A.D. 1677.
Meeting of the ministers in Edinburgh—Prosecutions for not attending the
kirk—Lord Cardross—Conventicle at Culross—Bond—Lauderdale comes to
Scotland—Pretended moderation—Alarm of the bishops—Carstairs attacks
John Balfour’s house—Council’s design of raising a standing
force—Resolutions of the West country gentlemen—Conventicles
increase—Communion at East Nisbet—Common field-meeting—King
authorizes calling in the Highland clans.
Early in the year, a pretty large meeting, both of the indulged and
unindulged ministers, had been held in Edinburgh, for the purpose of
considering the religious state of the country, and for endeavouring to
heal the differences which still subsisted among themselves respecting
what should have been long before dismissed as vexatious—the conduct of
those who had declared against the resolutions, and who still lay under
the sentence of some of the church courts. It commenced inauspiciously,
Mr Blackadder having proposed that before they proceeded to business,
some time should be set apart for fasting and humiliation on account of
their defections, especially the tokens of disunion which began to
appear respecting the indulgence. This gave rise to some unpleasant
altercation. Mr Richard Cameron, then a probationer, with two others,
being called to account for their preaching separation from the
indulged, declined the right of the meeting to interfere with their
conduct, it not being a lawfully constituted judicatory, and continued
to express their disapprobation of the indulgence and of such as
accepted it.
Eighteen years’ persecution had now thinned the ranks of the earliest
and most experienced of the “outted” ministers, who, although they never
approved of the conduct of the indulged, yet had striven by all means to
live in brotherly fellowship with them. But as age and infirmity, or
death, removed them from the field, their places were supplied by young
zealous preachers, who being educated among the sufferers, and
associating only with them, were not fully aware of the evils of
division, nor did they sufficiently guard against the causes of it. In
their sermons, the older ministers proclaimed the glad tidings of
salvation through a crucified Saviour, and the necessity of fleeing for
refuge to the hope set before them in the gospel; and dwelt not so much
upon the immediate causes of their persecution, although they did not
shun in declaring the whole truth, to vindicate their allegiance to
Christ as sole Head and King of the church, bearing ample testimony
against the usurped supremacy of their temporal monarch and the tyranny
of his ecclesiastical creatures, the bishops. On the other hand, as was
remarked by one of themselves, the younger and more inexperienced
ministers insisted more strenuously in their sermons upon the
controverted points; and in their private intercourse spoke too sharply
of the conduct of such as did not go their lengths, by putting harsh
constructions upon their actions, and perhaps flattered too much some
“frothy professors,” not properly considering the difference between a
proselyte to a party and a true Christian. Upon these topics they
delighted to expatiate, till their minds became highly excited; and,
unhappily, instead of moderating, encouraged a similar humour among
their hearers, in the hope of managing them, though sometimes they
themselves were forced by the people to go farther than they intended or
inclined.
The fervour of numbers of young converts newly brought in by the gospel
run high. The zeal and success of the first reformers, and of those more
lately in 1638, were with them animating and frequent subjects of
conversation; their conduct was much extolled, while that of the
ministers’ in leaving their charges in 1662, and the people’s in
suffering the curates to be thrust in and hearing them, was as greatly
condemned. The king’s perjury, too, was often held up to execration, and
his assumed supremacy represented as an object of equal abhorrence with
that of the man of sin.
The meeting, however, after these disagreeables were discussed, decided
that the sentences should be removed, and that both parties should hold
ministerial communion. They also advised that the indulged should invite
those who were not, to preach in their pulpits; and likewise that they
should themselves preach “wherever” a proper opportunity offered, and
the necessities of the people required. With this last recommendation
many of the ministers readily complied; and the people evincing a great
desire for hearing, conventicles continued to multiply, and so numerous
was the attendance, that it was found unadvisable to execute the severe
laws against them to their full extent, only a few conspicuous
individuals of the richer or more active, were singled out for
persecution, to satisfy the vengeance of the prelates and the avarice of
the needy gentry or soldiers. Robert Blae, late bailie in Culross, was
fined four thousand merks for one conventicle—Adam Stobbie of Luscar,
three thousand, for withdrawing from public ordinances, aggravated by
converse with intercommuned persons; and, after payment of the fine, was
ordered to be transported furth of the kingdom—John Anderson, younger of
Dowhill, accused of a tract of non-conformity, which the prosecutor
being unable to prove, the whole was referred to his oath, when he
refusing to swear, was held as confessed. But he voluntarily
acknowledged that he had for several years deserted his own church at
Glasgow, and heard the indulged, by one of whom he had had a child
baptized, and that he had been at five conventicles; for which grievous
offences, and because he would not promise to hear his parish minister,
he was amerced in four hundred pounds sterling, and ordered to lie in
Edinburgh tolbooth till it was paid. After remaining about four months
in prison, he compounded for nearly the half and got out. Nor were
ladies treated with more tenderness, Lady Kinkel being fined five
thousand merks, and Lady Pitlochie one thousand, because they dared to
hear the gospel preached by men who understood it, and declined
countenancing the ministrations of state-puppets.
