JULY, A.D. 1669-1670.
An indulgence proposed—Partially accepted by the ministers—Mr
Hutchison’s address—Proclamation against those who refused
it—Archbishop of Glasgow’s remonstrance—Parliament assert the king’s
supremacy—Vote the militia, and a security for orthodox
ministers—Field-meeting in Fife—Difference between Presbyterians and
prelatists in doctrine and teaching—Curates disturbed—Lecturing
forbid—Compromising ministers—Success of the gospel—Remarkable
meetings at the Hill of Bath, &c.—Rage of the Primate—Strange escape
of four prisoners.
A state of things so incongruous could not long exist. An immense
majority of the population, including almost all who had any pretensions
to religion, were decidedly inimical to the Episcopalian mode of
worship. The churches of the curates were deserted, and themselves
despised, while the exercises of the Presbyterian ministers were
attended by crowds. Harsh methods had been used, and had but exasperated
the evil. It was, therefore, now proposed to try what more lenient
measures would produce, and an insidious indulgence was resorted to, by
which it was hoped that the “fanatics” might be divided among
themselves, or cheated into compliance with a modified Episcopacy.
Accordingly, Tweeddale having privately consulted with Messrs Robert
Douglas and John Stirling, late ministers of Edinburgh, prevailed with
them to draw up a letter or petition, which he carried with him to
London,[67] where a similar system of cozenage was carrying on by
Charles himself with the non-conformists, and easily obtained from the
king a letter of indulgence. By it the council were authorized to
appoint so many of the ministers ejected by the Glasgow act, 1662, as
had lived peaceably, to return to their former charges, if unfilled up,
and to allow patrons to present to other vacant parishes such as they
should approve. Those of them who should take collocation from the
bishop, and keep presbyteries and synods, to be entitled to their full
stipends; those who would not take collocation to have only the glebe,
manse, and a moderate allowance; and such as refused to attend the
presbyteries and synods, to be confined within the bounds of their
parishes. But none were to admit as hearers in their congregations, nor
as participators of the ordinances, any persons from the neighbouring
parishes, without the consent of their own parson. The ministers not
thus provided for, were to be allowed, out of the stipends of the vacant
churches, an annual pension of four hundred merks, so long as they
continued to behave themselves peaceably. This indulgence, limited as it
was, was by no means acceptable to the prelate’s party. The councillors
long contested it at the board, and the bishops, with some of “the
orthodox clergy,” had private meetings to oppose it; but Sharpe, who
understood the subject better, is said to have advised to make no
objections to its publication, but to throw every obstacle in the way of
its success, by clogging it in every possible manner with requirements,
to which he knew the Presbyterians could not consistently submit—a line
of conduct which his party followed, and which ultimately gained its
object. Meanwhile, it was referred to a committee, composed of the two
archbishops, the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls of Argyle, Tweeddale,
Kincardine, and Dundonald, with the officers of the Crown, and the Lord
of Lee, to carry his majesty’s pleasure into effect, and on the 27th
July, ten ministers were nominated to various places.
Footnote 67:
Burnet claims this service for a letter of his own. “I being there
(summer 1669) at Hamilton, and having got the best information of the
state of the country that I could, with a long account of all I had
heard, to the Lord Tweeddale, and concluded it with an advice to put
some of the more moderate of the Presbyterians into the vacant
churches, Sir Robert Murray told me the letter was so well liked that
it was read to the king. Such a letter would have signified nothing if
Lord Tweeddale had not been fixed in the same notion. So my principles
and zeal for the church, and I know not what besides, were raised to
make my advice signify somewhat.”—_Hist._ vol. i. p. 413.
