and polemical

skirmishes among themselves, about matters which, even after a victory,

it would have been as well to have made the subject of forbearance, but

which in their then situation could answer no other purpose than that of

paralysing an effort, whose only chance of success depended on the

united, vigorous, and unremitted direction of all their energies and

resources, mental and physical, to one grand end.

That those who had been nurtured in the wilds, and borne for eighteen

years the brunt of the persecution, and whose intercourse had been

chiefly confined to their fellow-sufferers, should have been keen,

contracted, and irritable, was what was naturally to have been expected;

and yet, from the accounts we have of these disputes, those who assumed

the name of moderates appear to have been mainly to blame by their

unyielding contendings for milder principles and softer proceedings. As

they then stood, to talk of moderation was to invite disaster. They had

been declared rebels, and when they drew the sword, no hope remained but

what its point could purchase. To attempt soothing their opponents by

honeyed words was like hushing the hungry tiger with a song. The

moderate party objected to the clause “All things depending thereupon,”

and desired it to be erased as too closely pointing out the indulgence

at a time when every bone of contention should be taken away from the

Presbyterians that might tempt them to bite and devour one another. The

ultras urged that the expressions were general; and, in their opinion,

erastianism was as directly abjured by their church as prelacy, and that

the indulgence was a fruit of erastianism.[122] Contentions grew hot and

love waxed cold.

Footnote 122:

The doctrine of Erastus, a German divine, who asserted that the

pastoral office was only persuasive, like that of the professorship of

any other science; that the communion was free to all, and that a

minister could only dissuade, but not prohibit, a vicious character

from participating in the ordinance of the Lord’s Supper; and that the

punishment of all ecclesiastical offences, as well as the support of

all ecclesiastical institutions, belonged to the civil magistrate,

upon the principle that they who paid servants had a right to demand

their service in the manner they thought most proper, and to dismiss

them if they disobeyed their orders.

At another meeting—for their meetings and debates were endless—it was

proposed that a day should be set aside for fasting and humiliation.

Alas! it turned out to be a day of strife and confusion. In their

confession of sins, the moderates were now for generals, the ultras for

particulars, and enumerated—1st, The universal rioting throughout the

land on the king’s return in 1660, the many public abuses then

committed, and the frequent profaning of the Lord’s name. 2d, The

establishing and complying with prelacy. 3d, Neglecting a public

testimony against the tyrannical hierarchy, and against defacing the

Lord’s glorious work and overturning the right government of his house.

4th, The sin of taking unlawful bonds. 5th, The paying cess; and, 6th,

Complying with abjured erastianism:—ministers appearing at the court of

usurping rulers, and there accepting from them warrants and

instructions, founded upon that sacrilegious supremacy to admit them to,

and regulate them in, the exercise of their ministry; their leading

blindfold along with them many of the godly in that abjured course;

their indulgence becoming a public sin and snare both to themselves and

others.

The moderates would not consent to the enumeration, though it is not

easy to imagine upon what grounds men who contended for the supreme

headship of Christ in his church could consistently oppose it. No fast

was kept; and, if we may be allowed to judge from a communication

between the heads of the parties, perhaps it was as well that it was

not. Mr Hamilton sent a message to the ministers of the moderate side to

preach against the indulgence, otherwise he and a number of the officers

would not come to hear them. Mr Rae, one of the ministers, returned for

answer—“That he had been wrestling against erastianism in the magistrate

for many years, and he would never truckle to the worst kind of

erastianism in the common people; that he would receive no instruction

from him nor any of them as to the subject and matter of his sermons;

and wished he might mind what belonged to him, and not go beyond his

sphere and station.”

Differing so widely respecting the testimony they were to bear to the

cause, as little could they agree with regard to their manifesto to the

nation. In a meeting of their officers,[123] the ultras proposed that

the Rutherglen declaration should be adopted as the basis; the

moderates, that the king’s authority should be expressly acknowledged,

in terms of the 3d article of the Solemn League and Covenant, in which

they swore “to defend the king’s majesty’s person and authority in the

preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the

kingdom, that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our

loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his

majesty’s just power and greatness.” To this the others answered—that,

as they had not urged any positive declaration against him, although he

had in fact declared war against his people; and all the oppression,

cruelty, and persecution in Scotland of which they complained, and for

the redress of which they were now in arms, were carried on in his

name—they could not consistently with their previous declarations, nor

with the covenants which bound the whole land, first to God and then to

one another; and then to the king only in defence of the true religion,

which he had actually overturned by setting up prelacy, ruined the

covenanted work of reformation and the liberties of the nation,

persecuted to death the supporters of both, and broken the conditions of

government sworn to at his coronation, on which his right and their

allegiance were founded.

Footnote 123:

This is styled indiscriminately, a meeting of officers or a council of

war.

The ultras were right in the abstract; and had they known how to mould

it to practical purposes, they might have anticipated, as they certainly

prepared the way for, the Revolution of 1688; that sound, practical

exposition of the principles which the others missed, by contending for

what is utterly impossible under the present constitution of human

nature:—uniformity in a religious creed and civil liberty to be held

together in a nation, composed of reasoning beings, susceptible of

different views of the same truths, and allowed to exercise their

reasoning powers. I am strongly inclined to believe, however, that much

personal feeling mixed up in the controversy, and that the moderates

allowed themselves to be led astray by an especial opposition to Robert

Hamilton; and by showing this too openly, united to that

politico-religious demagogue the honest and upright party, who were

induced to suspect some lurking trimming policy in the measures of the

moderates, because they appeared to them to encourage an accommodation

with the enemy upon a compromise of principle. The others carried their

doctrine of submission to the civil government to a length unwarrantable

in free countries; and Scotland ought to have been a free country. There

are reciprocal duties between the people and their rulers; and it is

against one of the first principles of our nature, to assert that either

of the parties have a right to violate their obligations, merely because

they happen to have the means of so doing.

While these disputes were distracting the Presbyterians in Scotland,

intrigue and emulation were dividing the councils of their enemies in

London. The wretched Charles found that licentiousness was not the road

to happiness, and that concubinage did not tend to promote domestic

felicity. With the struggles of panders for domination over the poor

heartless thing, that revelled amid the gaudy trappings of royalty, I do

not intend to pollute my pages; it is sufficient to say, that his

favourite bastard, whom he had decorated with the title of Duke of

Buccleuch and Monmouth, gained the perilous and to him fatal eminence of

commander-in-chief of his forces in Scotland. The temper of this young

man was amiable; and, unlike the Stuarts, he both wished and endeavoured

to promote the welfare of the people and adhere to moderate and salutary

councils; but these dispositions rendered him obnoxious to those who

ruled the councils of his father. The Duke of York, by his imperious,

severe, and obstinate temper, had long held Charles in bondage, and

prevented the exercise of any humane feeling towards the Scottish

insurgents, which, however transient, he on some occasions appeared to

possess; and Lauderdale, instigated and supported by the clergy of

Scotland, preferred pursuing a line of conduct which recommended him to

them rather than what accorded either with the circumstances of the

times or the real stability of the throne.