One of the most popular of the persecuted preachers, and peculiarly
obnoxious to the primate, was Mr James Fraser of Brea, a gentleman by
birth, and possessed of considerable property. He happened about this
time to be in Edinburgh, and the town-major being solicited by Sharpe,
was induced by great promises of reward, meanly to entice a servant-maid
of one of his relations with whom he lodged, to betray him. When engaged
in family worship upon Sabbath evening, January 28, about ten o’clock
the major burst in, caught the culprit in the very act, seized him, and
haled him off to prison; then went rejoicing to the archbishop, who,
delighted with the intelligence, rewarded the exploit by a piece of
money and a promise of more; and, next morning at day-dawn, sent strict
orders to the jailer to keep Mr Fraser close, nor permit any person to
have access to him, till he was examined by a committee of the council.
When he appeared before them, he was questioned as to his being a
preacher at field-conventicles, which, as it was a capital offence by
law, he declined answering. He acknowledged that he was, although most
unworthy, a minister of the gospel, independently of the bishops, but
denied that the subject of his discourses was either disloyal or
traitorous as the archbishop asserted—what he preached was repentance
towards God, and faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and no other thing
than what was contained in the prophets and the New Testament. That, as
for rising up in arms against the king, upon the pretext of religion,
which the archbishop alleged, he maintained he had expressly told him,
that he never knew any of the most zealous asserters of the liberties of
the people who maintained the propriety of rising in arms upon pretence
of religion—pretences affording no ground or warrant for any man’s
conduct. Respecting matters of prerogative and privilege, these were
things of a ticklish and thorny nature, not within his sphere, nor did
he think himself called to meddle with them. As to preaching the gospel
either in houses or fields, when opportunity offered, so far from
thinking it unlawful, he believed it to be duty; and meetings for this
purpose, to be ordinances of Christ, instead of “rendezvouses of
rebellion,” as the archbishop termed them. Being insidiously asked,
seeing these were his opinions, whether he had ever preached in the
fields? he refused to acknowledge that he had, adding, that if they
thirsted after his blood, and wished to take his life on that account,
they could not expect he should himself reach them the weapon. Let them
bring proof; for he was resolved no man living should find him guilty of
such a weakness as turning evidence against himself.
After his examination, he was sent back to prison, to be kept in
solitary confinement; but that night, he remarks in his Memoirs, was the
sweetest he had enjoyed for many years—“The Lord was a light round about
me, and HIM they could not shut out; I was lifted up above death, sin,
hell, and wrath, and the fears of prelates and papists, by a full sense
of the divine favour!” Next morning he was awoke about six o’clock, and
ordered to make ready to march for the Bass, where he was carried
accordingly, and remained there till July 1679.
Subjected to the caprice of their jailer, the situation of the prisoners
here was extremely uncomfortable, especially such of them as had moved
in the middle and higher ranks of life. Their female servants were
frequently changed; whenever any appeared to be attentive or
sympathizing, they were turned away and new ones sent, or, what was
worse, they were attempted by the ruffian soldiers, who, if they
succeeded, would shamelessly charge the ministers with the crime.
Sometimes they were shut up in holes in the rock, and deprived even of
the society of their fellow-sufferers—their letters were intercepted,
opened, and read—their provisions, which they were obliged to purchase
from the governor, were extravagantly dear, and consisted chiefly of
hard fish and oatmeal—melted snow was their common drink in winter, or,
at other times, a little brackish water, unless they paid well for the
spring—they were harassed by the soldiers obtruding rudely among them
and vexing them by their obscenities and blasphemies, or endeavouring to
ensnare them upon political topics, especially upon the Lord’s day, or
when they observed others in serious conversation with them about their
souls; for their confinement there was blessed to the conversion of
several of their keepers, who would never otherwise have come under the
sound of the gospel.
But perhaps the most outrageous act of pillage which occurred this year,
was perpetrated upon Lord Cardross. On the 7th of August, he was served
with an indictment for having had two children baptized by persons who
were not his own parish ministers, nor authorized by the established
government of the church, nor licensed by the privy council. His
lordship’s defence was cogent and irrefragable. He had one child born to
him in the town of Edinburgh, while he was confined prisoner in the
Castle; and not being permitted to attend his wife in her confinement,
nor perform any duty relating to the infant, he did not conceive himself
concerned in the act of parliament respecting baptisms, being in no
liberty or capacity to satisfy its appointment; nor did he inquire
further than to learn that the child was truly and Christianly baptized,
without once asking by what minister the same was done;—seeing,
therefore, that the foresaid act was made expressly against wilful
withdrawers, and such as presumed to offer their children to be baptized
otherwise than is therein ordained, these things were nowise chargeable
upon him a prisoner, having neither ordinary parish, or settled family,
nor so much as access to have presented his child for baptism. In
conclusion, he appealed to the moderation of the council, reminding them
of his protracted sufferings; and informing them that the child was
since deceased, besought them not to add affliction to the afflicted;
but he appealed in vain. These men had no feeling. He was robbed of half
a year’s valued rent of his estate, because his lady in his absence had
performed an act of maternal piety towards her child.