At first the treacherous boon was not perceived by many excellent
“outted” ministers in its naked deformity. They thought that it opened
for them a door to preach the gospel, of which they were anxious to
avail themselves, and imagined that by explicitly avowing their
sentiments when they accepted their appointments, they would exonerate
their consciences and satisfy their brethren. Accordingly, when these
ten were brought before the council, and received their allotments,
accompanied with injunctions, Mr George Hutchison, late one of the
ministers of Edinburgh, transported to Irvine, thus spoke:—“My lords, I
am desired in the name of my brethren present to acknowledge in all
humility and thankfulness, his majesty’s royal favour, in granting us
liberty and the public exercise of our ministry, after so long a
restraint, and to return thanks to your lordships for having been
pleased to make us, the unworthiest of many of our brethren, so early
partakers of the same. We having received our ministry from Jesus
Christ, with full prescriptions from him for regulating us therein,
must, in the discharge thereof, be accountable to him; and as there can
be nothing more desirable or refreshing to us upon earth, than to have
free liberty of the exercise of our ministry, under the protection of
lawful authority—the excellent ordinance of God, and to us most dear and
precious—so we purpose and resolve to behave ourselves, in the discharge
of the ministry, with that wisdom and prudence which becomes faithful
ministers of Jesus Christ, and to demean ourselves towards lawful
authority—notwithstanding of our own judgment in church affairs—as well
becomes loyal subjects, and that from a principle of conscience. And
now, my lords, our prayer to God is, that the Lord may bless his majesty
in his person and government, and your lordships in your public
administrations; and especially, in pursuance of his majesty’s mind,
testified in his letter, wherein his singular moderation eminently
appears, that others of our brethren may in due time be made sharers of
the liberty, that, through his majesty’s favour, we now enjoy.”
Mr Hutchison’s address neither pleased the council nor satisfied his
brethren. The latter thought it did not assert with sufficient plainness
the sole kingship of Christ in his church, nor bear an honest enough
testimony against the usurpation of Charles and his council. The rest,
who were selected for a similar favour, had therefore resolved to be
more downright, but they were never allowed an opportunity. The council,
who wished to hear no more upon the subject, sent their appointments to
them. The whole number under the first indulgence amounted to
forty-three. They were willingly received by the people, and as they
abstained from controversial subjects and confined themselves to the
pure doctrines of the gospel, it was remarked that they were eminently
countenanced of the Lord in their labours.
As had, however, always been anticipated by the more unbending part of
the ministry, this partial relaxation to a few was accompanied by
harsher measures against the rest, especially those who, choosing to
obey God rather than man, could not in conscience comply with the
mandates of those rulers, and desist from declaring the glad tidings of
salvation as He, in his providence, gave them opportunity. A fresh
proclamation was issued, (August 3,) commanding all heritors to delate
to the next magistrates, any who, within their bounds, should take upon
them to preach and carry on worship in any unwarrantable meetings, that
they might be thrown into prison—the magistrates of burghs were required
to detain them till further orders—and the lieges were likewise
informed, that the laws would be rigidly put in execution against all
withdrawers from public worship in their respective congregations.
These, however, were only preparatory to severer parliamentary
enactments, which confirmed the worst suspicions of those who uniformly
distrusted the equivocal toleration of their rulers, and justified their
refusal to come to any compromise as a matter of sound policy, even had
it not been a point of conscience. In the interim, the prelates pursued
their own measures, to render abortive the provision intended for the
unindulged, but quiet, part of the brethren. They procured that the act
of parliament which allotted all vacant stipends, since 1664, to the
support of the universities, should be examined into; nor does it appear
that any one of the sufferers ever received a farthing from that fund.
Mr John Park, one of the ten, late minister of Stranraer, was reponed to
his own parish, but the bishop of Galloway, three days after the
council’s nomination, admitted one Nasmith to the charge; and
notwithstanding, or perhaps rather because the people were unanimous in
favour of their late pastor, the council rather chose to submit to the
insult done their authority, than disoblige the prelate, and confirmed
the intruder in his office.
A project of an union between the two kingdoms was the ostensible reason
for assembling the Scottish parliament after six years’ interval. The
project came to nothing; but, in the meanwhile, it subserved the
ambition of Lauderdale, who was appointed Commissioner. The elections
went entirely in favour of his party, and he was received in Scotland
with little less pomp than if he had been the sovereign, for his
opponents were eager to deprecate his anger; and the Presbyterians, the
dupes of their own wishes, fondly believed that he was still in heart
with them, though he had been forced by circumstances to act otherwise,
in which they were the more confirmed by an incident that occurred two
days before the parliament sat down, which yet was only a political
fracas. Burnet, archbishop of Glasgow, who was one of the stoutest
assertors of the king’s absolute supremacy, when it overturned
Presbyterianism and settled Episcopacy, was by no means so clear about
his majesty’s right to set aside the laws when he trenched upon the
functions of the bishops, and granted relief to the persecuted
ministers. He, therefore, in the Episcopal synod of Glasgow, caused, or
allowed, a remonstrance to be drawn up against the indulgence,
representing it as an illegal stretch of power, and likely to be
destructive to the church. Unfortunately for the right reverend father,
he stood opposed both to Lauderdale and Sharpe, and the affair being
brought before the council, his lordship was ordered to produce the
paper, which was forwarded to the king; and James Ramsay, dean of
Glasgow, and Arthur Ross, parson, who had drawn it up, were severely
reprimanded—the paper suppressed—and “all his majesty’s lieges, of what
function or quality soever, discharged from countenancing or owning the
same.” Lauderdale did not, however, long allow the Presbyterians to
remain in doubt as to his real sentiments. In his speech to parliament,
which met on the 19th, he assured them of the king’s unalterable
determination to support Episcopacy—avowed his own attachment to it—and
inveighed against conventicles, whose entire suppression he urged, as
his majesty having granted an indulgence, would never now consent to
tolerate them.