Monmouth’s instructions were in accordance with the wishes of the

prelatic rulers—forbidding him to negotiate with the rebels, whom he was

to extirpate, not to reconcile. On the 18th of June, he arrived at

Edinburgh, and was admitted a privy councillor. Next day, he proceeded

to assume the command of the army, which lay within two miles of the

Kirk of Shotts, and, having been reinforced by some troops from England,

amounted to ten thousand men. A letter from the king immediately

followed his Grace, thanking the council for their diligence in

endeavouring to meet the emergency, and informing them that it was his

royal will and pleasure “that they should prosecute the rebels with fire

and sword, and all other extremities of war, and particularly requiring

them to use their utmost endeavours in getting the best intelligence of

all such as were engaged in this unnatural rebellion, being fully

resolved to bring the ringleaders among them to condign punishment

suitable to their notorious and insolent conduct; likewise putting them

in mind that all care and diligence be used for discovering the

murderers of the late Archbishop of St Andrews, by all the severity that

law would allow, and punishing with all rigour the actors or accessaries

to that horrid murder, their resettors or abettors;” thus anticipating,

or rather authorising, the subsequent watchword, which became the

warrant for unrelenting and indiscriminate massacre.

The council, in reply, expressed the universal joy which this gracious

communication had created among them, and extolled that royal wisdom

which had given such just measures and directions for suppressing the

insurrection and securing his own government, together with their

religion, lives, and properties, which would all undoubtedly have been

endangered by the frequency of similar attempts that would have ensued,

if the present insolent rebels, who now disturbed the kingdom, had been

ordered to be spared or gently dealt with; thus, in like manner,

anticipating the cruelties in which they afterwards rioted. A copy of

the king’s letter was immediately forwarded to Monmouth for his

guidance.

The moderate friends of the Whigs in Edinburgh also sent instructions to

them, respecting the course they thought they should pursue, especially

warning them against being led astray by the hotheaded party among them;

advising them to send propositions to the Duke, narrating the

oppressions they had endured, and cheerfully professing their fidelity

to the king, for whom they were ready to sacrifice every thing they held

most dear, excepting only their religion and liberty; and, above all, to

avoid fighting, except with seen advantage by surprisal or ambuscade—to

keep close together, sending scouts out in all directions, and

particularly not to be too secure upon the Sabbath day; while they kept

up close intercourse with their friends throughout the country, and

endeavoured to induce them to join the army in defence of the grand

principles held not only by themselves, but by a great sympathizing body

throughout England.

A wholesome advice, unfortunately tendered in vain! Multitudes who came

to the camp, when they perceived the distractions that prevailed, left

it despairing of any happy issue, and not only weakened the troops by

their desertion, but prevented many who were coming, or preparing to

come, from joining so discordant an assemblage. This again caused

accusations and recriminations, each side upbraiding the other for being

the occasion of such mischief and visible hindrance to the good cause,

destroyed all cordial co-operation, and prevented the discipline of the

troops; so that, when the king’s forces approached, they presented the

melancholy appearance of a disjointed rabble of countrymen, whose

numbers did not exceed six thousand men. The necessity of naming

officers who had had some experience in warlike affairs was pressing,

and the leaders met for this purpose on the 21st; but, after a stormy

discussion, not on the military merits of the men, but on the question,

whether any should be intrusted with command who had owned the

indulgence? Mr Hamilton and a number of his supporters withdrew in anger

from the meeting, without having come to any determination. A few of the

temperate who remained, drew up a respectful supplication to Monmouth,

stating their grievances, and requesting liberty, under safe conduct,

for a few of their number to state their grievances, that they might

obtain through his favour some speedy and effectual redress.

[Illustration:

_Battle of Bothwell Bridge._

_Vide page 374._

Edin^r. Hugh Paton, Carver & Gilder, to the Queen, 1842.

]

Next day, the armies were within sight of each other. The king’s troops

spread upon Bothwell-moor, with their advanced guard in the town; the

Whigs stationed along Hamilton-moor, on the south side of the river

Clyde, with their advanced guard at the bridge—an old narrow structure,

the only pass by which they were assailable. Early that morning, Mr

David Hume, Mr Fergusson of Caitloch, and Mr John Welsh went in disguise

to Monmouth’s head-quarters. On passing, they were politely saluted by

Claverhouse and had ready access to his Grace. When introduced, they

stated their demands, which were—that they might be allowed the free

exercise of their religion, and suffered to attend the ordinances

dispensed by Presbyterian ministers without molestation; that a free

Parliament and General Assembly might be called to settle the affairs of

church and state; and an indemnity offered to all who were or had been

in arms. The Duke, who heard them with great attention, replied that the

king had given him no instructions respecting these matters; he

therefore could not say any thing about them, only he assured the

delegates he would lay their requests before his majesty, and as he

thought them reasonable, had no doubt they would be granted; but in the

meanwhile, he could enter into no terms till they laid down their arms

and threw themselves entirely upon the royal mercy. He then dismissed

them, and gave them half an hour to return him an answer from their

friends whether they would consent to his proposal. At the same time, he

issued orders to put the troops in motion.

When the commissioners reported the Duke’s demand, that they should lay

down their arms previous to terms being offered, Mr Hamilton, who had

now assumed the command, laughed at it, and said, “Aye! and hang next.”

No answer was therefore returned. As soon as the half hour’s truce

expired, Lord Livingston advanced at the head of the foot-guards with

the cannon to force the bridge. He was firmly received by a small

determined band under Ure of Shargarton and Major Learmont, who drove

them back twice, and would even have taken the cannon had they been

properly supported, but their ammunition failed; and when they sent to

the commander for a fresh supply, or a reinforcement of men better

provided, they received orders to retire upon the main body, which,

having no other alternative, they did, and with heavy hearts left their

vantage ground, and with it every chance of success.[124] The royal army

then passed the bridge, and drew up upon the bank with their artillery

in front, to which the patriots had nothing to oppose but one

field-piece and two large uncouth unmounted muskets; yet did they force

Lord Livingston to halt, till the cannon having been opened upon the

left, threw the undisciplined horse of the countrymen into disorder, and

the route immediately became universal.[125]

Footnote 124:

The honour of this defence is claimed by Russell for Hackston of

Rathillet, who also had a command; but it is universally allowed that

the nominal General, Hamilton, was among the first to flee.