While the council were thus urging the pecuniary processes, in order
more vigorously to incite their already too willing agents, they
warranted the sheriffs, bailies of regalities, and other inferior
officers, to appropriate to themselves the fines levied from all persons
below the degree of an heritor; and, for those of heritors, they were to
reckon with them. Of the extent of these exactions, no proper account
remains; but as several of the soldiers received large donations, the
sums must have been considerable; and the persecutions were chiefly
carried on against those who could pay. In cases where the
under-officials were remiss, “the committee for public affairs,” who
were always upon the alert, took the matter under their own cognizance.
A conventicle having been kept at Culross, on a Sabbath about this time,
was dispersed by the military, and eighteen persons sent to jail. The
committee finding that some of them had been set at liberty without
their permission, ordered the magistrates to call them all back to
prison, and “condescended” upon the most substantial of them, whom they
appointed the said magistrates to produce before the council within
eight days, to be dealt with as they should deserve, _i. e._ fined
according to their circumstances.
Besides its all-pervading inquisition abroad and at home, the prelatic
despotism of Charles had a malignity peculiarly its own, that delighted
to destroy the very profession of Presbyterianism. The wretched, or, as
he has been designated, “the merry monarch,” used to say,
Presbyterianism was not the religion of a gentleman. I cannot pretend to
define the religion of a gentleman; but if his majesty’s were a
specimen, the more dissimilar Presbyterianism was to it the better.[86]
Footnote 86:
Evelyn, certainly no Whig, gives the following description of a Sunday
at court:—“I can never forget the inexpressible luxury and
profaneness, gaming, and all dissoluteness, and as it were total
forgetfulness of God, it being Sunday, which this day se’enight I was
witness of. The king sitting and toying with his concubines,
Portsmouth, Cleveland, and Mazarine. A French boy singing love songs
in that glorious gallery, while about seventy of the great courtiers,
and other dissolute persons, were at basset round a large table; a
bank of at least £2000 in gold before them, upon which the gentlemen
who were with me made reflections with astonishment.” _Mem._ vol. i.
p. 585.
To be grave and decorous in conduct, devout and consistent in religious
observances, were considered as unequivocal marks of Whiggery and
disloyalty. At this period a majority of the inhabitants of the Scottish
Lowlands were so distinguished, particularly in the west and south-west;
and these quarters coming more immediately in contact with the
prelatists were more severely visited, as they were stanch to their
principles, and zealous for their creed. There, therefore, the bitterest
efforts of the government were directed.
Upon the 2d of August, a proclamation was issued for enforcing a bond,
obliging the subscribers, with their wives, children, cottars, and
servants, regularly to attend public worship in their parish churches,
and not to be present at any conventicles, neither at any marriage or
baptism, except such as were duly celebrated or administered by a
regular incumbent, under the statutory penalties. A few days after, a
commission was appointed to carry this act into execution. Immediately a
very full meeting of the noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors of Ayrshire
assembled, at which a representation was drawn up, refusing the bond, as
requiring impossibilities; for they asserted the councillors themselves
were unable to enforce compliances in their own families, and how did
they expect plain country gentlemen to become bound for numbers over
whom they could, in these matters, have no control? but they proposed an
easier and surer expedient for preserving the peace of the country, and
that was by extending and protecting the liberty of the Presbyterians.
The council was highly displeased at this address; and the Earl of
Loudon, by whom it was signed, was in consequence exposed to so many
unpleasant attacks, that he went into voluntary exile, and died at
Leyden. Clydesdale followed Ayrshire. The Duke of Hamilton opposed it;
and the heritors of Lanarkshire, at a full meeting, unanimously agreed
to decline the bond; even those who were not partial to Presbyterianism
reprobated it, as fraught with ruin to their estates, seeing they could
not promise for all their own families and servants at all times, much
less for those of their tenants.
The vexations occasioned by the bond, added to the other severities, had
spread so widely, that it was computed, before the end of this year
(1677), about seventeen thousand persons, of every rank, sex, and
age—from the noble to the cottar-servant, man, woman, and child—from the
grey-headed veteran to the infant at the breast, who was forced to lodge
with its intercommuned mother on the heath—had suffered, or were
suffering every extremity for no crime but hearing the gospel, and
worshipping their Maker according to their conscience.
