733 Plutarch. Dion. 28.

734 Ibid. 53. σχῆμα—ἀριστοκρατίαν ἔχον τὴν ἐπιστατοῦσαν καὶ βραβεύουσαν

τὰ μέγιστα. See above, ch. 1. § 7.

735 Diod. XVI. 70.

736 Plutarch. Timol. 37.

737 Diod. XVI. 81. with Wesseling’s note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 51.

738 Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70.

739 Diod. XIX. 3-5. _After_ a democracy of this kind, and _before_ the

time of Agathocles, the state was legally governed by a synedrion of

600 of the most distinguished persons (χαριέστατοι), XIX. 6.

740 Diod. XIX. 4. 6-9. He also sometimes convened public assemblies,

when it pleased him to play the δημοτικός. Diod. XX. 63, 79.

741 Otherwise it must have been newly appointed by election or lot at

the death of Hieronymus, of which Livy XXIV. 22 says not a word. The

_seniores_ (c. 24.) are probably members of this senate; a γερουσία

also probably existed at that time, which occurs in a late

inscription in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. 5. p. 44.

742 Liv. XXIV. 27.

743 See Hesychius, Suidas, and Zenobius in ἱππάρχου πίναξ; on this

tablet were entered τὰ τῶν ἀτακτούντων ὀνόματα. In Diod. XIV. 64.

ἱππεῖς appears to be the name of the class of knights.

744 At Gela Cleander was tyrant, after a period of oligarchy (Aristot.

Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 505 to 498 B.C. (Herod. VII. 157. Dion. Hal.

VII. 1. Pausan. VI. 9.); then his brother Hippocrates 498-491 B.C.

Gelon in 491 B.C. At Agrigentum there was a timocracy (Arist. Pol.

V. 8. 4.), then Phalaris 555-548 B.C. according to Eusebius and

Bentley, then Alcmanes and Alcander (Heracl. Pont. 36.), Theron

488-473 B.C. according to Boeckh, and Thrasydæus, who was expelled

in the same year.

745 Diod. XI. 53. κομισάμενοι τὴν δημοκρατίαν.

746 See Diogen. Laërt. VIII. 66. Timæus Fragm. 2. ed. Goeller. Sturz

Empedocles, p. 108.

747 Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63. The words, ὥστε οὐ μόνον ἦν τῶν

πλουσίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν τὰ δημοτικὰ φρονούντων, do not present any

difficulty.

748 Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50.

749 Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, p. 79, &c.

750 Ἁλιασμα ἑκτας διμηνον Καρνειον ἑξηκοντος ΠΕΜΠΤΑΙ. See above

concerning Rhodes, § 3.

751 The Hierothytes was the παραπροστάτας of the βουλὴ (ΠΑΡΑΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΑ ΤΑΣ

should be written).

752 Verr. I. 4. 23, 39.

753 Concerning the ἱεράπολοι see Boissonade in the Classical Journal,

vol. XVII. p. 396.

754 Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, p. 84. cf.

ibid. p. 25.

755 Βουλας ἁλιασμα (vulg. ἁλιασματα) δευτερας ἑξαμηνου Καρνειου

τριακαδι.

756 Εδοξε τᾳ ἁλιᾳ καθα και τᾳ βουλᾳ, as the sense requires us to read

with Castello.

757 See also the Calymnian decree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) εδοξε τᾳ

βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ γνωμα προσταταν.

758 B. I. ch. 8. § 2.

759 Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7. p. 231.

760 Thucyd. V. 81.

761 Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44.

762 VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4.

763 Ἄκρατος καὶ Δωρικὴ ἀριστοκρατία, Plutarch. Arat. 2.

764 Some members of the oligarchical party of Argos also fled to Phlius,

Thucyd. V. 83.

765 Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq. V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. Fifty persons

of each party made a plan for a new constitution. Hell. V. 3. 25.

The refugees residing at Argos, in 375 B.C. were manifestly

democrats, the same as in Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B.C.

766 Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. Μεγαρεῖς Θεαγένη—ἐκβαλόντες, ὀλίγον χρόνον

ἐσωφρόνησαν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν.

767 See above, ch. 3. § 3. It appears to me nearly certain that the

passage refers to Megara near Corinth.

768 See above, ch. 1. § 4. ch. 4. § 8.

769 V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker. [See generally on the aristocratical

tendency of the poetry of Theognis, and the constitution of Megara,

Welcker, _Prolegomena ad Theognin_, pp. x-xli.]

770 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. 3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that

Theognis (v. 677.) speaks of this period, χρήματα δ᾽ ἁρπάζουσι βίᾳ,

κόσμος δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν, and in the whole political allegory of the

passage. This was the time of the violence done to the Peloponnesian

theori, Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59.

771 Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα.

772 Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. IV. 12. 10.

773 Thuc. I. 114. cf. 103.

774 Thuc. IV. 66, 74.

775 Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. In this aristocratic period the πρόβουλοι

were magistrates of high authority in Megara, Aristoph. Acharn. 755.

776 Diod. XV. 40.

777 περὶ παραπρεσβείας, pp. 435, 436.

778 Above, p. 113, note i. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“very late period,” starting “Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα.”]

779 Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8. 4. p. 319, where indeed the expression is

very indefinite.

780 De Corona, p. 255. and in another decree in Polyb. IV. 52. 4. They

also occur in coins.

781 In Caylus, Recueil, II. pl. 55. in the king’s library at Paris. It

is the same which Corsini F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered as

Delphian. It decrees a crown to a Ἁγεμὼν βουλὰς, and the eight

persons whose names are subscribed are probably senators.

782 Vol. I. p. 250, note l.

783 See, besides other writers, Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 304.—Of

the hieromnemons Letronne has treated at full length, Mém. de

l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. VI. p. 221, but without remarking

that, besides Delphi, they are peculiar to Megara and its colonies,

784 At least if Dineus (Dinæus) was king, see book I. ch. 6. § 9; this

Dineus is, however, called by Hesychius Milesius, § 20, only general

of the Byzantians, and τοπάρχης of Chalcedon. He appears,

nevertheless, to be an historical personage. Concerning the

bondslaves, see above, ch. 4, § 5.

785 According to Hesychius Milesius, Λέων τις τῶν Βυζαντίων

ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐδέξατο.

786 Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. What the Thirty in Diodorus XIV. 12. are, whom

Clearchus put to death after the magistrates, we are entirely

ignorant, since the right explanation or emendation of the word

Βοιωτοὺς is still a desideratum.

787 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.

788 Theopompus ap. Athen. XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon. 23. ap. Phot.

Biblioth. p. 724.

789 Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. The transit duties levied at the

Bosporus are well known, Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 40.

790 A decree of the senate before it had received the sanction of the

people was also called ῥήτρα in Sparta; see above, ch. 5. § 8.

791 It occurs on coins. See Heyne Comment. rec. Gotting. vol. I. p. 8.

792 Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup.

793 Chandler. Inscript. App. 12. p. 94.

794 Æneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad calc. Polyb.) οὐσῶν αὐτοῖς τριῶν φυλῶν καὶ

τεττάρων ἑκατοστύων. There must evidently have been more than _four_

hundreds to _three_ tribes, as Casaubon remarks. Perhaps we should

read τεττάρων καὶ εἴκοσι ἑκατοστύων, or with Goettling (Hermes, vol.