Footnote 125:

Although we may lament the dreadful and bloody years which followed

this victory, and hold up to merited execration the persecuting

prelates, yet, perhaps, the descendants of the persecuted have reason

to bless God that the ultra-covenanters did not gain that day. It

would have given the chief power into the hands of Robert Hamilton,

who commanded upon that occasion; and what use he would have made of

it may be fairly conjectured from the following vindication of his

conduct in murdering in cold blood a prisoner after the battle of

Drumclog. It is contained in a letter from him addressed to “the

anti-popish, anti-prelatic, anti-sectarian, true Presbyterian remnant

of the church of Scotland,” dated December 7, 1685:—“As for that

accusation they bring against me of killing the poor man (as they call

him) at Drumclog, I may easily guess that my accusers can be no other

but some of the house of Saul or Shemei, or some such risen again to

espouse that poor gentleman’s (_Saul_) his quarrel against honest

Samuel, for his offering to kill that poor man, _Agag_, after the

king’s giving him quarters. But I being called to command that day,

gave out the word that no quarter should be given; and returning from

pursuing Claverhouse, one or two of these fellows were standing in the

midst of our friends, and some were debating for quarters, some

against it. None could blame me to decide the controversy; and I bless

the Lord for it to this day!! There were five more that, without my

knowledge, got quarters, who were brought to me after we were a mile

from the place as having got quarters—which I reckoned among the first

steppings aside; and seeing that spirit amongst us at that time, I

then told it to some that were with me (to my best remembrance it was

honest old John Nisbet) that I feared the Lord would not honour us to

do much for him. I shall only say this—I desire to bless his holy name

that, since ever he helped me to set my face to his work, I never had

nor would take a favour from enemies, either on right or left hand,

and desired to give as few.”—Faithful Contendings, p. 201 et seq.

Few fell in the fight, but the pursuit was cruel and bloody; upwards of

four hundred were cut down, and twelve hundred who were on the moor,

were forced to surrender at discretion. The slaughter would have been

greater had not Monmouth, in spite of the advice of some of the other

Generals, ordered the vanquished to be spared, when the yeomanry cavalry

especially were executing cruel vengeance on the unresisting fugitives.

Among the prisoners were Messrs King and Kid, ministers, who were,

however, only preserved by his humanity from military violence, that

they might afterwards satiate the cruelty of their clerical enemies by a

more disgraceful execution, if dying in any manner for the cause of

truth can be called disgraceful. The treatment of the captives by the

inferior officers, to whose charge they were committed, was

unnecessarily vindictive and severe. They were stripped nearly naked,

and made to lie flat on the ground, nor suffered to change their

position; and when some of them ventured to raise themselves to implore

a draught of water, they were instantly shot. They were afterwards tied

two and two and driven to Edinburgh, to be placed at the council’s

disposal.

Nor was the cruelty confined to those taken in battle, numbers of

unarmed men, who were merely coming to hear sermon at the camp, were

murdered on the road by the soldiery; and one atrocious case stands

painfully conspicuous. Arthur Inglis of Cambusnethan, while quietly

reading his bible in a furrow, was observed by a party who were

patrolling the country in search of delinquents, and being actually

discovered in this treasonable fact, one of the soldiers fired at the

traitor; but missing, the good man startled a little, looked round for a

moment, and then, without appearing to be alarmed, resumed his reading,

when another of the miscreants, by order of his viler commander, clave

his skull, and left him dead on the spot! The numbers who were thus

wantonly massacred, are variously stated; but if we take the lowest, two

hundred—considering the then state of the population—it shows, in

sufficiently strong colours, a barbarous waste of life, and the danger

of committing such extravagant powers into the hands of an unbridled

soldiery.

Yet terrible as these military executions were, they were mild and

merciful compared with the legal atrocities which followed. As after

Pentland no faith was kept with the prisoners, who were treated—as men

who fail in struggling for their rights always are—more like wild,

noxious animals than fellow-creatures of the human form; a lesson to

patriots and to the oppressed when they rise against their

tyrants:—better perish on the high places of the field than submit to

languish out a few mournful years beneath the tender mercies of the

victors. While being driven to the capital, the captive patriots were

exposed to every indignity the ingenious malignity of their persecutors

could invent, especially being made, as they passed along, a

gazing-stock to the crowd, who taunted them with such questions,

as—where is your prophet Welsh who told you ye should win the day? where

are your covenants that were never to fail? or such sarcasms, as—aye!

this is your testimony—this is standing up for the gude auld cause! see

if it will stand up for you! When they arrived in the capital, the

council ordered the magistrates to place them in the Greyfriar’s

churchyard, with a sufficient number of sentinels over them, to guard

them night and day; especially during the night, they were to be

rigorously watched to prevent escape; and such was their determination

to enforce vigilance, that the officers were ordered to keep exact rolls

of the sentinels, and if any of the prisoners were amissing, they were

to throw dice and answer body for body. For nearly five months were the

greater part of the sufferers kept in this open space, without any

covering from the rain or shelter from the tempest. During the day, they

generally stood, but had not even the miserable privilege of a short

walk. During night, the cold damp ground was their bed, without a

covering; and if any attempted to rise, for whatever purpose, the

sentinels had orders to fire upon them. With great difficulty did any of

their friends obtain permission to visit them, or bring them provisions,

and these were chiefly females, who were exposed to the grossest insults

from the guards; and not infrequently were the provisions they carried

destroyed, and the water spilt, before either could reach the starving

prisoners; for the government allowance which the Duke of Monmouth

procured for them, was, besides being of the worst quality, very scanty.

Nor did the inhumanity of the ruffian soldiery allow them to retain

money or any article they could pilfer from them, even their shoes,

stockings, and upper garments were carried off; and when blankets or any

bedclothes were brought, they were immediately seized as lawful plunder.

Before Monmouth left Scotland, he procured the liberation of some

hundreds, upon their subscribing a bond, enacting themselves in the

books of the privy council not to take up arms without or against his

majesty’s authority; and had also obtained for a few of them the stinted

favour of wretched huts, to be erected as the winter approached. The

bond became another cause of unhappy difference and alienation among the

sufferers themselves. Those who refused amounted to about four hundred,

and much interest was made to procure their deliverance, especially by

some who thought they might sign the bond without sin, endeavouring to

persuade them to submit, as it did not involve the sacrifice of any of

those principles for which they had taken arms. The others, however,

more consistently, viewed their subscribing the bond as an admission

that their previous rising had been criminal, and therefore persisted in

their refusal. The hardships they had so long endured, and their mutual

exhortations, heightened and strengthened their scruples, till they

became absolutely impenetrable to whatever could be urged upon the

subject, nor would listen either to entreaty or argument. Yet upwards of

an hundred contrived to effect an escape; some by the purchased

connivance of the guards, some by climbing the walls at the hazard of

their lives, others by changing their clothes, and some in women’s

apparel.