The parliament, like their predecessors, showed every inclination to
comply with whatever was required; and in their first act asserted and
declared, that his majesty had the supreme authority and supremacy over
all persons and in all causes ecclesiastical within the kingdom, and
that the ordering and disposal of the external government and policy of
the church did properly belong to the king and his successors, as an
inherent right of the crown, who might emit such orders concerning the
external government of the church—the persons employed in it—their
meetings, and the subjects to be discussed there, as in their royal
wisdom they should think fit, which, when entered in the books of
council and duly published, were to be obeyed by all his majesty’s
subjects, any law, act, or custom, to the contrary notwithstanding. Even
the bishops themselves were not greatly delighted with this act, and
such of the nobility as retained any lingering respect for the religious
liberties of their country, were only induced to support it by the
representations of Lauderdale, that it was necessary to have some check
upon the bishops, whose insolence was intolerable; but the consistent
Presbyterians saw in it nothing but the assumption of an antichristian
power, which no magistrate on earth had any right to possess, and it
afforded to them another and a stronger objection than they previously
had, to accepting any indulgence from the king. The conduct of the
council in embodying the militia, and thus, under another name,
establishing a standing army in Scotland, was next approved of by an _ex
post facto_ act, empowering his majesty to do what had been already
done, and declaring this also an inherent right of the crown. Then
followed an act for the security of the persons of the orthodox
ministers.
It seems three women, or men in womens’ clothes, most probably the
former, had, during the summer, on one night about nine or ten o’clock,
come into the house of John Row, curate of Balmaclellan, in Galloway—who
afterwards turned a papist—and taking him out of his “naked bed,” had
inflicted upon his carcass a very irreverent flagellation, after which,
it is said, they opened his trunk and took away what they had a mind;
for this, the heritors of the parish were fined £1200 Scots. Mr Lyon,
curate at Orr, was searched for, but missed; and, it was reported, his
house was spoiled; for which his parishioners were assessed in the sum
of six hundred merks. These sums having been levied by order of the
privy council, this act was procured to legitimate all similar exactions
in future, and, like almost every other enactment of this period, added
a new link to the chain of despotism. The forfeitures inflicted by the
Court of Justiciary were, in like manner, legalized by an act of this
congregation of sycophants, whose session ended on the 23d of December.
Towards the close of the year, the first field-meeting was held in Fife.
Mr John Blackadder having gone to visit his two friends, Sir James
Stewart and Sir John Chiesly, who were then imprisoned in Dundee, Lady
Balcanquhal invited him to preach in her house—the only species of
conventicle yet known in that district; but he fearlessly caused public
advertisement to be made, that all that were athirst might come without
money and without price. “Let all the world,” said he, “see that you do
not huddle up so profitable and honest a work, or keep it to yourselves;
for my part, I am not ashamed to avow, in the face of danger or death, I
came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance.” A multitude
in consequence assembled, too numerous for the house to contain, and
they betook themselves to the fields. Many were much affected; and some,
who were present, when asked, what they thought of the work? answered
with tears, that they had never seen such a day, and were eager to know
when such an opportunity might occur again.