XXV. p. 155.) τεττάρων ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἑκατοστύων. Casaubon’s emendation

of τεττάρακοντα for τεττάρων is not admissible, as forty is not

divisible by three without a remainder. The event probably took

place before the 104th Olympiad, 364 B.C.

795 See book I. ch. 6. § 10.

796 See above, ch. 4. § 5.

797 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.

798 This is evident from the context of the passage in Justin. XVI. 4.

799 Compare with Justin Æneas Poliorc. 12.

800 According to Polyænus II. 30. 2. Clearchus caused the whole senate

of 300 to be put to death, which is here represented as a standing

body.

801 Of the Megarian colony _Astypalæa_ have inscriptions in tolerable

preservation, but not until the last times of independence, when the

constitution became similar to that of Athens. An inscription,

already quoted in vol. I. p. 116, note y, begins εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και

τῳ δαμῳ φιλ ... ενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ[τανιων επει]δὴ Αρκεσιλας

Μοιραγενευς αἱ[ρεθεις] αγορανομος επεμεληθη του δαμου μετα πασας

φιλοτιμιας, &c. Another contains συνθῆκαι between the δῆμος τῶν

Ἀστυπαλαιέων and the δῆμος τῶν Ῥωμαίων; in this also we read, εδοξε

τω δημω Ευχωνιδας Ευκλευς επεστατει πρυτανιων [γνωμα]. See Boeckh

Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483, 2485.

802 All this is stated in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 4.

803 Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 3, 11.

804 The former by Hermippus ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 88. and Plutarch, in

Colot. 32. p. 194. The latter by Theodoretus Græc. Aff. IX. 16.

805 Thucyd. V. 84.

806 Above, ch. 6, § 10, and ch. 7, § 1.

807 Τεμένεα in the Homeric sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf. Diod. Exc. 8. vol.

II. p. 551. Wesseling. Τὰ τῶν προγόνων γέρεα in Herodotus, IV. 162.

which Arcesilaus wished to regain, refers to the revenues, as well

as to the privileges of which the kings had been deprived. Compare

Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 154. note.

808 Diod. vol. II. p. 550. Wess.

809 Herod. IV. 165.

810 Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 266.

811 Pyth. IV. 263. according to Boeckh’s explanation.

812 Heracl. Pont. 4.

813 Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 11. says, that the founders of the democracy at

Cyrene established other and more tribes; which statement must be

referred to this time; for that by the τὸν δῆμον καθιστάντες Demonax

is not meant, is evident from the circumstance that this person only

instituted three tribes, and therefore could hardly have increased

their number. See Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, pp. 103-192.

814 See also concerning the contest between a democratic and

aristocratic party in Olymp. 95. I. 400 B.C. Diod. XIV. 34.

815 Plut. Lucull. 2.—Concerning the ephors of Cyrene see above, ch. 7. §

1.

816 Ch. 6. § 10.

817 Concerning these see above, page 52. note f. [Transcriber’s Note:

This is the footnote to “noticed above,” starting “So also ib

Strab.”] From these Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of robbers, called

περίδινοι, proceeded, according to Plato Leg. VI. p. 777. Cf. Athen.

VI. p. 267.

818 Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221.

819 Aristot. Pol. VI. 3. 5. οἱ Ταραντῖνοι, κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα

τοῖς ἀπόροις ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, εὔνουν παρασκευάζουσι τὸ πλῆθος. ἔτι δὲ

τὰς ἀρχὰς πάσας ἐποίησαν διττὰς, τὰς μὲν αἱρετὰς, τὰς δὲ κληρωτάς;

τὰς μὲν κληρωτὰς, ὅπως ὁ δῆμος αυτῶν μετέχῃ, τὰς δ᾽ αἱρετὰς, ἵνα

πολιτεύωνται βέλτιον. These institutions can only be referred to

_this_ period, for the present tense παρασκευάζουσι shows their

existence when the author was writing; ἐποίησαν refers only to the

time of the institution, and the words ἵνα μετέχῃ again prove their

actual existence.—As to the interpretation of the words κοινὰ

ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, it is known that at Rome, when

the _ager publicus_ was divided among the plebeians, it was either

given them by assignation as absolute property (_mancipium_,

_dominium_), in which case it ceased to be _publicus_; or it was

held by _possessiones_, in early times by the patricians, who only

occupied it with an usufructuary right, while the land remained

_publicus_, was not marked out with limits, and could be at any time

reclaimed by the state (See Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. II. p.

363. sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. compare vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.). The

occupation of the public lands of Tarentum was probably allowed to

the poor on similar conditions. As to the δίττας ποιεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς,

Aristotle seems to mean, that if, for example, there had been two

agoranomi, four strategi, &c. they then made _four_ agoranomi,

_eight_ strategi, &c.: of whom two and four were chosen by lot, two

and four by election.

820 Strabo VI. p. 280.

821 Which would also be proved by the Fragment of Archytas concerning

the Spartan constitution (Stobæus Serm. 41. Orelli Opusc. Moral.

vol. II. p. 254.), _if_ it were genuine.

822 Diog. Laërt. VIII. 79. six times, according to Ælian. V. H. VII. 14.

cf. III. 17.

823 Aristoxenus ap. Diog. L. VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Pythag. § 197.

Hesych. Miles. in Vit. Archyt.

824 Strab. p. 280. Demosth. Ἐρωτ. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ. lib 10. p. 28.

Præc. ger. Reip. 28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles. vol.

II. p. 30.

825 Concerning the ἀσέλγεια and ὕβρις of the Tarentines, see

particularly Dionys. Hal. ed. Mai. XVII. 5, 7.—A βουλὴ at Tarentum,

whose προβούλευμα was necessary for a declaration of war, in Livy

VIII. 27. A public assembly deciding concerning peace and war, Diod.

XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13. Cheirotonia of this assembly, Plut., Qu.

Gr. 42. from Theophrastus.

826 See above, p. 88. note l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “and Heraclea,” starting “Ἁλία κατάκλητος.”]

827 See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. and b. II. ch. 12. § 5.

828 Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33. 15. p. 255, 257. Cf. Porph. Pythag. 21. 22.

829 B. II. ch. 3 § 7.

830 Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45. and Dicæarchus ap. Porphyr. 18. who calls

the members γέροντες. Perhaps the σύγκλητος in Diod. XII. 9. is the

same.

831 Valer. Max. VIII. 15. ext. 1.

832 See above, p. 140, note m. [Transcriber’s Note: These is the

footnote to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius

κέρκος.”]

833 Heraclid. Pont. 25.

834 See below, ch. 11. § 6.

835 Jamblich. 35. p. 260.

836 See b. I. ch. 6. § 12.

837 Diog. Laërt. VIII. 3. See Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 254, 261.

Justin. XX. 4.

838 See above, ch. 5. § 4.

839 The elucidation of this fact is without doubt the work of Meiners,

Geschichte der Wissenschaften, vol. III. ch. 3. The reason why

Plato, de Rep. X. p. 600, represents Pythagoras as one who had been

a master of education not in a public but a private capacity, is,

that the Pythagorean discipline and mode of living, the βίος ἐπὶ

στάθμῃ, was only kept up as a private institution, while the public

regulations of Pythagoras had long fallen into oblivion.