The remnant who remained firm, were doomed to slavery in the

plantations; and their fate, had earth terminated their hopes, was

melancholy; but viewed as that of those who through much tribulation

must enter the kingdom, was enviable—inexpressibly enviable! when

compared with that of their oppressors, who unwittingly sent them by the

shortest road to heaven.[126] Their numbers, estimated at about two

hundred and fifty-seven, were to be transported to Barbadoes and sold

for slaves. Mr Blackadder thus narrates the tragical story:—“The

prisoners were all shipped in Leith roads (15th November) in an English

captain’s vessel, to be carried to America. He was a profane, cruel

wretch, and used them barbarously, stewing them up between decks, where

they could not get up their heads, except to sit or lean, and robbing

them of many things their friends had sent them for their relief. They

never were in such strait and pinch, particularly through scorching

drowth, as they were allowed little or no drink and pent up together,

till many of them fainted and were almost suffocated. This was in Leith

roads, besides what straits they would readily endure in the custody of

such a cruel wretch. In this grievous plight, these captives were

carried away in much anguish of spirit, pinched bodies, and disquieted

consciences, (at least those who had taken the bond.[127]) They were

tossed at sea with great tempest of weather for three weeks, till at

last their ship cast anchor, to ride awhile among the Orkney Isles, till

the storm might calm. But after casting anchor, the ship did drive with

great violence upon a rugged shore about the isles, and struck about ten

at night on a rock. The cruel captain saw the hazard all were in, and

that they might have escaped as some did; yet, as I heard, he would not

open the hatches to let the poor prisoners fend for themselves. He with

his seamen made their escape by a mast laid over between the ship and

the rock ashore. Some leapt on the rock.

Footnote 126:

James Corsan, in a letter to his wife, dated from Leith roads,

says—“All the trouble they met with since Bothwell was not to be

compared to one day in their present circumstances; that their

uneasiness was beyond words: yet he owns in very pathetical terms,

that the consolations of God overbalanced all, and expresses his hopes

that they are near their port, and heaven is opening for

them.”—Wodrow, vol. ii. p. 83.

Footnote 127:

It appears that some who had taken the bond, had, notwithstanding,

been still detained.

“The ship being strong, endured several strokes ere she bilged. The

captain and all the rest of the seamen, with about fifty prisoners, some

of whom had been above deck before, others had broke out some other way

down to the den, and so up again; so that they were to land with their

life in: one or two died ashore. While these were thus escaping, the

rest who had all been closed up between decks, crying most pitifully,

and working as they could to break forth of their prison, but to little

purpose; and all these, near two hundred, with lamentable shrieks of

dying men—as was related to the writer by one who escaped—did perish.

The most part were cast out on the shore dead, and after buried by the

country people.”[128]

Footnote 128:

It is pleasant to notice instances of kindness and benevolence, in

times such as these, among the influential men of the prelatical

party. I quote from the Memoirs of Brysson, edited by Dr M’Crie, who

remarks—“One of these kind lairds is evidently Sir William Drummond of

Hawthornden, son of the celebrated poet,” p. 285, _Note_—“After our

defeat, I wist not what to do. However, after some time lurking, I

ventured home, where my sister and family were together, who had

suffered many wrongs from the enemy, my mother being dead a year

before this fell out; and that which is very remarkable, I dwelt

betwixt two lairds who were both out in arms against us; and one of

them never conformed to the Presbyterian government to his dying day,

though he lived thirty-five years after this. And the other was of the

same judgment, though he complied with the government afterwards.

However, the Lord moved them to favour me in the day of my distress.

For they sent for my sister before I came home, and advised her to put

all the goods from off the ground, and every thing but what was of

present use for the family. One of the gentlemen was so kind, that he

desired my sister to send over the milk kine and let them feed with

his, and to send over her servants morning and evening to milk them

for the use of the family. And ordered her to pack up all things that

she thought the enemy might make a prey of, and send them over to his

house; which accordingly she did, where they were secure. The other

gentleman was no less kind, for he desired her to send the milk ewes

over to his ground that she might not lose their milk, and to send her

servants to milk them. After that she sent away the horses, oxen, and

other yeld beasts, to a friend who lived on the Earl of Wigton’s

ground, who received them willingly. Thus the Lord trysted me with

favour both from my friends and foes, for which I desire to adore his

wonderful providence.”—Memoirs of George Brysson, pp. 284-5.

Nothing in the whole annals of these persecuting times presents a

stronger argument against committing civil power to the clergy, than the

uniform strenuous opposition made by the bishops and their satellites to

every moderate or clement proposal of the Duke of Monmouth. The council,

where they possessed a strong majority before his Grace arrived from the

army, had written to the king for instructions how to dispose of the

prisoners, promising “at the same time, on their part, to execute the

laws against rebellion, faction, and schism, as the king should direct

them, without gratifying the humours of such as are apt to grow more

insolent by his majesty’s grace and goodness, who have been encouraged

and hardened in an obstinate opposition to the church by his majesty’s

condescensions and indulgences, and proposing that, after the

ringleaders were punished capitally, the rabble should be transported to

the plantations never to return.”

This model of princes, for whose restoration the cannon of the Castle of

Edinburgh still continue annually to be fired, and the public offices

still keep holyday, returned a gracious answer, approving of their

proposal to send three or four hundred to the plantations, and bring the

ringleaders before the justiciary, after which the rest might be

dismissed upon signing the bond.

The treatment of the majority has been narrated. We shall now notice the

proceedings against those considered ringleaders. The most conspicuous

were their ministers Messrs King and Kid. Wodrow mentions an incident

which occurred while the former was being carried to Edinburgh, too

remarkable to be passed over, especially as that historian is neither a

credulous nor an enthusiastic writer:—

“Upon the Lord’s day, orders were given to a party of soldiers

immediately to march east and carry Mr John King with them to Edinburgh;

and we will find it was their ordinary [practice] to march, and

especially to transport prisoners from place to place, on the Sabbath.

My accounts of them are, that they were English dragoons. One of them, a

profane and profligate wretch, after they were in the street and on

horseback, ready to ride off with their prisoner, called for some ale,

and drunk a health to the ‘Confusion of the Covenants,’ and another to

the ‘Destruction of the People of God,’ and some more very horrid, and

rode off. He met with one of his comrades at the Stable-green Port, who,

knowing nothing of the matter, asked him where he was going? He

answered, ‘to convoy King to hell,’ and galloped up to the rest,

whistling and singing. The judgment of God did not linger as to this

wretch; he was not many paces forward, in the hollow path a little from

the Port, till his horse stumbled; and somewhat or other touching his

piece—which was primed and cocked it seems—the carabine went off and

shot him dead on the spot. The party went on and carried Mr King to

Edinburgh.” Mr Kid was brought thither and imprisoned along with his

friend in the tolbooth.