[1670.] Under whatever figure of speech it might be disguised, it was
now no longer a matter of doubt what was the dispute between the
Presbyterians and the Episcopalians. It was not a mere form of church
government—it was not a question about obedience to lawful rulers. It
was a contest between light and darkness—it was, whether the gospel of
the grace of God was to be freely preached to the poor inhabitants of
Scotland, or was it not? Historians, or men styling themselves
historians, in overlooking this circumstance, either do not understand
or wilfully avert their eyes from the fundamental cause of the
persecution, from this date till Bothwell Bridge, when it again became
mingled with political matters. Had there been any doubt upon the
subject, the proceedings of the privy council and of parliament this
year, would have sufficiently cleared it. Mr Andrew Boyd, minister of
Carmunnock, was, in the month of January, committed to close confinement
in Stirling Castle, for having preached to, and met, for the purpose of
worshipping God, with his former parishioners. Nor would his defence be
listened to, although he pled the necessity of preaching the gospel when
ignorance and profanity so much abounded, and so many souls were
perishing for lack of knowledge. The ministers of Newbattle, Strathaven,
and Symington, were similarly treated, although they appear only to have
followed the apostolic practice, and “ceased not in every house to teach
and preach Jesus Christ.” Some fines were at the same time levied upon
those who attended. One lady (Helderston) was fined four hundred merks
for having had a conventicle in her house in Edinburgh—a merchant, for
having had his child baptized, was mulcted in two hundred—and four
citizens, for being present, paid each one hundred pounds—although, as a
venerable minister observed before the council, there was as yet no law
of Scotland forbidding the worship of God, which was the only crime laid
to their charge.
While the “outted” ministers were forbid to exercise their ministry in
any shape, those who were indulged soon began to experience that their
liberty was by no means perfect freedom. The first link that was added
to their chain, was a prohibition from explaining the Scriptures to
their people in the manner they thought best fitted to convey
instruction. It is evident that, in stated congregations, an exposition
of connected passages of Scripture, or what is generally known in
Scotland as “lecturing,”[68] is eminently calculated to improve and
edify the church; and this had been an old method employed by the most
distinguished and successful of the Presbyterian ministers. The indulged
continued the practice; but for this the uneducated and worthless crew
who had been thrust into their charges were totally unfit, and their
pulpit exhibitions only encountered the scorn of their hearers—sometimes
perhaps too rudely expressed.
Complaints were therefore made to the privy council, and their superior
ability and mode of teaching were imputed as crimes to the indulged,
whose favour with the people, by the same reasoning, was considered the
cause of their hatred to the curates. They were in consequence forbid to
lecture, and a commission was granted to the Duke of Hamilton, the Earls
of Linlithgow, Dumfries, Kincardine, and Dundonald, the Lord Clerk
Register, and Lieutenant-General Drummond, or any four of them, to “put
to due and rigorous execution the acts of parliament and councils”
respecting “pretended” religious meetings, the security of the orthodox
clergy, and to examine into the conduct of the indulged ministers. The
charges of outrage brought forward by the legal incumbents against their
parishioners, were in some cases villanously false, and in others
ridiculously exaggerated. One Jeffray, curate of Maybole, accused the
Whigs of having attempted to shoot him, and produced a volume contused
by a ball, which he said had saved his life, having been in his bosom
when he was fired at; but, upon examination, it was found that the
clothes he wore at the time were untouched, the blockhead having forgot
to perforate his garments when he wounded his book. This precious
evangelist was, in consequence, dismissed; but when there happened to be
any ground for complaint, the case was remitted to Edinburgh, and the
punishment was extravagant. Some idle boys had thrown a bit of rotten
wood at the curate of Kilmacomb while he was holding forth; and when he
left the pulpit in terror, they followed the fugitive, huzzaing and
shouting, till he reached the manse. For this boyish insolence, which
probably merited a whipping, four of the offenders were sentenced to be
transported to the plantations! and the heritors of the parish were
fined one hundred pounds sterling, which Mr John Irvine, the said
curate, received as a solatium. The parson of Glasford’s house was
robbed by common thieves, one of whom being afterwards executed for
another crime, confessed the fact. The Whigs, however, were accused, and
the parish paid one thousand pounds Scots for having maltreated a man
they had only despised.
Footnote 68:
There is not a more delightful example of this mode of teaching than
Leighton’s exposition of the First Epistle of Peter.