840 Apollonius ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 255.

841 Ibid. p. 257. cf. 260.

842 Jambl. 35. p. 262.

843 Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35. p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul. Acad. II. p.

178.

844 II. 41. 5. and _passim_. Pausan. V. 7. 1.

845 Thucyd. V. 80.

846 Hell. VII. 1. 44.

847 See, for example, Plutarch. Philopœmen. 7, 18.

848 Liv. XXIV. 2, 3.

849 B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above, ch. 8. § 3.

850 Above, ch. 6. § 10. From the passage quoted it is seen that even in

Plutarch’s time a βασιλεὺς, in name at least, existed.

851 Above, ch. 8. § 8. [Transcriber’s Note: There is no such section

number in that chapter.]

852 Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705. The Delphian

archons Gylidas and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3. 590 B.C. and 49. 3.

582 B.C. (Argument. Schol. Pind. Pyth.) were, however, perhaps,

prytanes.

853 Ibid. No. 1693.

854 Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq.

855 Αὐστηρὰ καὶ ἀριστοκρατικὴ πολιτεία, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. et Num.

2. According to Plutarch de Monarchia 2. p. 205. the government of

Sparta was an ἀριστοκρατικὴ ὀλιγαρχία καὶ αὐθέκαστος. Isocrates

Nicod. p. 31. D. says of the Lacedæmonians, οἴκοι μὲν

ὀλιγαρχούμενοι, περὶ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον βασιλευόμενοι. Comp. Cragius I.

4.

856 Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A. Crete also was free from tyranny,

according to Plato Leg. IV. p. 711.

857 Isocrates Areopag. p. 152 A. says that the Lacedæmonians were

κάλλιστα πολιτευόμενοι, because they were μάλιστα δημοκρατούμενοι.

Plat. Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6.

4, 5. and compare Cicero de Rep. II. 23. who states that the

_respublica Lacedæmoniorum_ was _mixta_, but not _temperata_; and on

the other side the pretended Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41.

858 The king in the Doric constitution was said to honour the people,

δᾶμον γεραίρειν, Pind. Pyth. I. 61.

859 The Cretan constitution also, according to Plato (ubi sup.), united

every form of government.

860 To this, and not to conquests, the expression of Simonides,

δαμασίμβροτος Σπάρτα, refers, according to Plutarch Agesil. 1.

Compare Polyb. IV. 22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Præc. Ger. Reip. 20, 21.

p. 181, 182. Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the verses of Ion the tragic poet

in Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem p. 69 A. and a Spartan inscription

of late date, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. ἡ πόλις M. Aur.

Ἀφροδείσιον—τῆς ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις Λυκουργείοις ἔθεσιν εὐψυχίας καὶ

πειθαρχίας χάριν.

861 See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29, 30.

862 Compare the Platonic Socrates, Criton. 14. Protag. p. 342 C. Repub.

VIII. p. 544 C. with the Socrates of Xenophon, Mem. III. 5. 15. and

what Antisthenes says in Plut. Lyc. 30.

863 In Leocr. p. 166. 5. The words of Æschines, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοι

(in Timarch. 25. 32.), are merely a ridiculous imitation of Cimon.

864 Polybius IV. 81. 12. also calls the Spartan constitution καλλίστη

πολιτεία.

865 As, for example, the ignorant de Pauw, who was preceded among the

ancients in an attempt to decry Sparta by Polycrates (probably the

orator), Heyne de Spart. Rep. Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 2.

866 Concerning the similarity of Plato’s state, and the Lacedæmonian

government, see Morgenstern de Platon. Rep. p. 305.

867 ῥυάχετος, Lysistrat. 170. Compare the λάβρος στράτος of Pindar

quoted above, p. 9. note y. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the

footnote to “form of government,” starting “Herod. VI. 43.”]

868 Thuc. IV. 22. Compare the excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89.

869 Thuc. I. 77.

870 Above, ch. 2. § 3.

871 Herod. VI. 51. Compare above, ch. 6. § 9.

872 See ch. 4. § 1. concerning the μνοία. Compare the τεμένη δημόσια of

Byzantium in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3.

873 As also in Cyrene. See ch. 9. § 13.

874 Ch. 3. § 6.

875 Ch. 2. § 1.

876 Ch. 3. § 6.

877 Compare the supposed apophthegm of Lycurgus concerning the equal

ricks of corn, Plut. Lyc. 8.

878 See, among others, Timæus ap. Schol. Plat. Phæd. p. 68. Ruhnk. and

ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 10. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaft,

III. 3 Cicero de Rep. IV. (p. 281. Mai.) ap. Non. in v. _proprium_,

p. 689. Gothofr. compares Plato’s _Communitas bonorum_. with the

institution of Lycurgus.

879 Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac. Inst. p.

252.

880 Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10.

881 The apophthegm of Polydorus ap. Plutarch, p. 223. shows that this

king set on foot a κλήρωσις of Messenia.

882 Aristot. Pol. V. 6. 1.

883 This agrees completely with a fact mentioned by Pausan. IV. 18. 2.

that Tyrtæus appeased the internal troubles, which arose from

Messenia having been left uncultivated, on account of the incursions

of the Messenians from Eira.—It was doubtless on this occasion that

the Spartans, who had lots in Messenia, called for a fresh division

of the Spartan territory; and to quiet these complaints Tyrtæus

composed his Eunomia.

884 Plut. Agis 5. καὶ τῶν οἴκων ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥρισε φυλαττόντων ἀριθμὸν

ἐν ταῖς διαδοχαῖς, καὶ πατρὸς παιδὶ τὸν κλῆρον ἀπολιπόντος. See

Heyne ut sup. p. 15.

885 The difficulties have been well perceived by Friederich von Raumer,

Vorlesungen über alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236.

886 Thus Herodotus VI. 86. says of Glaucus the Spartan, οὔτε τι

ἀπόγονον, οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομίων εἶναι Γλαύκον.

887 Herod. VII. 205. Compare Diod. XV. 64. also Thucyd. V. 64.

888 Heraclid. Pont. 2. πωλεῖν δὲ γῆν Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰσχρὸν νενόμισται

(cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6. 10), τῆς ἀρχαίας μοίρας ἀνανέμεσθαι οὐδὲν

ἔξεστι. Cf. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.

889 This is quoted as a Laconian law by Proclus ad Hes. Op. 374. p. 198.

Gaisford.

890 Younger brothers, however, inherited immediately, if the elder died

without lawful issue, Plutarch. Ages. 4.

891 Pollux I. 8. 75. X. 3. 20. with Hemsterhuis’ note. Concerning the

words derived from πάω, see Valckenær. ad Ammon. 3, 7.

892 The members of a family might be said to eat together, to be

ὁμόκαποι, notwithstanding the institution of the syssitia, for the

public tables did not furnish _all_ the food. Ὁμόκαπνοι (the reading

of the best MS.) comes to the same thing; as the fire of the hearth

was used by the Greeks more for cooking than for warmth; and in the

summer for the former exclusively.

893 Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6.

894 Hesychius, παῶται: συγγενεῖς, οἰκεῖοι.

895 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21.

896 The μικρὰ ἔχοντες in Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 7. 4. must be those who

possess no κλῆρος of their own, like the μικρὰν οὐσίαν κεκτημένοι in

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 10.