The tyranny of Charles, which was exercised in England as well as in

Scotland, had excited much discontent there; and Charles’s advisers were

extremely anxious to trace out some grand conspiracy which might enable

them to resort to extreme measures there as well as in Scotland, that a

similar despotism might be established in both kingdoms. The king

therefore directed that these two should be especially examined by

torture, in order if possible to discover the conspirators, with which

the Scottish managers were very ready to comply, many of them

anticipating a rich harvest of new forfeitures. Being disappointed in

this, the prisoners were ordered to stand trial before the justiciary.

Previously to being brought to the bar, they presented a petition,

praying that they might be allowed to prove in exculpation—that they

were only present with the army casually, and not intentionally, and

were in a manner detained prisoners by them; and such naked presence,

without assistance, was not criminal; and that they were so far from

being incendiaries to incite the people, they, on the contrary,

entreated them to lay down their arms. 2d, That the Duke of Monmouth, by

his commission, had power to pardon; and they offered to prove by

witnesses that he had proffered them a pardon if they would lay down

their arms, and that they had accepted it. 3d, They were willing to

engage to live peaceably, and never to keep field-meetings hereafter.

The lords refused this equitable request, or, as Fountainhall expressed

it, “repelled their exculpation in respect of the libel,” and, on the

28th of July, their trial proceeded. They were accused of having been in

the rebellion and in company with rebels, who, in May last, burned the

king’s laws; that they had preached at several field-conventicles where

persons were in arms; that they did preach, pray, and exercise to

rebels, and continued with them till their defeat, and had been taken

prisoners.

Their own confessions, that of Kid emitted under torture, were the only

evidence produced against them, and coincided with what they had offered

to prove. It was deemed sufficient that they had been with the rebels,

and, notwithstanding any extenuating circumstances, must therefore be

deemed rebels themselves. The jury brought them in guilty, in terms of

their own confession; and the lords sentenced them to be taken to the

market cross of Edinburgh upon Thursday, August 14, betwixt two and four

of the clock in the afternoon, and to be hanged on a gibbet; and when

dead, that their heads and right arms be cut off and disposed of as the

council think fit; and that all their land be forfeited, as being guilty

of the treasonable crimes foresaid. The judges themselves were so

convinced of the peculiar hardship of the case, that they allowed this

unusual space between sentence and execution, on purpose that they might

have time to apply for a remission, and Mr Stevenson, a friend of

theirs, rode post to London to apply for it; but all the avenues to

mercy were shut. An evil influence pervaded the whole court; and it is

worthy of remark, and ought never to be forgotten, that the most gay,

most boisterously mirthful, most joyous, and most irreligious court,

headed by the most facetious and witty monarch that ever sat upon the

British throne, was the most unfeeling, cold-hearted, cruel, revengeful,

and vile that has ever disgraced the annals of our country.

An act of indemnity had been passed; and it might naturally have been

supposed that these good men would have received the advantage of it,

but the very day on which it was to be proclaimed, was the day chosen on

which they were ordered to be executed; so dead to every sense of common

decency, as well as of common feeling, were the then rulers of Scotland.

In the forenoon of the 14th of August, the magistrates of Edinburgh

proceeded to the cross in their robes, and proclaimed the indemnity from

a scaffold erected for the purpose. In the afternoon, these two

worthies, on another scaffold, were put to death, as if to declare the

entire worthlessness of all government clemency, whenever persons of

unflinching principle were concerned. They both died with much calmness

and serenity; and their dying speeches, which were afterwards published,

may well rank with any of the compositions of the times, for elegant

simplicity, honest integrity, and a plain energetic avowal of their

principles, untainted either by party prejudice or political enthusiasm.

Mr Kid, who was labouring under sore bodily indisposition, said—“It may

be that there are a great many here that judge my lot very sad and

deplorable, I must confess, death in itself is very terrible to flesh

and blood; but as it is an outlet to sin, and an inlet to righteousness,

it is the Christian’s great and inexpressible privilege.

“And give me leave to say this, 1st, That there is something in a

Christian’s condition that can never put him without the reach of

unsufferableness, even shame, death, and the cross being included in the

promise. And if there be reconciliation between God and the soul,

nothing can damp peace through our Lord Jesus Christ; it is a supporting

ingredient in the bitterest cup and under the sharpest and fiercest

trial he can be exposed unto. This is my mercy, I have somewhat of this

to lay claim unto, _viz._ the intimations of pardon betwixt God and my

soul; and as concerning that for which I am condemned, I magnify his

grace that I never had the least challenge for it, but, on the contrary,

I judge it my honour that ever I was counted worthy to be staged upon

such a consideration. I declare before you all, in the sight of God,

angels, and men, and in the sight of the sun and all that he has

created, that I am a most miserable sinner, in regard of my original and

actual transgressions. I must confess they are more than the hairs upon

my head, and altogether past reckoning; I cannot but say, as Jacob said,

I am less than the least of all God’s mercies; yet, I must declare, to

the commendation of the freedom of his grace, that I dare not but say,

He has loved me and washed me in his own blood; and well’s me this day

that ever I read or heard that faithful saying, ‘Jesus Christ came into

the world to save sinners, of whom I am the chief.’”

He then warned the servants of God against fomenting divisions to the

detriment of the gospel, especially as there appeared at that time a

great likelihood of its spreading, and dissension would prove a poison

in the pot! “As for rebellion against his majesty’s person or lawful

authority, the Lord knows my soul abhorreth it, name and thing. Loyal I

have been and wills every Christian to be so; and I was ever of this

judgment to give to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the

things that are God’s.” This excellent man and his most worthy

coadjutor, not only had to suffer from the oppression of the oppressors,

but from what to them was probably more trying, the cruel scourge of

tongues from those they wished to esteem brethren. He therefore felt

himself called upon to vindicate his character from these aspersions,

and to leave a record of the doctrine he had preached. “According to the

measure God has given me,” he continues, “it was my endeavour to commend

Christ to the hearts and souls of the people, even repentance towards

God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ; and if this be devisive

preaching, I cannot deny it.”