Lauderdale having come down to Scotland with his Duchess, to get one of
her daughters by her former husband married to Lord Lorn, afterwards
first Duke of Argyle, the Presbyterian ministers in Glasgow, Paisley,
Hamilton, and the neighbouring districts, thinking that when he came
upon so joyous an occasion, he would be more susceptible of kindlier
feelings, deputed Mr Matthew Crawford to proceed to Edinburgh and
consult with their brethren there, to try if possible to get the
sentence of intercommuning pronounced against so many of their faithful
fellow-labourers annulled, and the prisoners on the Bass released. Mr
Anthony Murray, a relation of the Duchess, who was employed to intercede
with the Duke, obtained an interview, and urged his Grace to grant this
their humble request; but all the answer he obtained was, “as for
himself, he (Lauderdale) was ready to do him any kindness in his power,
but he would grant no favour to that party, because they were unworthy
of any.” Next council day, however, when several of the lords
represented that pressing the bond would ruin their tenants and lay
their lands waste, he seemed inclined to relax, and not only spoke about
a third indulgence, but even intimated his desire for it to some of the
ministers by Lord Melville; and commissioners were in consequence sent
from several parts of the country to consult about a supplication to the
king. No sooner did the two archbishops learn what was in agitation,
than they vehemently assailed the Duke, complaining heavily of his
concessions to their enemies; in reply, he assured them he had no
intention of granting any liberty to non-conformists, only it was
necessary to amuse them till he got a force raised sufficient to
suppress them, as they were then too numerous to be rashly meddled with.
The representations, however, which he had received, subscribed by so
many respectable heritors, who could not be considered fanatics, were
not to be altogether despised; and, in the month of October, the council
enacted (Sir George Mackenzie, who had lately been admitted to be his
majesty’s advocate, says upon his suggestion)[87]—that if any person who
is cited be ready to depone or pay his fine, he be not troubled with
taking of bonds or other engagements, the law itself being the strongest
bond that can be exacted of any man; and all the expenses of process
were to be remitted.
Footnote 87:
Mackenzie’s Hist. p. 322. Sir John Nisbet was turned off because he
would not give the rapacious Duchess of Lauderdale a sum of money; and
Sir George Mackenzie, whose memory was long execrated in Scotland as
“the bloody Mackenzie,” was made king’s advocate, Sept. 7, this year.
Primrose had been removed from the lucrative place of clerk-register
by the same influence, and Sir Thomas Murray, a friend of her own, was
nominally appointed; “but her Grace hade from him the profits of the
place. To stop Sir Archibald’s mouth, they bestowed upon him the
office of justice-general, and sore against his heart.” _Kirkton’s
Hist._ p. 383.
Knowing well the unstable nature of their eminence, the prelates were
tremblingly alive to whatever they imagined might shake it; and they
instantly took the alarm at these equivocal symptoms of moderation,
which they supposed had that tendency. Like others in later times, they
commenced their attacks upon the liberty of the people, by endeavouring
to work upon their fears. Rumours were spread of extensive conspiracies
which had no existence, and terrible plots which no one had ever heard
of but themselves. On the present occasion, an incidental scuffle gave
some grounds for raising the cry of insurrection, and bringing in a host
of barbarians to live at free quarters upon a peaceable population.
Carstairs, elated by the nefarious premium which he had obtained for his
infamous conduct towards Kirkton, and desirous of showing his gratitude
to Sharpe, from whom he had his commission, redoubled his activity
against the Presbyterians, and was guilty of numerous revolting
atrocities in the eastern quarters of Fife. The heartless wretch had
turned Lady Colville out of doors in the month of October, and forced
her to wander houseless on the mountains and in the fields, at the risk
of her life and to the great detriment of her health. He had imprisoned
not a few respectable inhabitants; and, patrolling the district attended
by some dozen vagabond concurrences,[88] without any other authority
than the archbishop’s commission, under pretext of searching for the
intercommuned persons, he broke into gentlemen’s houses, seized their
horses, and was guilty of various plunderings, as also divers wanton
outrages.
Footnote 88:
A concurrence—the lowest attendant upon messenger or sheriff-officers.
A few gentlemen, six or seven, some of whom were obnoxious to
government, having casually met in the house of John Balfour of Kinloch,
or Burleigh, the same miscreant who had scented them out, suddenly
advanced on the house, with twelve of the “bishop’s evangelists” on
horseback. The gentlemen were altogether taken by surprise, and one of
them happened to be standing outside when they came up. Philip Garret,
an Irish tinker—one of the said worthies—the first in advance, seeing a
person at the door, without asking any questions, fired but missed; and
the gentleman immediately went into the house. Garret dismounted and was
following; but the gentlemen within being by this time alarmed, one of
them fired, and Garret fell wounded in the shoulder. Carstairs’ party
returned the salute in at the windows of the chamber where the gentlemen
were, and wounded one of them. The others then sallied forth and briskly
attacked their assailants, who instantly fled. They pursued for a while,
but no more blood was shed. Garret afterwards recovered.