897 Lycurg. 16.

898 When a family was entirely extinct, probably they passed to that

next in order in the τριακάς.

899 Mai Nov. Collect. Vet. Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384.

900 Below, § 4. near the end.

901 See Deuteron. xxv. 5-10. Michaëlis on the Laws of Moses, vol. II. p.

21-33. Engl. translation.

902 Plutarch Agis 5.

903 This circumstance is otherwise understood by Manso, vol. I. 2. p.

133. Tittmann, p. 660. Göttling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467. endeavours to

exculpate Aristotle from this charge by supposing that under the

word νομοθέτης he also comprises the later innovators of the

constitution; but the author nowhere shows that he had any knowledge

of these changes: otherwise he could not have stated that the

destructive law of Epitadeus (for such in fact it was, which διδόναι

καὶ καταλείπειν ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκε τοῖς βουλομένοις) was a part of the

original constitution, as well as the corresponding laws respecting

sacrifices.

904 This also occurs in later times, Plut. Agis 13. Ætian. V. H. XIV.

44.

905 II. 6. 10. To give away χρήματα or κειμήλια, was also permitted in

early time, Herod. VI. 62. Plut. Ages. 4.

906 See Clinton, F. H. vol. II. p. 383. ed. 2.

907 Ἀτελῆ πάντων, _e.g._, of the contribution to the syssitia, Aristot.

Pol. II. 6. 13. Ælian (V. II. VI. 6.) mentions five instead of four.

Manso (I. 1. p. 128.) remarks that the law can hardly have proceeded

from Lycurgus.

908 See below, ch. 12. § 2.

909 Pol. II. 6. 11.

910 Plut. Ag. 5. According to Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the time of

Cleomenes there were only _mille et quingenti Lacedæmonii, qui arma

ferre possent_.

911 These only are called by Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.) Σπαρτιᾶται, as

is plain from the words; ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις Σπαρτιατῶν τύχοιεν

ὄντες, ἔνα μὲν πολέμιον τὸν δεσπότην.

912 Plut. Agis 5.

913 Dionys. Byz. de Bosp. Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also Varro de Ling. Lat.

V. (IV.) 36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the Sicilian Greeks (who were

chiefly Dorians) used δωτίνη for _dowry_.

914 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin. III. 3.

Compare the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in ἀγρετήματα.

915 Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth. p. 229. Ælian. V. H. VI. 4. With regard

to the story of Lysander’s daughters, it should be remarked, that

the suitors could not have been deceived as to whether they

possessed landed property or not; but they thought that the father

had large personal property, and that this would be divided among

them.—Lysander also left male issue, as appears from Paus. III. 6.

41. of whom one was named Libys, in memory of the proxenia of

Lysander with the Ammonians. The name could hardly have been

transmitted through Lysander’s daughters, since it is certain that

they were not heiresses.

916 See Polit. II. 6. 10. In Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich sister of a

poor and distressed brother occurs. See also Plutarch Cleomen. I.

concerning the wealth of the women in Sparta. But the rich wife of

Archidamus II. (Athen. XIII. p. 566 D.), Eupolia, the daughter of

Melesippidas, must have been an heiress.

917 Compare Bunsen De Jure Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18.

918 Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9.

919 See, besides Bunsen, Platner, Beiträge, p. 117. sqq. Sluiter Lect.

Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq.

920 Diod. XII. 18. Heyne Opusc. Acad. II. p. 119.

921 This is evident from the Supplices of Æschylus, particularly v. 382.

εἴ τοι κρατοῦσι παῖδες Αἰγύπτου σέθεν,

νόμῳ πόλεως φάσκοντες ἐγγύτατα γένους

εἶναι, τίς ἄν τοῖσδ᾽ ἀντιωθῆναι θέλοι;

922 Isæus de Pyrrhi Hered. p. 54.—The Jewish law was strikingly similar.

See Numbers xxvii. 1-11. The daughters had the inheritance of their

father, but they were not permitted to marry out of the family; the

nearest relation had the first claim, to her, if he relinquished it,

the next followed, and so on, Ruth iv.

923 See the law in Demosth. in Steph. p. 1134. 15. which I interpret

thus: “Whatever woman is betrothed by her father, her brother by the

same father, or her paternal grandfather, is a legitimate wife: if

neither of these is living, and the woman is an heiress, she shall

marry the nearest relation, the κύριος; but if she is not an heiress

(_e.g._, if there are grandsons of the deceased alive), that

relation shall give her in marriage to whom he pleases”—besides

which it is his duty to portion her according to his valuation. The

laws of Charondas also compelled the relation to marry the heiress,

and to endow her if poor, Diod. XII. 18.

924 Plutarch Solon 20.

925 Thus Leonidas married Gorgo, the heiress of Cleomenes, as being her

nearest relation (ἀγχιστεύς). It was however a common practice in

Sparta to marry in the οἶκος. Thus Archidamus married his aunt

Lampito, Herod. VI. 71; thus Anaxandridas married his sister’s

daughter, V. 39. Thus the wife of Cleomenes (Plut. Pyrrh. 26.) was

of the same family as her husband; and so with regard to the wife of

Archidamus V. Polyb. IV. 35. 15. Plut. Ag. 6.

926 Herod. VI. 57.

927 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 11. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 131.

928 See Demosth. in Macart. p. 1077. Compare Platner, Beiträge, p. 139.

929 Herod. V. 39. VI. 61.

930 Xen. Rap. Lac. I. 7-9. From Xenophon Plut. Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 3.

931 The ἐπεύνακτοι mentioned above in ch. 3. § 5.

932 Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 1. In this passage it appears to me that the

context requires πρῶτον, not πρῶτος. “By some the division of

property has been considered a point of first importance in

legislation; for which reason the first laws which Phaleas

promulgated were on this subject.”

933 Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

934 Aristot. Pol. VI. 2. 5.

935 Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

936 Ch. 9. § 6.

937 Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 7.

938 Orchomenos, p. 407, 408. where, however, Aristot. Rhet. II. 23. is

incorrectly applied (the passage refers to Epaminondas).

939 Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 7. With regard to the νόμοι θετικοὶ of

Philolaus, I also remark, that the οὐχ ὑπὲρ τὴν οὐσίαν ποιεῖσθαι

τοὺς παῖδας is often recommended among the Greeks. See Plato de Rep.

II. p. 372. with Hesiod Op. et Di. 374. This is the “_liberorum

numerum finire_” of Tacitus, German. 19.

940 Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. where ἀνομάλωσις appears to signify a

_fresh_ equalization, as ἀναδασμὸς signifies a _fresh_ division.

Göttling writes Φαλέου for Φιλολάου: concerning which it is

difficult to decide, as the passage is evidently much mutilated.

941 Strab. VII. p. 315.

942 VI. 46. 1.

943 This, however, does not disagree with the accurate separation of the

rulers and the countrymen, which still existed in the time of

Aristotle, Pol. VII. 9. 1.

944 Strabo X. p. 482.

945 Od. XIV. 206.

946 Pol. II. 6. 21. II. 7. 4.

947 Κατὰ κεφαλὴν, Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

948 Eight chöeis, according to Plutarch. Lyc. 12.

949 According to Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnk.

950 Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 B.