Mr King expressed himself to the same effect. “I bless the Lord,” said

the dying martyr, “since infinite wisdom and holy providence hath so

carved out my lot to die after this manner, that I die not unwillingly,

neither by force; and though possibly I might have shunned such an hard

sentence, if I had done things that, though I could, I durst not do; no,

not for my soul, I durst not, God knoweth, redeem my life by the loss of

my integrity. I bless the Lord that, since I have been a prisoner, he

hath wonderfully upholden me, and made out that comfortable word, ‘fear

not, be not afraid; I am with thee, I will uphold thee by the right hand

of my righteousness.’ I bless his name that I die not as a fool dieth,

though I acknowledge I have nothing to boast of myself. I acknowledge I

am a sinner, and one of the chiefest that have gone under the name of a

professor of religion; yea, amongst the unworthiest of those that have

preached the gospel. My sins and corruptions have been many. I have no

righteousness of my own; all is vile, like filthy rags. But blessed be

God there is a Saviour of sinners, Jesus Christ the righteous, and that

through faith in his righteousness I have obtained mercy; through him

only I desire to hope for, and to have a happy and glorious victory over

sin and satan, hell and death; that I shall attain to the righteousness

of the just, and be made partaker of eternal life. I know in whom I have

believed, and that he is able to keep that which I have committed to him

against that day. I have in my poor capacity preached salvation in his

name; and as I have preached, so do I believe. With all my soul I have

commended, and yet I do commend, to all of you the riches of his grace

and faith in his name, as the alone and only way whereby ye can be

saved. As for those things for which sentence of death is passed against

me, I bless the Lord, rebellious I have not been. He who is the searcher

of hearts, knoweth that neither my design nor practice was against his

majesty’s person and just government. I have been loyal, and do

recommend it to all to be obedient to higher powers in the Lord.

“That I preached at field-meetings. I am so far from acknowledging that

the gospel preached that way was a rendezvousing in rebellion, as it is

termed, that I bless the Lord ever he counted me worthy to be a witness

to such meetings, which have been so wonderfully countenanced and owned,

not only to the conviction, but even to the conversion of many

thousands: if I could have preached Christ and salvation in his name,

that was my work, and herein have I walked according to the light and

rule of the word of God, and as it did become—though one of the

meanest—a minister of the gospel.”

Both bore witness to the doctrine and worship, discipline and

government, of the church of Scotland by kirk-sessions and presbyteries,

synods and general assemblies, to the solemn covenants, also to the

public confessions of sins and engagements to duties, and that either as

to what concerned personal reformation, or the reformation of the whole

land. They also bore witness and testimony against popery, which had so

greatly increased, was so much countenanced, and so openly professed.

The causes of God’s wrath with the land were particularly noticed and

specified by Mr King:—1st, The dreadful slights our Lord Jesus has

received in the offers of his gospel. 2d, The horrid profanity that had

overspread the whole land. 3d, The horrid perjury in the matter of vows

and engagements. 4th, The dreadful formality and supineness in the

duties of religion. 5th, Awful ingratitude, what do we render to HIM for

his goodness? 6th, Want of humility under afflictions. 7th, Dreadful

covetousness and minding of our own things more than the things of God;

and this among all ranks.

But they both departed, praying for Scotland, and rejoicing in the faith

that there would be a resurrection of the name, word, and cause of

Christ in their beloved country; and their last aspirations were, “O!

that he would return to this land again! repair our breaches, and heal

our backslidings! O! that he were pacified towards us! O! that he would

pass by Scotland again, and make our time a time of love!” Their heads

and right hands were, agreeably to their sentence, cut off, and had the

honour of being placed beside those of the venerated Guthrie on the

Netherbow Port, to bear witness to heaven, along with them, against the

iniquity of the times.

Five others were next selected for immolation as a propitiatory offering

to the shade of the grand apostate. Thomas Brown, shoemaker, Edinburgh;

Andrew Sword, weaver, Kirkcudbright; John Clide, Kilbride; John Waddel,

New Monkland; and James Wood, Newmills—charged with being accomplices in

the murder of Archbishop Sharpe, although none of them were in that part

of the country at the time when it happened—were accordingly brought

before the justiciary on November 10th. Their indictment, as now became

the custom, enumerated as charges against them all the occurrences which

had taken place during the rising, aggravated by fictitious

circumstances of the most revolting nature, _i. e._ throwing out of

their graves the dead bodies of such children as belonged to the

orthodox clergy in Glasgow; commanding, by a most insolent act of their

supremacy and mock judicatory, all the said orthodox clergy to remove

themselves, their wives and families, from the western shires, under

pain of death; and threatening with fire and sword all such of his

majesty’s good subjects as would not join them; plundering and ravaging

their houses, and carrying off their horses and arms; declining the

bond; and finally, and above all, refusing to call the late rebellion a

rebellion.

Previously to proceeding with the trial, the bond was offered to them

judicially, both the crown lawyers and judges upon this as upon several

other occasions appearing to have entertained some sympathy for the

sufferers; but they peremptorily refused to take it, as they considered

that they would thereby have been condemning the rising at Bothwell, and

their own conduct in what they considered a justifiable assertion of the

principles to which they had solemnly sworn obedience in the covenants.

Four of them resolutely avowed their having appeared in arms at

Bothwell, and were of course found guilty by the jury upon their own

confession of that fact alone; yet, by a strange vindictive perversity,

the court sentenced them “to be carried to the moor of Magus in the

sheriffdom of Fife, the place where his Grace the Archbishop of St

Andrews was murdered, upon the 18th of November instant, and there to be

hanged till they be dead, and their bodies to be hung in chains until

they rot, and all their lands, goods, and gear to fall to his majesty’s

use.”

James Wood was only proven by the evidence of some soldiers to have been

taken at or after Bothwell without arms; and as numbers in that part of

the country were known to have gone to the spot as mere spectators, a

humane tribunal would have given them the advantage of the supposition

that they had been present from a similar motive. But he was included in

the same verdict, and doomed to the same punishment, which was

accordingly inflicted at the place appointed, though some difference

appears in the date of the execution and the date of their dying

testimonies, the latter being dated 25th November, a week beyond the

term allowed by the former, which might have been given to allow of an

application to the king for mercy. If it was, they found none from their

earthly sovereign; but they all died in the humble confidence of being

reconciled to God by Jesus Christ.

Brown, who went up the ladder first, declared, before being turned off,

“if every hair of his head were a man, and every drop of his blood were

a life, he would cordially and heartily lay them down for Christ and

this cause for which he was now sentenced.”

Sword sang the 34th Psalm, and said to the spectators, “I cannot but

commend Christ and his cross to you. I would not exchange my lot for a

thousand worlds!” He had lived four or five score of miles distant from

that place, and never in his life saw a bishop that he knew to be a

bishop.

James Wood also affirmed that he had never been in that part of the

country before, nor seen a bishop in his life! and as to appearing at

Bothwell Bridge, he added, “for my own part, I am so far from thinking

it rebellion, that I bless God I was a man to be there, though a man

most unable for war, and unskilful, because of my infirm arm: and I

bless God that gave me a life to lay down for his cause; and though in

remarkable providence he took not my life in that day, yet for holy and

good ends he spared it to lay it down this day; and I am so far from

rueing any thing that I had done that day in my appearing for Christ and

his cause, that I would heartily wish if I were to live to see as many

men every year gathered together for the defence of the gospel. I would

count it my honour to be with them.” “And now, my friends, I am not a

whit afraid to go up this ladder, and to lay down my life this day, for

it is the best day ever yet mine eyes saw.” And being up almost to the

top of the ladder, plucking up the napkin, he said, “Now I am going to

lay down this life and to step out of time into eternity, and if I had

as many lives as there are hairs on my head, or drops of blood in my

body, I would willingly lay them down for Christ, and for you all that

are here on Christ’s account.”