This act of justifiable self-defence against an illegal attack of
unauthorized ruffians was eagerly seized upon by the prelatists, who
were watching for some occurrence which might justify them in using “a
vigour beyond law” which they meditated against the Presbyterians. At
their instigation, the council declared it an high act of rebellion and
resisting of lawful authority; summoned the actors before them; and,
upon their non-appearance, denounced them as rebels, and delated the
whole body as accomplices or abettors of the deed.
Charles, whose designs upon the constitution of England and freedom of
the people—now beginning to be discovered—had involved him with his
English parliament, exceedingly anxious to get a pretext for keeping up
a standing army, communicated his wishes to Lauderdale, who, readily
entering into them, proposed first to try some such measure in Scotland,
where he knew he would be backed by the whole prelatic interest, and
gratify at once the bishops and the king. Instructions were accordingly
transmitted to the council, who, in “a frequent meeting,” held on the
17th of October, sent particular expresses by sure bearers to the Earls
of Glencairn and Dundonald and Lord Ross, to call together the
commissioners of the excise, and militia, and justices of the peace, at
Irvine, on the 2d of November, and to represent to them how highly his
majesty was displeased at the extraordinary insolences committed in
these shires, by abusing the orthodox clergy, invading their pulpits,
setting up conventicle-houses, and keeping scandalous and seditious
conventicles in the fields—these great seminaries of rebellion—and
requiring them to take such effectual course for reducing these shires
to a quiet obedience of his majesty’s laws—the true and only rule of
loyalty and faithfulness—as might prevent severer measures from being
taken for securing the peace; and informing them, in case of their
failure, that the council was fully resolved to repress by force all
rebellious and factious proceedings, without respect to the
disadvantages of the heritors, whom his majesty would then look upon as
involved in such a degree of guilt as would allow of the greatest
severity being used against that country.
The shires now denounced were the wealthiest and most civilized, as well
as the most religious districts in the ancient kingdom; they therefore
presented the additional lure of a rich harvest of plunder, especially
as they abounded in that class, the strength and sinews of a nation, the
small landed proprietors-yeomen—or, as they were styled, heritors, who
were generally well educated and particularly versed in the polemics of
the day. A meeting of these, therefore, was called, when the following
resolutions were adopted, after two days’ serious deliberation:—1st,
They found it not within the compass of their power to suppress
conventicles. 2d, A toleration of Presbyterians is the only proper
expedient for preserving the peace; and, 3d, It should be granted to an
extent equal to what his majesty had graciously vouchsafed to his
kingdoms of England and Ireland. These resolutions were communicated to
the three noblemen, who immediately wrote to the council, and told them
that the meeting had taken place and reported—“That, after the
consideration of the whole affair, it was not in their power to quiet
the disorder,” but took no notice of the reasonable and effectual remedy
they had recommended. Before their letter arrived, the council had
decided. A minute, dated the day before the heritors met, was drawn up
by them, stating, “That, upon information of the growing disorders and
insolences in the western shires, it was thought fit a proclamation be
drawn, in case of an insurrection, and the nearest Highlanders ordered
to meet at Stirling, and letters writ to noblemen and gentlemen, to have
their vassals and tenants ready at a call.” A magazine of arms and
ammunition was formed at Stirling, all the regular forces were ordered
to Falkirk to have their full complement made up by new levies, and all
the straggling parties were called in. Besides these warlike
preparations, his majesty, in consequence of the alarming reports sent
him, offered the co-operation of the English army, several troops of
whom were marched to the borders; and Viscount Granard, commander of the
forces in Ireland, received instructions to hold himself in readiness to
pass over to Scotland upon a moment’s notice.
Such were the mighty preparations during a period of the most profound
repose, interrupted only by the footsteps of those upon the mountains
who published salvation. Of these, the indefatigable and successful John
Welsh and John Blackadder were among the most prominent. The former,
descended from a race of confessors, whose memory was deservedly dear to
the persecuted, had a reward offered for his head by the council; and he
rode usually accompanied by ten or twelve faithful adherents, termed his
body guard. The following is an account by the latter, of a remarkable
communion held at East Nisbet,[89] where both were present, which seems
to have created a great sensation:—
Footnote 89:
Dr M‘Crie has the following note in the Memoirs of George Brysson, p.
281:—“The following extract,” from Memoirs of a Mrs Goodal, the wife
of a mechanic, MS. in the Advocates’ Library, “supplies the date of
the communion at East Nisbet—‘I must make mention of three
communion-dayes the Lord trysted me with in Scotland. The first was at
East Nisbet in the year 1678, in the spring of the year,’ &c., at the
very time when the Highlanders were ravaging the west.”