951 See Æginetica, p. 90. For this reason Plutarch ubi sup. mentions

_one_ medimnus.

952 See the Scholia quoted in note l. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the

footnote to “dates,” starting “According to Schol.”]

953 Herod. VI. 57.

954 See Sphærus (the Borysthenite and Stoic, who had seen Sparta before

the time of Cleomenes, Plutarch. Cleomen. 2.) Λακ. πολ. ap. Athen.

IV. p. 141 B. Molpis, p. 141 D. cf. XIV. p. 664 E. Nicocles the

Laconian, IV. p. 140 E. Perseus Λακ. πολ. ibid. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 3.

955 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. ἐκ κοινοῦ (_i.e._ from the public revenue)

τρέφεσθαι πάντας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρας.

956 According to the Κρητικὸς νομος in Plat. Leg. VIII. p. 847.

957 Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

958 Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 B. ἕκαστος τῶν γενομένων καρπῶν

ἀναφέρει τὴν δεκάτην εἰς τὴν ἑταιρίαν. Every one (ἕκαστος) was

therefore a member of an ἑταιρία, a company of persons who always

ate together, which consisted of citizens; consequently he is

speaking of citizens, and not of the Periœci, and therefore agrees

with the passage just quoted from Aristotle. The διανέμειν εἰς τοὺς

ἑκάστων οἴκους must have preceded the ἀναφέρειν, and the οἶκοι are

manifestly the citizens’ families included in the companies.

959 See Boeckh’s Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p 462. Engl. transl.

960 See above, ch 4. § 1.

961 In that case, Plutarch in the 12th, as well as in the 8th chapter of

the Life of Lycurgus, means Æginetan medimni; and both passages were

probably taken from some Lacedæmonian writer, such as Nicocles,

Hippasus, Sosibius, or Aristocrates.

962 See above, ch. 7. § 3.

963 Polyb. VI. 49. 8. ἡ τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν ἀλλαγὴ πρὸς τὰ λείποντα τῆς

χρείας—κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν. The case was probably the same

among the Locrians of Italy. Heracl. Pont. 29. καπηλεῖον οὐκ ἔστι

μεταβολικὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ γεωργὸς πωλεῖ τὰ ἴδια.

964 Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. I. 6.

965 Ibid. ad fin. Compare Schneider ad Anon. Œcon. Præf. p. 16.

966 See the passages quoted above, p. 201. note q. [Transcriber’s Note:

There is no such footnote on that page.]

967 The leathern money is probably a mere fable; Nicolaus Damascenus,

Senec. de Benef. V. 14. Boeckh’s Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 389.

Engl. transl. Concerning the money of Sparta, see Oudinet in the

Mémoires de l’Académie des Belles Lettres. tom. I. p. 227.

968 Plut. Lyc. 9. Lysand. 17. Comp. Arist. et Cat. 3. Pollux IX. 6. 79.

Pseud-Æschin. Eryx. 100. and see Fischer ad c. 24.

969 Plut. Lys. 17. Compare Pollux VII. 105.

970 Hesych. in πέλανορ. The Scholia ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 488.

incorrectly explain πελάνου βάρος to be the weight of an obolus.

971 Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 220. τὸ σιδηροῦν ὅ ἐστι μνᾶ ὁλκῇ

Αἰγιναία, δυνάμει δὲ χαλκοὶ τέτταρες.

972 Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 5. Plut. Lyc. 9.

973 Ephoras and Theopompus ap. Plut. Lys. 17. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 6.

χρυσίον γε μὴν καὶ ἀργύριον ἐρευνᾶται καὶ ἤν τί που φανῇ, ὁ ἔχων

ζημιοῦται. Comp. Nicolaus Damascenus, and Ælian. V. II. XIV. 29.

974 Δημοσίᾳ μὲν ἔδοξεν εἰσάγεσθαι νόμισμα τοιοῦτον, ἢν δέ τισ ἁλῷ

κεκτημένος ἰδίᾳ, ζημίαν ὤρισαν θανάτου. Cf. Polyb. VI. 49. 8.

975 Plutarch. Lys. 18. Comp. Herod. I. 51. Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p.

235 F. I do not mention the Thesaurus of Brasidas (Plut. Lys. 18.),

because this general dedicated it, together with the inhabitants of

Acanthus in Thrace, and moreover from Athenian plunder (Olymp. 89.

1.). See Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 14. p. 269. 15. p. 271. Lysand. I.

976 Above ch. 2. § 3.

977 Herod. I. 69. See book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 17. The story in

Herodotus III. 56. we will not make use of, since Herodotus himself

rejects it.

978 King Areus appears to have been the first who coined silver money,

and he imitated without exception the method employed by the kings

of Macedon, Eckhel. D. N. 1. 2. p. 278. 281.

979 Thus far Boeckh has carried the investigation, Public Economy of

Athens, vol. II. p. 385 sq. Engl. transl. Compare vol. I. p. 43.

Heeren, Ideen, vol. III. part 1. p. 294. ed. 2.

980 The latter however accords better with the _Byzantine_ σιδάρεοι,

which were tokens, than with the Lacadæmonian coins, which were

really worth what they passed for.

981 See above, ch. 2. § 3. and concerning the corn trade down to

Corinth, b. I. ch. 4. § 7.

982 The Epidamnians also, who retained much of ancient customs, paid

great attention to the intercourse with foreigners. They held once

in each year, under the superintendence of a πωλητὴς, a great public

market with the neighbouring Illyrians, Plutarch. Qu. Græc. 29. p.

393.

983 Herod. IX. 81.

984 See above ch. 6. § 9. and Plut. Pericl. 22. Schol. Aristoph. Nub.

855. from Ephorus.

985 Proofs of wealth, if not of the possession of money, are the

ἱπποτροφία, and the maintenance of race-horses for the Olympic

games. King Demaratus had conquered in the chariot-race (ἅρματι),

and allowed Sparta to be proclaimed conqueror. Herod. VI. 70. The

horses of Euagoras had won three times at the Olympic games. Herod.

VI. 103. before the 66th Olympiad, according to Pausan. VI. 10. 2.

According to Pausanias VI. 2. 1. the Lacedæmonians incurred great

expenses for horses after the Persian war; he mentions Xenarges,

Lycinus, Arcesilaus, and his son Lichas, as conquerors, and cap. 1.

Anaxander and Polycles. Concerning the female victors, see b. IV.

ch. 2. § 2.

986 V. 59.

987 Plut. Agis 13.

988 Herod. VI. 70. καὶ ἐπόδια λαβὼν ἐπορεύετο ἐς Ἦλιν.

989 Which Plato Alcib. I. (cf. Hipp. Maj. p. 283 D.) says of earlier

times. Compare Bitaubé sur les Richesses de Sparte, Mémoires de

Berlin, tom. XII. p. 559. Manso, Sparta, II. p. 372. Boeckh, Public

Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 43. Engl. tr.

990 See above, p. 204. note z. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “moveable property,” starting “Plut. Lysand. 30.”]

991 Anaxandridas (περὶ τῶν ἐν Δελφοῖς συληθέντων χρημάτων) ap. Plut.

Lys. 18.

992 Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 233 F.

993 He had been bribed by Pericles as being the adviser of Pleistonax.

See Plut. Pericl. 22. Nic. 28. de Educ. Puer. 14. Timæus ap. Plut.