John Waddel, respecting the bishop’s death, said, “I declare I was never

over the water of Forth in this country before this time.” “I am

sentenced to die here because I would not call it rebellion being with

my friends at Bothwell Bridge, and because I would not take that bond,

binding me hereafter never to lift arms against the king nor his

authority, which thing in conscience I could not do; for, whatever

others think of it, to me it says, that it is a denying of all

appearances for Christ and his cause that hath formerly been; and

likewise it says to me, that we shall never any more lift arms for the

defence of Christ’s gospel against any party whatsoever that seems to

oppose it, which is far from the word of God:—‘If any man draw back, my

soul shall have no pleasure in him,’ and the covenants, National and

Solemn League, which were publicly burnt in our nation—for which God in

his own time will yet arise—which we are bound to maintain.” “And now,

sirs, I am not a whit discouraged to see my three brethren hanging

before mine eyes, nor before all this multitude to pray.” He then

prayed; and being thrown over,

John Clide was brought to the ladder. When he had reached it, he turned

round and said, “I think our being fetched here is like that which we

have in Scripture about what Herodias said to Herod anent John the

Baptist his head, to gratify the unsatiableness of that lewd woman;

nothing would satisfy the lust of our persecutors, but our blood, and in

this manner and place, to gratify the bishop’s friends. But the ground

of my being sentenced is because I was found in arms with that poor

handful at Bothwell Bridge and would not call it rebellion; and because

I would not take that bond, which thing I had in my offer, and my life

upon the taking of it; and was threatened by some to take it, and

allured and persuaded by others, which I could not in conscience do,

because it binds me hereafter that I should not appear for Christ and

his cause. I durst not do it, for I was not sure of my life, no not one

moment; and I durst not procure the wrath of God at such a rate; for I

judge the loss of my soul to be more dreadful than the loss of the life

of my body, and likewise that it is more hazardful the offending of God

than gaining the greatest advantage in the world.

“I could not stay at home, but judged it my duty to come forth; for I

could not see how I could evite that curse—‘Curse ye, Meroz; curse ye

bitterly those that would not come out to the help of the Lord against

the mighty.’ And I bless the Lord for keeping me straight. I desire to

speak it to the commendation of free grace; and this I am speaking from

my own experience, that there are none who will lippen to God and depend

upon him for direction, but they shall be keeped straight and right; but

to be kept from tribulation, that is not the bargain; for he hath said

that through much tribulation we must enter the kingdom, for he deals

not with us as satan does—for satan lets us see the bonniest side of the

tentation, but our Lord Jesus lets us see the roughest side and the

blackest. After that, the sweetest thing comes! And he tells us the

worst that will happen to us; for he hath not promised to keep us from

trouble, but he hath promised to be with us in it, and what needs more?

“I bless the Lord for keeping me to this very hour: little would I have

thought a twelvemonth since that the Lord would have taken me a poor

ploughman-lad, and have honoured me so highly, as to have made me first

appear for him and then keep me straight; and now hath keeped me to this

very hour to lay down my life for him.” At the ladder foot, he addressed

his brother and other relatives who were standing and weeping around

him—“Weep not for me, brother; but weep for the poor land, and seek God,

and make him sure for yourself, and he shall be better to you than ten

brethren. Now, farewell, all friends and relations; farewell, brother,

sister, mother. Welcome, Lord Jesus; into thy hands I commit my spirit!”

And then lifting the napkin off his face, he said, “Dear friends, be not

discouraged because of the cross, nor at this ye have seen this day, for

I hope you have seen no discouragement in me, and you shall see no

more!”

While these sanguinary proceedings were going forward, the Scottish

rulers were not less assiduous in the more lucrative departments of

persecution, rendering even their acts of indemnity or indulgence the

means of pecuniary oppression; for the conditions upon which these were

granted were so hard, and the penalties for their infraction so severe,

that few would accept of them, and those who did, found them both

burthensome to their conscience and heavy on their purse, as a common

requisition was, that the parties should bind themselves, their

families, and dependants, under a specified sum, to regular attendance

on the ordinances and implicit compliance with all the injunctions of

the established clergy, nor harbour or hold any communication with those

who acted otherwise. Absence from the parish church, if accompanied with

any suspicious symptoms, constituted rebellion; and associating with

rebels, was construed into the same offence, punishable by death, but

commutable by fining or confiscation of rents, money, and moveables; so

that pretexts were never wanting for plundering the Presbyterians,

wherever “the honest party” were possessed of property.

More effectually to scour the country, the justiciary was required to

divide into two sections or circuit courts; the one to traverse the west

and south, the other the north and east. By a proclamation sent before

them, the proprietors or occupiers of the lands on which any of the

rebels lived, were required to apprehend and imprison them till the

courts arrived, when they were to present them for prosecution; and if

they should be either under hiding or fugitive themselves, their wives,

children, and servants were to be ordered off the ground. Clerks were

sent before to take up lists of all who were named in the proclamation,

or should be informed against as having been at field-conventicles, or

having threatened, robbed, or abused the orthodox clergy, who were all

to be summoned and examined upon oath respecting their possessions in

lands, money, and bonds, in order that the proceeds might be forthcoming

in case they should be found guilty. Witnesses were to be prepared and

held in readiness—sixteen in every rural parish, and twenty-four in

every royal burgh or burgh of barony, who were to give information,

under a penalty of forty pounds Scots, of all who had been at Bothwell,

or who had harboured any that were there. They were also to name all

whom they heard or suspected of being there. The sheriffs and justices

of peace were exceedingly active in searching out the proper victims for

spoliation, and so rigid in their duty, that they included several in

their rolls who had been dead or left the place some time before. The

curates were very zealous; and their diligence in this business,

contrasted with their carelessness in their spiritual functions, did not

tend much to exalt their characters or endear their office. Extensive as

the range of sedition had been made, yet were the insatiable managers

unsatisfied. They therefore had recourse to an old statute, long in

dissuetude, by which all who did not attend the king’s host were liable

to be punished with death; and changing the award into a pecuniary

mulct, they with rigorous impartiality fleeced the lieges in all the

devoted counties where there had been the smallest symptoms of

discontent.

In October, the circuit-courts commenced their operations; but, as they

either kept no record of their proceedings, or these records have been

destroyed, the particulars of their extortions are but imperfectly

known, only the general devastation they spread was long remembered; the

absent heritors were denounced, and numbers of them forfeited, whose

estates were bestowed upon noblemen, gentlemen, and soldiers, as rewards

for their ready and unflinching obedience to the most cruel and

barbarous decreets of the council, which the greater part of them kept

hold of till the Revolution restored them to their rightful owners.