“At the desire of several people in the Merse, Mr Blackadder, and some
other ministers, had resolved on a meeting in Tiviotdale, and day and
place were fixed for keeping a communion; but from apprehensions of
danger, this resolution was changed, as it was feared they might come to
imminent hazard. It was agreed to delay it a fortnight; and
advertisement was sent to the people not to assemble. The report of the
first appointment had spread throughout the country, and many were
prepared to resort thither from distant and divers quarters. This change
had occasioned great uncertainty: some had taken their journey to the
Merse, willing to venture on a disappointment, rather than miss so good
an occasion by sitting still. Mr Blackadder was determined to go, seeing
his stay would discourage others; and if kept back, they would blame
him. He told them it was not likely the meeting would hold; yet, lest
any should take offence, he was content to take his venture with them.
On Friday night he took horse, accompanied with a small body of
attendants, and was joined by Mr John Dickson at the port, who rode with
him eleven miles that night. Many people were on the road, setting
forward to be in time for sermon on Saturday morning. Not a few be-west
of Edinburgh, hearing the report of the delay, remained at home, and
others returned on the way. Nobody was certain, either from far or near,
till they reached the place; where they would all have been
disappointed, if providence had not ordered it better than human
arrangement; for the earnest entreaties of the people had prevailed with
Mr Welsh, in the same way as Mr Blackadder, to venture at a hazard. And
had it been delayed a day or two longer, it would have been utterly
prevented, as the noise was spread, and the troops would have been
dispersed to stop them.
“Meantime the communion elements had been prepared, and the people in
Tiviotdale advertised. Mr Welsh and Mr Riddel had reached the place on
Saturday. When Mr Blackadder arrived, he found a great assembly, and
still gathering from all airts, which was a comfortable surprisal in
this uncertainty; whereat they all marvelled, as a new proof of the
divine wisdom wherewith the true Head of the church did order and
arrange his solemn occasions. The people from the east brought reports
that caused great alarm. It was rumoured that the Earl of Hume, as ramp
a youth as any in the country, intended to assault the meeting with his
men and militia, and that parties of the regulars were coming to assist
him. He had profanely threatened to make their horses drink the
communion wine, and trample the sacred elements under foot. Most of the
gentry there, and even the commonality, were ill set.
“Upon this we drew hastily together about seven or eight score of horse
on the Saturday, and equipped with such furniture as they had. Picquets
of twelve or sixteen men were appointed to reconnoitre and ride towards
the suspected parts. Single horsemen were dispatched to greater
distances, to view the country, and give warning in case of attack. The
remainder of the horse were drawn round to be a defence at such distance
as they might hear sermon, and be ready to act if need be. Every means
was taken to compose the multitude from needless alarm, and prevent, in
a harmless defensive way, any affront that might be offered to so solemn
and sacred a work. Though many, of their own accord, had provided for
their safety; and this was more necessary, when they had to stay three
days together, sojourning by _the lions’ dens and the mountains of
leopards_; yet none had come armed with hostile intentions.
“We entered on the administration of the holy ordinance, committing it
and ourselves to the invisible protection of the Lord of hosts, in whose
name we were met together. Our trust was in the arm of Jehovah, which
was better than weapons of war, or the strength of hills. If the God of
Jacob was our refuge, we knew that our cause would prosper;—that in his
favour there was more security than in all the defences of art or of
nature. The place where we convened was every way commodious, and seemed
to have been formed on purpose. It was a green and pleasant haugh, fast
by the water side, (the Whitadder.) On either hand there was a spacious
brae, in form of a half round, covered with delightful pasture, and
rising with a gentle slope to a goodly height. Above us was the clear
blue sky, for it was a sweet and calm Sabbath morning, promising to be
indeed one of the days of the Son of Man. There was a solemnity in the
place befitting the occasion, and elevating the whole soul to a pure and
holy frame. The communion tables were spread on the green by the water,
and around them the people had arranged themselves in decent order. But
the far greater multitude sat on the brae-face, which was crowded from
top to bottom, full as pleasant a sight as was ever seen of that sort.
Each day, at the congregation’s dismissing, the ministers, with their
guards, and as many of the people as could, retired to their quarters in
three several country towns, where they might be provided with
necessaries for man and horse for payment.
“Several of the yeomen refused to take money for their provisions, but
cheerfully and abundantly invited both ministers and gentlemen each day
at dismissing. The horsemen drew up in a body till the people left the
place, and then marched in goodly array at a little distance, until all
were safely lodged in their quarters; dividing themselves into three
squadrons, one for each town where were their respective lodgments. Each
party had its own commander. Watches were regularly set in empty barns
and other out-houses, where guards were placed during the night. Scouts
were sent to look about, and get intelligence. In the morning, when the
people returned to the meeting, the horsemen accompanied them: all the
three parties met a mile from the spot, and marched in a full body to
the consecrated ground. The congregation being all fairly settled in
their places, the guardsmen took their several stations as formerly.