These instances may serve to show the spirit of the times which all our
historians agree in representing as mild and moderate, and certainly the
managers were so, in comparison of those who succeeded them. The
indulged ministers were examined by the commissioners as to whether they
had desisted from lecturing; but the equivocal shifts to which they had
recourse, exposed them to the animadversions of their stricter brethren,
and did not exalt their characters with the prelatical party. Some read
a whole chapter, naming one verse only as a text. Others read two
chapters, and offered a few observations; and in this part of the
service they, in general, never exceeded the length of half an hour,
which seems to have been a redeeming qualification, for the visiting
committee neither silenced nor removed any of them. They contrived also
to celebrate the 29th of May in a manner equally illusive, by contriving
to have a baptism, a diet of catechising, or their week-day sermon, upon
that anniversary day; but the jealousy of the people was kept alive by
the exiled ministers. Mr John Brown, late minister of Wamphray, and Mr
John Livingston, both wrote, condemning such duplicity in practice, and
exposing its danger, though at the same time they expressed themselves
affectionately with respect to their brethren, the men whose conduct
they condemned. Nor did the visiting committee fulfil the expectation of
their employers. Gilbert Burnet, afterwards bishop of Sarum, was at this
period professor of divinity in the University of Glasgow; and as he was
respectable both for his talents and conduct—moderate in his principles
regarding church government, and a friend to toleration, the commission
were considerably influenced by his advice, which, from his first outset
in life, was uniformly opposed to all persecution; and also by that of
the amiable Leighton, who with much reluctance had been prevailed upon
to hold the archbishopric of Glasgow, _in commendam_, upon the
resignation of Alexander Burnet, whose conduct in the remonstrance being
offensive to his majesty, had rendered it requisite for him to demit.
They therefore, though they imprisoned and harassed a number of the
Presbyterians for not attending the church, and for attending
conventicles, yet, because they did not execute in their full rigour the
instructions and proclamations of the privy council, were reckoned
unfriendly to the cause of Episcopacy.
A great desire to hear continued to increase and to prevail during this
period; and these servants of Christ—who could not consent that the word
of God should be bound, followed by vast multitudes, when they could not
find accommodation within any common house—imitating the example of
their Lord, chose the field for their cathedral, and, with the heavens
for their canopy, and the mountain side for their benches, preached
boldly the gospel of salvation. The most remarkable assemblage of this
kind which had yet occurred, was that held, 18th June, on the Hill of
Beath, near Dunfermline, of which one of the presiding ministers has
left an account, and which I insert in his own language. They could not
now, however, be held with the same security as formerly, for the
council had offered a reward to the soldiery for dispersing these
meetings and apprehending the minister, or such as could give
information concerning him, with the most considerable heritors and
tenants, who were all rendered liable to imprisonment and fine. It was
therefore necessary to appoint watches and take precautions for their
personal security; and as people of that rank generally went armed, they
did not lay them aside when their attendance on gospel ordinances was
threatened to be interrupted by violence. Upon this occasion, Burnet
says, as a matter of course, “many of these came in their ordinary arms,
that gave a handle to call them rendezvouses of rebellion,” vol. i. p.
430. Though the spot was not distinctly marked out, it was, during the
preceding week, pretty generally understood, and a vast congregation
gathered from almost every quarter of the country.
“On Saturday afternoon,” says the narrator, “people had begun to
assemble. Many lay on the hill all night; some stayed about a
constable’s house, near the middle of the hill; several others were
lodged near about, among whom was Barscob and nine or ten Galloway men.
The minister, Mr Blackadder, came privately from Edinburgh on the
Saturday night, with a single gentleman in his company. At
Inverkeithing, he slept all night in his clothes, and got up very early
expecting word where the place of meeting was to be, which the other
minister (Mr John Dickson) was to advertise him of. However, he got no
information, and so set forward in uncertainty. Near the hill, he met
one sent by the minister to conduct him to a house hard by, where he
resolved, with the advice of the people, to go up the hill for the more
security and the better seeing about them. When they came, they found
the people gathered and gathering, and lighting at the constable’s
house, who seemed to make them welcome. While they were in the house, a
gentleman was espied coming to the constable’s door and talking friendly
with him, who went away down the hill. This gave occasion of new
suspicion and to be more on their guard. However, they resolved to
proceed to the work, and commit the event to the Lord.
“When a fit place for the meeting and setting up of the tent was
provided—which the constable concurred in—Mr Dickson lectured and
preached the forenoon of the day. Mr Blackadder lay at the outside
within hearing, having care to order matters and see how the watch was
kept. In time of lecture he perceived fellows driving the people’s
horses down the brae, which he supposed was a design to carry them away.
He rising quietly from his place, asked them what they meant? They
answered, it was to drive them to better grass. However, he caused them
bring them all back again within sight. After Mr Dickson had lectured
for a considerable space, he took to his discourse, and preached on 1
Cor. xv. 25. ‘For he must reign till he hath put all his enemies under
his feet.’ In time of service, some ill-affected country people dropped
in among them, which being observed by Mr Blackadder and those appointed
to watch, he resolved to suffer all to come and hear, but intended to
hinder the going away of any with as little noise as might be. Among
others came two youths, the curate’s sons, and about fourteen or fifteen
fellows at their back, who looked sturdily; but after they heard, they
looked more soberly. The two young men were heard to say they would go
near the tent and walk about to the backside of it, which some who were
appointed to watch seeing, followed quickly, so they halted on their
way. The man that came to the constable’s house in the morning was seen
at the meeting, and kept a special eye upon; essaying to go away to his
horse at the constable’s, two able men of the watch went after, and
asked why he went away? He answered, he was but going to take a drink.