Compar. Timol. 2. Ephorus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 855. Diodorus

XIII. 106. calls him Clearchus. He was afterwards banished, and went

to Thurii (Thuc. VI. 104. see Wesseling ad Diod. XII. 23.), fought

with the inhabitants of that town, against the Tarentines, but

afterwards had a share in the foundation of their colony Heraclea.

See B. I. ch. 6. § 12. Polyænus II. 10. 1. 2. 4. 5. relates several

martial exploits of this Cleandridas, in the wars which he waged

with the Thurians against Terina and the Lucanians. Niebuhr, in the

3rd vol. of his Roman history, considers the Cleandridas, who took a

part in the foundation of Heraclea, as the same person as Leandrias

the Spartan, who, according to Diod. XV. 54, fought at Leuctra on

the side of the Thebans. This supposition, however, cannot be

reconciled with the chronological succession of the events; since

the battle of Leuctra was 75 years later than the colony of Thurii.

The political contrivances, which Cleandridas, according to Polyæn.

II. 10. 3, practised against Tegea, must fall in the war between

Sparta and Arcadia, which ended in Olymp. 81.

994 Plut. Pelop. 6. 13, &c.

995 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. πυνθανομένου τινὸς διὰ τί χοήματα οὐ

συνάγουσιν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.

996 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 23. εἰσφέρουσι κακῶς. The most opulent were

bound to provide horses for military service (Xen. Hell. VI. 4.

11.), which burden was in Corinth, according to an ancient usage,

imposed upon the families of orphans and heiresses (Cic. de Rep. II.

20. and compare Niebuhr’s Roman History, vol. I. p. 408. ed. 2.);

not so unfairly as at first sight it appears, since these did not

furnish any armed man, and would therefore have an advantage, if

their concerns were honestly managed.

997 See above, p. 203. note p [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “from all taxes,” starting “Ἀτελῆ πάντων.”] and concerning the

family of Anticrates, Plut. Ages. 35.

998 Plut. Ag. 16.

999 Above, ch. 10. § 3.

1000 Thucyd. I. 80. χρήματα οὔτε ἐν κοινῷ ἔχομεν οὔτε ἑτοίμως ἐκ τῶν

ἰδίων φέρομεν. Aristot. ubi sup.

1001 B. I. ch. 9. § 2.

1002 Thucyd. I. 120.

1003 The Arcadian commerce of Ægina (Æginetica, p. 74.) was the basis of

its other trade.

1004 Concerning Ægina, see Æginetica, p. 79. Megara manufactured ἐξώμιδες

in particular, Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. III. 7. 6. Compare Aristoph.

Acharn. 519.

1005 Heraclid. Pont. 5. Concerning the trade of Corinth, see above, p.

24. note a. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “value upon

it,” starting “Plutarch, Lyc. 4.”]

1006 Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. Suidas in Κυψ. ἀνάθημα. See also vol. I.

p. 184. note p. and Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen. Anab. p. 473. The

tithe paid by the Syracusans for the building of temples was

something extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV. 20. from Demon.

1007 Æginetica, p. 89. According to Lucian περὶ πένθους 10. the Æginetan

obolus was in his time still in circulation, as also among the

Achæans, according to Hesychius in παχείᾳ (Æginetica, p. 90.);

nevertheless, ever after the foundation of Megalopolis and Messene

in Peloponnesus, the Athenian standard seems to have prevailed.

1008 I am unwilling to make use of Romé de l’Isle’s valuations of Greek

coins, as in his _Métrologie_ he shows such a complete want of

historical talent and knowledge. It is at once evident that his 14

different kinds of drachmas are a mere absurdity; the very first of

60 grains, which he calls _drachme d’Ægium ou du Péloponnèse_, is

nothing more than a half Æginetan drachma, which should properly,

according to the ratio to the Attic drachma (of 82 grains), contain

137 grains, but they are generally much rubbed on account of their

great antiquity. To these belong the ancient χελῶναι, the coins with

the Bœotian shield in the early style, the Corinthian coins with the

Coppa and Pegasus, also the early Thessalian coins, more especially

those found in Thrace, and generally marked _Lete_; together with

those of the Macedonian kings prior to Philip. To the _drachme

d’Egine_ he only assigns three coins.

1009 Followed by Pollux IV. 24. 173. IX. 6. 80. The names frequently

occurred in Sophron and Epicharmus as coins and weights, as may be

seen from Pollux; cf. Phot, in λίτρα et ὀγκία.

1010 I am of opinion, in opposition to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419, that the

testimony of Pollux must be followed. In Hesychius also in v.

τριᾶντος πόρνη, a τριᾶς is reckoned equal to 20 λεπτά; now the ὀγκία

is generally made equal to the χαλκοῦς Ἀττικὸς (Aristot. ap. Poll.),

and a τριᾶς is in that case equal to 21 λεπτὰ, which Hesychius gives

in round numbers. Diodorus’ estimate of the πεντηκοντάλιτρον at 10

drachmas, which is otherwise very inexact, is explained by Boeckh,

Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 37. from the different prices of gold

in Attica and Sicily.

1011 Since copper was the basis of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus (but

not an Athenian or Peloponnesian) could say χαλκὸν ὀφείλειν, _æs

alienum habere_, Pollux IX. 6. 92.

1012 That νόμος, not νοῦμμος, is the proper Greek form, is shown by

Blomfield ad Sophronis Fragm. Classical Journal vol. V. p. 384. (See

also Knight, Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.)

1013 Aristot. in Acragant. Polit. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. Æginetica, p. 9.

Bentley, from not taking this statement as his foundation, has given

a false direction to his inquiries.

1014 According to Romé de l’Isle, p. 40.

1015 According to Romé de l’Isle, 23-1/3; but see p. 223. note a.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “adapted to it,”

starting “I am unwilling.”]

1016 See the author’s Etrusker, vol. I. p. 309-329.

1017 Which is Boeckh’s opinion, Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 21.

Engl. tr.

1018 Ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80.

1019 As Bentley supposes, ibid. p. 410.

1020 See Aristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 87. Apollodorus ἐν τοῖς περὶ Σώφρονος

ap. Schol. Min. et Venet. ad Il. V. 516. and Schol. Gregor. Nazianz.

in Montfauc. Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to the correction of

ΝΟΜΩΝ for ΜΝΩΝ, also Suidas in τάλαντον according to Scaliger,

likewise Bentley p. 409. The Venetian Scholia on Il. XXIII. 269.

mention several other talents, but without specifying the places

where they were current.

1021 Aristotle, as well as Apollodorus, states in the passages just

quoted, that the νόμος was equal to τρία ἡμιωβόλια, which, according

to the probable supposition of Salmasius and Gronovius, is a mistake

for τρίτον ἡμιωβόλιον.