Besides this, the council gifted the moveables of such as were reported

to have been at Bothwell, which laid the whole of those who were known

to favour Presbyterian principles open to the most vexatious

visitations; for the _donators_, to whom was committed “the uplifting of

the spulzie,” literally “rode upon the top of their commissions,”

exacting to the utmost, and, by returning oftener than once, frequently

subjected the same persons to repeated pillage for the same accusation.

Another source of wealth to the banditti who now ravaged Scotland, was

the compositions of the fines paid to the clerks, or largesses to the

officers, to escape the rifling searches of the soldiers, who, whenever

they chose, could enter the houses of the most peaceable and destroy

their furniture by casting it about, and rip up and render useless their

beds and bedclothes, by thrusting them through with their swords, to

find if any “cursed Whiggs” were concealed among them. The shires of

Lanark and Ayr were peculiarly harassed—shires which, by every principle

of sound policy, ought to have been peculiarly favoured, as they were

the most industrious and wealthy, but unfortunately they were also

reputed the most pious. Wretched as the country was, yet years more

grievous followed. Monmouth while there had acted with as much

moderation as circumstances would permit, and discouraged as far as

possible the virulent spirit of clerical domination which the bishops

and curates were so eager to display. When he went to London, he had

carried with him very favourable impressions of the Scottish character,

and was desirous to infuse somewhat of his own kindness into the

councils of his father. Before he left Edinburgh, upon receiving a

petition to present to the king, he said, “I think if any place get

favour, it should be Scotland; for a gallanter gentry and more loving

people, I never saw;” and previous to setting out, he procured what was

termed the third indulgence, which was published at Edinburgh by

proclamation, June 29. By it, ministers were prohibited under pain of

death from holding field-conventicles, and all who attended were to be

deemed traitors; but all laws against house conventicles south of the

Tay, were suspended, “excepting the town of Edinburgh and two miles

round about the same, with the lordships of Musselburgh and Dalkeith;

the cities of St Andrews, Glasgow, and Stirling, and a mile about each

of them; being fully resolved not to suffer the seat of OUR government

nor OUR universities to be pestered with any irregularities whatsoever.”

One preacher was to be allowed to each parish upon giving in their names

to the privy council and finding security for their peaceable behaviour,

provided they had not engaged in the late rebellion, nor been admitted,

_i. e._ licensed, by the unconform ministers; assuring, at the same

time, all who should offend, that we will maintain our authority and

laws by such effectual courses, as, in ruining the authors, could not be

thought rigid, especially after such unmerited favour. “This our

forbearance being to continue only during our royal favour.”

These tokens of kindliness, stinted as they were, proved very

unpalatable to the harpies who were fattening upon the spoils of their

patriotic countrymen; and they immediately unbosomed their difficulties

to their friend Lauderdale, in the form of an inquiring epistle from the

council, dated July 12:—“There being doubts,” say they, “as to the sense

of that clause in the proclamation, June 29, suspending all letters of

intercommuning, and all other executions, if these words ‘all other

executions’ do import that all persons, whether preachers at

field-conventicles, or other persons, who being ringleaders of these

rebellious rendezvouses, and have been seized according to former

proclamations, promising sums of money to the apprehenders, the

imprisoned should be set at liberty or not; and if such as have been

imprisoned till they pay the fines imposed upon them by sentence of

council or other judges, shall also be enlarged and set at liberty; and

if these field-preachers and other persons, qualified as aforesaid, are

to be liberate—they crave his majesty may declare his pleasure upon what

terms and conditions they are to be liberate.” The answer appears to

have been favourable to the persecuted.

Several ministers who were in prison for holding conventicles, but had

not been at Bothwell, were now set at liberty upon enacting themselves

in the books of privy council for their peaceable behaviour, and that

they would not preach at field-conventicles. Others, who could not

conscientiously enter into such engagements, were dismissed for the

time, upon giving security to appear when called for. Among these were

fourteen prisoners on the Bass, among whom was Fraser of Brea, who tells

us in his memoirs that in twenty-four hour’s space, they found security

for eight hundred pounds; “for we would not,” he adds, “give obligement

not to rise in arms, nor to forbear field-meetings, because we saw no

law for it, and because it was considered by us dishonourable, and to

reflect upon our ministry.”

Anxious to improve this breathing time, a numerous meeting of ministers

assembled at Edinburgh, August 8, to consider what steps should be

taken, and proceeded to re-organize, as far as in them lay, the

presbyterial form of their broken down and afflicted church; but before

they could realize their intentions, indeed almost ere they enunciated

them, the wind passed over them and they were gone! Towards the latter

end of the same month, Charles was attacked with fever, and his life

supposed in danger. The Duke of York, who had been obliged by the

ascendency of the patriotic party to retire from court and reside

abroad, was immediately sent for and quickly arrived at Windsor. His

sudden appearance took his opponents by surprise, and, by the influence

which he had over his brother, he effected the fall of Monmouth, who was

sent into that exile from which he himself had so unexpectedly returned.

With his elevation, all hopes of favour towards the Presbyterians

vanished, and the persecution recommenced with renewed fury. A letter

from the king, September 18, announced that he had recalled his

commission to the Duke of Buccleuch and Monmouth as General. On the very

next day, a warrant was granted by the council to Lieutenant-General

Dalziel to apprehend whoever had not taken the bond or who harboured

recusants, and secure them in prison till they be brought to justice—to

dissipate field-conventicles and seize whoever were present at them; and

they indemnify all slaughter or mutilation in case of resistance. They

also granted him power, along with several others, to sequestrate the

rents of lands, sums of money, and moveables belonging to heritors or

others, who came under their denomination of rebels, in order to prevent

their being embezzled!!

The Duke of York paid a short visit about this time to Scotland. With

the characteristic cunning of a papist, who first cajoles before he

ensnares a community, he carried himself towards all with as great

suavity as his severe unyielding temper and ungracious manner would

permit; but he especially cultivated the goodwill of the Highland

chieftains, who had a leaning towards popery, and whose assistance he

counted on to aid him in the contemplated destruction of a heretical

religion, and forcible establishment of his own. Though admitted to act

as a privy councillor, without taking any of the oaths at the king’s

particular desire, he did not publicly interfere with political matters,

but he paved the way for his subsequent rule, and received from the

authorities, particularly the magistrates of Edinburgh, the homage and

honour so readily paid to an heir-apparent, being feasted sumptuously,

and lauded excessively for excellences which, if he did not, he ought to

have possessed, and which they were willing to suppose his innate

modesty alone prevented him from exhibiting.

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