They told him they would go with him, and desired him to haste and not
hinder them from the rest of the preaching; so he came back; but he was
intending to go and inform the lieutenant of the militia who was at the
foot of the hill and gathering his men. However, the sermon closed
without disturbance about eleven hours in the foreday, the work having
begun about eight.
“Mr Blackadder was to preach in the afternoon. He retired to be private
for a little meditation. Hearing a noise, he observed some bringing back
the curate’s two sons with some violence, which he seeing, rebuked them
who were leading them, and bade let them come back freely without hurt;
and he engaged for them they would not go away; so they staid quietly,
and within a quarter of an hour he returned and entered into the tent.
After some preface, which was countenanced with much influence, not only
on professed friends, but on those also who came with ill intentions, so
that they stood as men astonished with great seeming gravity and
attention, particularly the two young men. It was indeed a composing and
gaining discourse, holding forth the great design of the gospel to
invite and make welcome all sorts of sinners without exception. After
prayer, he read for text, 1 Cor. ix. 16. ‘For though I preach the
gospel, I have nothing to glory of, for necessity is laid upon me; yea,
wo is unto me if I preach not the gospel.’
“After he had begun, a gentleman on horseback came to the meeting and
some few with him. He was the lieutenant of the militia on that part of
the country, who lighting, gave his horse to hold, and came in among the
people on the ministers left hand, stood there a space, and heard
peaceably. Then essaying to get to his horse, some of the watch did
greatly desire he would stay till the preaching was ended, telling him
his abrupt departure would offend and alarm the people. But he refusing
to stay, began to threaten drawing his staff. They fearing he was going
to bring a party to trouble them, did grip and hold him by force as he
was putting his foot in the stirrup. Upon this Barscob and another young
man, who were on the opposite side, seeing him drawing his staff, which
they thought to be a sword, presently ran each with a bent pistol,
crying out—‘Rogue, are you drawing?’ Though they raised a little
commotion on that side, yet the bulk of the people were very composed.
The minister seeing Barscob and the other so hastening to be at him,
fearing they should have killed him, did immediately break off to step
aside for composing the business, and desired the people to sit still
till he returned, for he was going to prevent mischief. Some not willing
he should venture himself, laboured to hinder him. He thrust himself
from them, and pressing forward, cried—‘I charge and obtest you not to
meddle with him or do him any hurt,’ which had such influence on them,
that they professed afterwards they had no more power to meddle with
him. The lieutenant seeing it was like to draw to good earnest, was
exceeding afraid and all the men he had; but hearing the minister
discharging the people to hurt him, he thrust near to be at the minister
who had cried—‘What is the matter, gentlemen?’ Whereon the lieutenant
said, ‘I cannot get leave, sir, to stand on my own ground for thir men.’
The minister said, ‘Let me see, sir, who will offer to wrong you; they
shall as soon wrong myself; for we came here to offer violence to no
man, but to preach the gospel of peace; and, sir, if you be pleased to
stay in peace, you shall be as welcome as any here; but if you will not,
you may go, we shall compel no man.’ ‘But,’ said he, ‘they have taken my
horse from me.’ Then the minister called to restore his horse, seeing he
would not stay willingly. Then he was dismissed without harm at the
minister’s entreaty, who judged it most convenient that the gentlemen
and others to whom he should report it, might have more occasion of
conviction that both ministers and people who used to meet at such
meetings, were peaceable, not set on revenge, but only endeavouring to
keep up the free preaching of the gospel in purity and power, in as
harmless and inoffensive a way as was possible. Some of the company,
indeed, would have compelled and bound him to stay if he had not been
peaceable; but they were convinced afterwards that it was better to let
him go in peace. The whole time of this alarm on that quarter, all the
rest of the people sat still composedly—which was observed more than
ordinary in any meeting either before or after—seeing such a stir. As in
many other things the mighty power and hand of the Lord was to be seen
in that day’s work, and the fruit that followed thereon.