1022 These reasons are, 1st, that the coins with the figure of Taras

generally weigh 72 and 140-155 grains, and therefore they are

manifestly not sesterces, but rather quinarii and denarii, as

determined by the depreciated litra; which would therefore have been

about equal to an Attic obolus. 2dly, that the great Inscription of

Tauromenium in D’Orville and Castello without exception contains

talents of 120 litras (according to which the νόμος would have been

again equal to 5 or 10 litras), as may be seen at once from an item

in the account: “ἔσοδος 56,404 _talents_, 88 _litras_, ἔξοδος 30,452

_talents_, 42 _litras_, λοιπόν 4935 _talents_, 112 _litras_, and

χρήματα δανειζόμενα 20,016 _talents_, 54 _litras_ (χίλια should be

supplied),” therefore 56,404 talents 88 litras, are equal to 56,403

talents 208 litras, _i.e._, 1 talent, 88 litras. The well-known

Epigram of Simonides, on the tripod of Gelon, also contains talents

of more than 100 litras (fragm. 42. Gaisford.).

1023 Strab. VI. p. 398.

1024 Zenob. Prov. V. 4.

1025 Above, ch. 6. § 3, 7. ch. 7. § 3, 4.

1026 As is also proposed by Plato Leg. VI. p. 767.

1027 According to Plutarch de Socrat. Dæm. 33. p. 365. the _gerontes_

fined Lysanoridas (see above, ch. 10. § 11.), but it was probably

the supreme court of public magistrates.

1028 See above, ch. 5. § 8. p. 104. note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is

the footnote to “carefully distinguished,” starting “It is a δίκη.”]

1029 Plut. Ages. 30.

1030 See above, ch. 9. § 1. 7. 10. But in Crete, and perhaps in Ægina

(Æginetica, p. 133.), there were similar _oligarchical_

institutions.

1031 Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 200.—Of the courts of justice at Argos,

we only know of that upon the Pron (Dinias ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest.

869, from which Scholia it is also seen, that the place of the

public assembly, ἁλιδίας, whence ἡλιαία, was in the neighbourhood;

see above, ch. 5. § 9.), which was perhaps similar to the Aeropagus

of Athens, together with the court ἐν Χαράδρῳ without the city,

before which generals after their return were arraigned (Thuc. V.

60.).

1032 Thuc. I. 132.

1033 Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This may be compared with the Cumæan law,

that the neighbours of a person who had been robbed should replace

the stolen property (Heraclid. Pont. II. comp. Hesiod. Op. et Di.

348. and see strabo. XIII. p. 622.). Yet Ephorus (ap. Steph. in

βοιωτία) praises the νόμων εὐταξία of his countrymen.

1034 Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948.

1035 Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8.

1036 Ἐξηγητὴς τῶν Λυκουργείων, in a late inscription, Boeckh No. 1364.

1037 See above, ch. 9. § 7. and Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 111.

1038 Meier de bonis damnatis, præf. p. 7.

1039 Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp. Heyne Opuscula II. p. 37.

1040 Ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 E. 141 A.

1041 Above, ch. 10. § 11. See Meier p. 198.

1042 For example Thimbron, as appears from Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8.

1043 Concerning the account in Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above, p. 123.

note t [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “I even doubt,”

starting “Plutarch. Erot. 5.”] comp. Meier p. 199.

1044 According to Polyænus II. 21. defendants were heard in chains at

Sparta, a statement which is not true in a general sense.

1045 Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134 B sqq.

1046 Concerning the ἀτιμία of this person, see Herod. VII. 231. Plut.

Ages. 30. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by the κακὸς chiefly means

the τρέσας. According to Tzetzes Chil. XII. 386. ῥιψάσπιδες were put

to death. The assertion of Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 166. 13. that in

Sparta all persons μὴ θέλοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος κινδυνεύειν might

be executed, is ambiguous, since the law to which he refers is lost.

1047 Thuc. V. 34.

1048 Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 139; Heyne, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 94.

1049 Diod. XII. 12.

1050 Plut. Ag. II. The meaning of Ælian V. H. III. 12. probably is, that

a person convicted of the offence in question would be punished with

death, if he did not voluntarily quit the country. (See B. IV. ch.

4. § 8.) Aristotle, Pol. IV. 8., indeed says, that the Spartan

constitution was oligarchical, because a few persons had, as judges,

the power of inflicting _death_ or _banishment_; yet in this passage

also banishment may be considered as a means of escaping from the

penalty of death before the final passing of the sentence; for

Aristotle’s only purpose is to show that the decision of a few

persons could deprive a citizen of life, or force him to quit the

country. Concerning the power of the ephors to banish, see above,

ch. 7. § 4.

1051 For example, the boy in Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25.

1052 The polemarchs, who, according to Thucyd. V. 72, fled on account of

disobedience in battle, and cowardice (δόξαντες μαλακισθῆναι),

probably saved themselves from _death_: comp. Plut. Pericl. 22.

Moreover, Clearchus, the leader of the mercenaries under Cyrus the

Younger, was only an exile in this manner. He had been disobedient

to the ephors at a military post, and on that account condemned to

death. See Xenoph. Anab. I. 1. 9. II. 6. 4.

1053 Herod. VII. 213.

1054 Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth the name of the public prison was Κῶς,

Steph. Byz.

1055 Herod. IV. 146. Valer. Max. VI. 6.

1056 Plat. Phæd. 116. Olympiodorus ad loc.

1057 Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The prohibition at Rhodes, that the δημόσιος should

not enter the city, rests on a similar principle, Dio Chrysost. Or.

31. p. 632 Reisk. See Wessel. ad. Diod. I. p. 624. Aristid. II. 44.

5.

1058 P. 120 (171 Bekker.).

1059 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. See Thuc. I. 132.

1060 In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65. ed. Bekker.)

1061 Heracl. Pont. 7. Miscell. Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392. _de Tenedia

securi_. Compare Meineke ad Menand. p. 70. See also the story in

Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales. (Comp. book II. ch. 2. § 3.)

and the account of the punishment of the μοιχὸς at Gortyna in Ælian.

V. H. XII. 12. Also the strange account of a Cretan festival in

Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 13. proves that rape was in that island

once punished by decapitation. The very strict sumptuary and

disciplinarian laws of _Ceos_ were, in my opinion, of Cretan origin,

and certainly not of Ionic. See Æginetica, p. 132., and Jacobs ad

Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p. 449. Meineke ad Menand. Fragm. 135. p.

237. The existence of Cretan institutions in the islands of the

Ægæan is made probable by the report that Rhadamanthus was

legislator of the islanders, Apollod. III. 1, 2.

1062 Ælian. V. H. XIII. 24. Valer. Max. V. 5. 3.

1063 See Book IV. ch. 4. § 3. and compare the degrading punishments for

adultery at Cume, Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. p. 378. and at Lepreum, Heracl.

Pont. 14. The account of the punishment for adultery at Tenedos may

indeed be a mere fiction, in order to explain the symbol on the

Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall in the Philological Museum, vol. I. p.

118); yet the parallel cases in the text give it a certain degree of

credibility. The axe in the hands of the Apollo of Tenedos (B. II.

ch. 8. § 17) appears likewise to be not so much a weapon as an

instrument of punishment.

1064 See book II. ch. 8. § 5.

1065 Leg. IX. p. 865. The Scholiast also quotes an oracle (p. 235 Ruhnk.

p. 454 Bekk.), which however Plato cannot allude to in particular.

1066 Book II. ch. 1. § 8.

1067 Herod. II. 134. Plut. de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244.

1068 τὰ περὶ τὰς δίκας, Plato de Leg. I. p. 625.