“These accidental volunteers seemed to have been the gift of providence,
and they secured the peace and quiet of the audience; for from Saturday
morning, when the work began, until Monday afternoon, we suffered not
the least affront or molestation from enemies, which appeared wonderful.
At first there was some apprehension, but the people sat undisturbed;
and the whole was closed in as orderly a way as it had been in the time
of Scotland’s brightest noon. And, truly, the spectacle of so many
grave, composed, and devout faces, must have struck the adversaries with
awe, and been more formidable than any outward ability of fierce looks
and warlike array. We desired not the countenance of earthly kings;
there was a spiritual and divine Majesty shining on the work, and
sensible evidence that the Great Master of assemblies was present in the
midst. It was, indeed, the doing of the Lord, who covered us a table in
the wilderness, in presence of our foes, and reared a pillar of glory
between us and the enemy, like the fiery cloud of old, that separated
between the camp of Israel and the Egyptians, encouraging to the one,
but dark and terrible to the other. Though our vows were not offered
within the courts of God’s house, they wanted not sincerity of heart,
which is better than the reverence of sanctuaries. Amidst the lonely
mountains, we remembered the words of our Lord, that true worship was
not peculiar to Jerusalem or Samaria; that the beauty of holiness
consisted not in consecrated buildings, or material temples. We
remembered the ark of the Israelites, which had sojourned for years in
the desert, with no dwelling-place but the tabernacles of the plain. We
thought of Abraham, and the ancient patriarchs, who laid their victims
on the rocks for an altar, and burnt sweet incense under the shade of
the green tree.
“The ordinance of the last supper, that memorial of his dying love till
his second coming, was signally countenanced and backed with power and
refreshing influence from above. Blessed be God, for he hath visited and
confirmed his heritage when it was weary. In that day, Zion put on the
beauty of Sharon and Carmel; the mountains broke forth into singing, and
the desert place was made to bud and blossom as the rose. Few such days
were seen in the desolate Church of Scotland, and few will ever witness
the like. There was a rich and plentiful effusion of the spirit shed
abroad on many hearts. Their souls, filled with heavenly transports,
seemed to breathe in a diviner element, and to burn upwards, as with the
fire of a pure and holy devotion. The ministers were visibly assisted to
speak home to the conscience of the hearers. It seemed as if God had
touched their lips with a live coal from his altar; for they who
witnessed, declared they carried more like ambassadors from the court of
heaven, than men cast in earthly mould.
“The tables were served by some gentlemen and persons of the gravest
deportment. None were admitted without tokens, as usual, which were
distributed on the Saturday, but only to such as were known to some of
the ministers, or persons of trust, to be free of public scandals. All
the regular forms were gone through: the communicants entered at one
end, and retired at the other,—a way being kept clear to take their
seats again on the hill-side. Mr Welsh preached the action sermon, and
served the first two tables, as he was ordinarily put to do on such
occasions: the other four ministers, Mr Blackadder, Mr Dickson, Mr
Riddel, and Mr Rae, exhorted the rest in their turn: the table service
was closed by Mr Welsh with solemn thanksgiving, and solemn it was, and
sweet and edifying, to see the gravity and composure of all present, as
well as all parts of the service. The communion was peaceably concluded;
all the people heartily offering up their gratitude, and singing with a
joyful noise to the Rock of their salvation. It was pleasant, as the
night fell, to hear their melody swelling in full unison along the hill,
the whole congregation joining with one accord, and praising God with
the voice of psalms.
“There were two long tables, and one short, across the head, with seats
on each side. About a hundred sat at every table: there were sixteen
tables in all, so that about three thousand two hundred communicated
that day.
“The afternoon sermon was preached by Mr Dickson, from Genesis xxii. 14;
and verily might the name of the place be called Bethel, or
Jehovah-jirah, where the Lord’s power and presence was so signally
manifested. After so thick and fearful a darkness had overshadowed the
land, the light of his countenance had again shone through the cloud
with dazzling brightness, and many there would remember the glory of
that day. Well might the faith of the good old patriarch be contrasted
with theirs on that occasion; they had come on a journey of three days
into the wilderness to offer their sacrifice: they had come in doubt and
perplexity as to the issue; but the God of Jacob had been their refuge
and their strength, hiding them in his pavilion in the evil day. The
whole of this solemn service was closed by Mr Blackadder on Monday
afternoon, from Isaiah liii. 10.”[90]
Footnote 90:
Crichton’s Life of Blackadder, p. 198, _et seq._
[Illustration:
_The Sheriff accosted by his Sister at the conventicle. Anno. 1677._
_Vide page 283_
Edin^r. Hugh Paton, Carver & Gilder to the Queen, 1842.
]
To complete the picture, I shall give a description of a common
conventicle, one of “the rendezvouses of rebellion,” also by Mr
Blackadder:—
“Some time before the communion at East Nisbet, Mr Blackadder kept a
very great conventicle at Lilsly (Lilliesleaf) moor, in Forrestshire.