“When the lieutenant was gone, the rest that dropped in through the day,
with the curate’s two sons, staying still, not offering to follow. After
the composing that stir, which lasted about half an hour, the minister
returned to the tent, and followed out the rest of his work, preaching
about three quarters of an hour with singular countenance, especially
after composing the tumult. All the time there were several horse riding
hither and thither on the foot of the hill, in view of the people, but
none offered to come near; for a terror had seized on them, as was heard
afterwards and confessed by some of themselves. The minister,
apprehending the people might be alarmed with fear, that they could not
hear with composure—though none did appear—did for their cause close
sooner than he intended, though the people professed afterwards, and
said they would rather he had continued longer, for they found none
either wearied or afraid.
“The minister that preached in the afternoon, with about sixteen or
twenty of the ablest men, went to the constable’s house, where they had
prepared dinner, and would have him and his company come in to dine; but
he calling for a little drink and bread on horseback, the rest also
taking something without doors, and missing the other minister, feared
lest some of the enemy in dismissing had apprehended him. So, leaving
the rest at the house, he rode up the hill again, with some others who
were on horseback, to seek him; for he said he would not go without the
other minister, but resolved to cause rescue him if he had been taken;
and coming to the place where the meeting had been, some of the people
told him the minister had taken horse with another gentleman a little
before the close; upon which he returned again to the company at the
house, who desired him to ride away, they being on foot. He told them he
would stay, and also desired them to stay, till they should see all the
people get safe from the hill; and when all were peaceably dismissed, he
with another on horseback, rode to the Queensferry. The rest being able
men and on foot, were to follow. When he came thither, none of the boats
would go over at that time, the country being ill set and in such a
stir. It was not thought fit he should stay on that side of the water,
therefore he rode up three or four miles, expecting to get boat at
Limekilns; but that being gone over with others at the meeting before,
he rode forward towards Kingcairn, where they again essayed at
Hoggin’s-neuk; but the boat being on the other side, they were forced to
ride on towards Stirling. He came thither about nine at night; and after
they had crossed the bridge, and rode through some back lanes of the
town, they came at the port they should go out at, but it was shut, only
a wicket open, through which they led their horses, and so escaped the
alarm which arose in the town a little after they were gone. They rode
that night about four miles to Torwoodside, where they lighted at an
honest man’s house, took a little refreshment for man and horse, till
break of day, and then rode for Edinburgh. They went hard by the gate of
the place of Callander, where the Chancellor and other noblemen were at
the time, they not knowing till afterwards. They rode also by the back
of the town of Linlithgow, where many ill set people were. About seven
o’clock on Monday morning, he came to Edinburgh, where the noise was
come before; therefore he retired to another chamber, and, after taking
breakfast, he lay down and slept six hours’ space, being much wearied,
having not cast off his clothes and ridden forty-eight miles from
Sabbath about twelve o’clock. The gentlemen and the rest whom he left on
the hill, came over at the Ferry, and returned to Edinburgh in safety
that night.”
Reports of this meeting quickly spread to the remotest corner of the
land; and the evident tokens of the divine presence which had
accompanied the exercises of the day, stirred up a holy emulation in the
other ministers, who thanked God and took courage, and excited and kept
alive among the people an attention to the concerns of their souls,
which too often languishes in the days of ease and amid the undisturbed
enjoyment of gospel privileges, while to many the word came in the
demonstration of the spirit and with power; so that even some who were
unfriendly to these irregular proceedings, were constrained to
acknowledge that in their sermons, in houses and fields, the “outted”
ministers were remarkably countenanced of the Lord and blessed with many
seals of their ministry, in the conversion of many, and edifying those
who were brought in. It was followed in about a fortnight by another not
less numerous at Livingseat, in West Calder, where Mr John Welsh
presided; and, in the beginning of July, a large conventicle was held at
Torwood-head, for which a Mr Charles Campbell, in Airth, was imprisoned
and fined; but who was the minister on this occasion, I have not
learned. Grievous was the rage of the prelates; but the invasion of the
primate’s more immediate territories behoved to be visited with signal
vengeance, as a horrid insult had been offered so near the place where
he had his seat. The two ministers were denounced and put to the
horn—“multitudes” were imprisoned, fined in large sums, and otherwise
harassed—James Dundas, the brother of the Laird of Dundas, was sentenced
to transportation, under pain of death if he returned—and others,
equally respectable, were brought to no little trouble, although but few
were actually sent to the plantations.
The case of “four Borrowstownness-men,” is too remarkable to be passed
over. Their names were, John Sloss, a residenter in the town; David
Mather, elder in Bridgeness; John Ranken, in Bonhard; and James Duncan,
in Grange. These having been apprehended, were brought before the
council, and refusing to give any information, or turn informers against
their brethren, were fined each five hundred merks, and sent back to
prison to remain during the council’s pleasure. They were afterwards
brought before the council, and, along with other six, condemned upon an
_ex post facto_ statute to be sent as slaves to the plantations; and
when one of them only entreated to be allowed to take farewell of his
wife and small family, Lauderdale furiously replied—“You shall never see
your home more,” adding, with a malignant sneer, “this will be a
testimony for the cause.”
In this, however, he proved a false prophet. Mr Blackadder tells us, the
four got their liberty, which fell out by a singular cast of providence.
The guard that conducted them from the Canongate jail brought them to
the outer council-house, and leaving them there with the guards who
waited on their neighbours from the high town tolbooth; and thinking
themselves exonered, they went their way, expecting that the guard that
waited on the prisoners from the town tolbooth would notice them. After
they had gotten their sentence, command was given to carry the whole to
their respective prisons; upon which those who guarded the prisoners of
the town carried them to the tolbooth, the rest were left without a
guard. Notwithstanding, at the dismissing of the council, and the throng
of people, they went on, supposing their guard to be following. One of
them never knowing, went the whole length, and entered the prison again.
Other two went the length of the Cross, till a friend came and asked,
whither they were going? They said, “to their prison.” He said, “Will
you prison yourselves, seeing there is none waiting to take you to it?”
which they perceiving, made their escape. Other two went the length of
the Netherbow, then looking behind, and seeing none guarding them, made
their escape also. The other five, together with him who went back
inadvertently, were afterwards, through the interest of the Chancellor’s
secretary, and perhaps owing to the ludicrous appearance the council cut
by the escape of the four, also granted their liberty.[69] A pious
youth, who was at the Beath Hill and Livingseat, was committed close
prisoner, ordered to be put in irons, and fed on bread and water during
pleasure; and although great interest was made for him, he obtained no
release, till the iron had gangrened his legs, which eventually,
according to Kirkton, cost him his life.
Footnote 69:
Blackadder’s Mem. MSS. quoted in his life.
Previous to the meeting of parliament, Lauderdale, wishing to ingratiate
himself with the prelatic party, urged on the persecution of the
non-conformist Presbyterians. They had in the beginning of the year been
banished the capital. Immediately upon his arrival, he issued a
proclamation forbidding any of them to come to Edinburgh without a
license, upon pain of death; but summonses were issued to the most
zealous who had been guilty of preaching, requiring them to appear
before the council. The latter came privately to town, to ascertain the
temper of their rulers and their own probable fate, when finding that
imprisonment or exile would be the consequence of their attending,
resolved to decline. Before separating, they drew up an affecting letter
to their brethren, bemoaning the desolations of Zion and the rod of
wickedness lying upon the lot of the righteous, but chiefly lamenting
the little kindliness and melting of heart among professors—their little
sympathy with the Lord’s dear servants and people, now bearing the heat
and burden of the day, made wanderers and chased from mountain to hill,
not having where to lay their head—and the readiness of some rather to
censure than partake of affliction with those who were suffering for the
sake of the gospel. Beseeching them to stir up that great mean and
duty—all that seemed left to them—of serious prayer, supplication, and
wrestling with the Lord, both alone and together—an exercise which
Christ himself had so much recommended, “that we ought always to pray,
and not to faint;” so much practised by the saints, especially in
particular exigencies, as Acts xii. 5. “Prayer was made of the church
without ceasing;” and ever followed with a blessed success when
seriously gone about—“They called upon the Lord and he answered them.”
Psal. xcix. 6. Jas. v. 16-18; while it carried with it a sweet reward in
its own bosom, even “the peace of God, which passeth all understanding,
keeping and guiding both heart and mind through Christ Jesus.” Phil. iv.
7.
This letter was attended with the best effects. Many of the godly
ministers throughout the land—men of prayer—were stirred up by it, and
set apart stated seasons for solemn fasting and supplication for the
church and country, which God answered to themselves by terrible things
in righteousness. He caused men to ride over their heads; they went
through fire and through water, but he brought them out into a wealthy
place. Their worldly circumstances were straitened, but the gospel had
free course and was glorified. Some lived to see his gracious
interposition in the glorious Revolution, 1688; numbers never did, but
were favoured to go by a shorter road from a scaffold to a throne; yet
their posterity have reaped and are reaping the benefit of their
prayers.
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