They had knowledge that the sheriff, and some of the life-guards, were
ranging Lilsly moors on the fore-part of the day; upon which the meeting
shifted their ground within Selkirkshire, thinking themselves safe,
being out of his bounds. Watches were set; and the forenoon’s lecture
was got over without disturbance. About the middle of the
afternoon-preaching, alarm was given that the sheriff and his party were
hard at hand, riding fast; whereupon he closed, giving the people a word
of composure against fear. The people all stood firm in their places
without moving. Two horses were brought for the minister, to fly for his
life; but he refused to go, and would not withdraw, seeing the people
kept their ground, and so dismissed the horses. The militia came riding
furiously at full gallop, and drew up on the burn-brae, over against the
people; but seeing them stand firm, they seemed to be a little damped,
and would speak nothing for a while. At this moment, ane honest
countryman cast a gray cloak about Mr Blackadder, and put a broad bonnet
on his head; so he remained in that disguise among the people, unnoticed
all the time of the fray. The sheriff cried, ‘I charge you to dismiss in
the king’s name:’ the people answered resolutely from several quarters,
‘We are all met here in the name of the King of heaven, to hear the
gospel, and not for harm to any man.’ The sheriff was more damped,
seeing their confidence; he was the Laird of Heriot. His own sister was
present at the meeting; and stepping forth, in a fit of passion, took
his horse by the bridle, clapping her hands, and crying out, ‘Fye on ye,
man; fye on ye; the vengeance of God will overtake you, for marring so
good a work:’ whereat the sheriff stood like a man astonied.
“One of the soldiers comes riding in among the people, and, laughing,
said, ‘Gentlemen and friends, we hope you will do us no harm.’ This was
all a pretence: they had come to look for the minister, and were edging
nearer the tent; but they were ordered instantly to be gone, and join
their own associates, as more appropriate companions.
“The people still refusing to dismiss, the sheriff called out Bennet,
Laird of Chesters, and Turnbull of Standhill, who were present in the
congregation, and with them he negotiated that they would dismiss the
meeting, otherwise he must use force. Accordingly, at the entreaty of
Chesters, they withdrew. This had more influence with them than all the
sheriff’s threatenings. The minister, all this while keeping his
disguise, sat still till the dragoons were gone, and then took horse,
with a company of seven or eight gentlemen. About twelve at night, he
reached Lasswade, (being the hind harvest,) and got to Edinburgh early
in the dawning, about the time of the opening of the ports. This was a
remarkable escape, as they had sought the minister among the crowd
during the scuffle, and passed often by him without ever discovering
him. The reason of his riding all night, was to avoid danger; for all
the nobles and gentlemen from Edinburgh were to ride next day to the
race at Caverton-edge, when the roads to Tiviotdale would be full of
them.”
Plied incessantly by the council, whom Sharpe ruled, with exaggerated
rumours of the sedition and discontent that reigned in the west, Charles
at last sent as ample powers as the primate had desired; and followed
them up by commencing active operations for putting down such dreaded
and hated meetings as the above described.
First always in every act of oppression, the council had already written
to some Highland chieftains to raise their clans, and send to the
refractory west a sufficient number of kilted missionaries, to propagate
by forcible, if not convincing, arguments, the prelatical gospel. The
chieftains, in return, most willingly offered their services; and the
council immediately communicated to the king their loyal tenders,
requesting his royal sanction to the measure. His majesty told them, in
reply, that he had heard with much satisfaction of their requiring the
noblemen and others, who had numerous vassals and followers in the
Highlands, to come to their aid, and of the readiness of these noblemen
and gentlemen to comply with their request. He therefore authorized them
to command all these forces to march to the disturbed shires, or
wherever conventicles had been kept, and to take effectual measures for
reducing them to due obedience “to US and OUR laws,” by taking free
quarter from those that were disaffected, disarming such as they should
suspect, and seizing and securing all horses above such a value as they
should think fit; at the same time, causing heritors and liferenters to
give bond for their tenants and all who resided on their lands; and the
tenants and fathers of families to do the like for those who resided
with them, that they should keep no conventicles, but live orderly,
attend the parish churches regularly, and not harbour or converse with
any intercommuned person.
For the more completely carrying these orders into execution, they were
not only to punish the disobedient, but whomsoever “they might judge
disaffected,” by fining, confining, imprisonment, or banishment. They
were also to plant garrisons wherever they thought it necessary; and if
the forces now ordered were not sufficient, they were empowered to call
to their assistance the troops stationed in the north of England and
Ireland. A report was at this time very generally spread and believed,
that the Duke of York had said there would be no peace in the country
till the west were turned into a hunting-forest; and the conduct of
those in power appeared as if they had heard and approved of the
sentiment.
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