1069 See Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 5. 3.

1070 Strabo VI. p. 397 D. Scymnus v. 313. Both follow Ephorus.

1071 Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 46. The descent from the latter is

also confirmed by the tradition concerning the expiatory virgins for

the crime of Ajax the son of Oileus. See Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos,

p. 167.

1072 From these was derived the Minerva, together with Pegasus (this

goddess is also said to have given the laws to Zaleucus, see

particularly Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the Proserpine

upon their coins; see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Corcyræan colony is very

doubtful; see Heyne, p. 52.

1073 Aristot. Pol. V. 6, 7.

1074 See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et sup. Heyne p. 53. Boeckh. ad Pind. Olymp.

IX. 15. That the family of Ajax was one of them may be seen by

comparing Servius ad Æn. I. 41. with Polybius.

1075 Polyb. XII. 16. Concerning the courts of justice, see Diod. XII. 20.

Stobæus Serm. 42. p. 240.

1076 According to Eusebius. Comp. Bentley’s Phalaris, p. 340.

1077 Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260. Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed Marx.

1078 Olymp. X. 17.

1079 Timæus, p. 20.

1080 Ap. Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280.

1081 See above, §. 4. The same law (_pœnaque mors posita est patriam

mutare volenti_) is mentioned by Ovid Metam. XV. 29. in the story of

the founding of Croton; the place appears from v. 19. to be Argos,

but perhaps only by a misunderstanding; originally I believe it was

Sparta.

1082 Heyne p. 30.

1083 Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138. Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII.—X. 14. 2.

1084 Above, ch. 10. § 5.

1085 For example, the prohibition to drink pure wine, Ælian. V. H. II.

37. See book II. ch. 12. § 5.

1086 Stobæus _ubi sup_. See above, ch. 7. § 8. 11. Cic. de Leg. III. 20.

_Græci hoc diligentius_ (quam Romani), _apud quos Nomophylaces

creantur, neque hi solum litteras—sed etiam facta hominum

observabant ad legesque revocabant._ The same is stated by Columella

de Re Rust. XII. 3.

1087 See above, § 1, 3.

1088 This is the only way in which Cic. de Leg. II. 6. can be understood.

1089 See above, p. 15. note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “Pythian god,” starting “Xenoph. Rep. Laced.”]

1090 Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut. Pelop. 23.

1091 See, besides, Plutarch, Polyæn. II. 1. 7.

1092 B. I. ch. 4. § 9.

1093 Οἱ ὲν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, Polyb. IV. 22. 8.

1094 Agesilaus, when sixty-two years old, according to Xenophon’s

computation, was no longer ἔμφρουρος, Hell. V. 4. 13. Plut. Ages.

24.

1095 Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. (quoted by Harpocration in v. καὶ γὰρ τὸ),

where μάχιμος is evidently put for ἔμφρουρος. Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac.

5. 7.

1096 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.

1097 Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. See above, p. 126. note x. [Transcriber’s

Note: This is the footnote to “number of men,” starting

“Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη.”]

1098 On this point see Petit. Leg. Att. VIII. 1. p. 548; but the subject

has been treated far better by Boeckh in a programm of the Berlin

university for 1819.

1099 It was probably impossible to assemble the Periœci on a sudden

summons of the army.

1100 βοηθία τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων γίγνεται αυτῶν τε καὶ τῶν εἱλώτων πανδημεὶ,

Thuc. V. 64.

1101 Thuc. V. 68.

1102 Herod. IX. 10.

1103 Thuc. IV. 55.

1104 The Brasideans (emancipated Helots) and Neodamodes (see c. 67.)

appear to have not been included in the seven λόχοι; and in c. 68

they are understood together with the Sciritæ. In Schol. Aristoph.

Lys. 454. writes, ὁ δὲ Θουκυδίδης ζ᾽ φησὶ χωρὶς τῶν ΣΚΙΡΙΤΩΝ.

1105 Τὸ πολιτικὸν, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 25.

1106 Ibid. IV. 2. 12.

1107 Rep. Lac. 11. 4.

_ 1108 Enomotia quarta decuriæ_ (λόχου) _pars_, Ælian. Tact. 5.

1109 Suidas, Timæus, Etym. Magn.

1110 This was also the case with the rearguard of the 10,000.

1111 Three times twelve, according to Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.

1112 Hell. IV. 5. 11, 12.

1113 See Plutarch. Pelop. 16. from Ephorus, Diod. XV. 32.

1114 See the passages quoted by Cragius IV. 4. and add Etym. M. p. 590.

33. (where Martini Prol. de Spartiat. Mora. Ratisbonæ 1771. corrects

900 for 30), Biblioth. Coisl. p. 505. and Bekk Anecd. I. p. 209.

Comp. Sturz Lex. Xen. in v. μόρα.

1115 τάξις τις διὰ σφαγίων ἐνώμοτος, Hesychius.

1116 Like _one_ στίχος or _versus_, Ælian. Tact. 5.

1117 Thuc. IV. 93.

1118 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.

1119 Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 4. διὰ παρεγγυήσεως καθίστανται τοτὲ μὲν εἰς

ἐνωμοτίας, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς τρεῖς, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς ἓξ, _i.e._ the enomoty was

sometimes one, sometimes three, sometimes six men _in width_, as is

evident from Hell. VI. 4. 12. In Hell. III. 2. 16. the enomoty is

eight men wide, contrary to the usual custom. The single division of

a lochus, in the common acceptation of the word, was also called

λόχος, which, according to Schol. Arist. Acharn. 1073. Ælian. Tact.

4. Suidas, Tzetz. Chil. XII. 523, contained eight, or twelve, or

sixteen men, that is, if the enomoty formed two, three, or four

στίχοι. The τάξις, according to Ælian 9, contained eight lochi, or

128 men; in that case the enomoty had four στίχοι. Compare Sturz

Lex. Xen. in λόχος, Perizon. ad Ælian. V. H. II. 44. D’Orville ad

Chariton. p. 455.

1120 Isocrat. Archid. p. 136. C. Comp. B. 1. ch. 9. § 9.

1121 Xen. Anab. IV. 2. 11. IV. 3. 17. IV. 8. 10. Comp. Ælian, Suidas in

ὀρθία, Sturz in ὄρθιος, in whose opinion the whole lochus formed

_one_ file.

1122 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 8. cf. Anab. IV. 3. 26.

1123 See Hell. VII. 5. 22.

1124 Rep. Lac. ubi sup.

1125 Rep. Lac. 11. 10.

1126 Hell. IV. 2. 5.

1127 Rep. Lac. 11. 4. cf. Hieron. 9. 5. διήρηνται γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ

μὲν κατὰ φυλὰς, αἱ δὲ κατὰ μόρας, αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους. That the number

was six appears also from Xen. Hell. VI. I. 1. VI. 4. 17. and from

Aristotle ap. Harpocrat. in μόρα (where Bekker’s edition has the

correct reading _six_ instead of _five_). Diodorus XV. 32. proves

nothing against the number _six_. The νεοδαμώδεις belonged to no

mora, Hell. IV. 3. 15.

1128 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.

1129 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 4.

1130 Hell. IV. 4. 10. IV. 5. 12. A square of fifty was called οὐλαμὸς,

Plut. Lye. 23.

1131 Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 15, 16. cf. IV. 4. 16.

1132 Ib. IV. 5. 10.

1133 See above, ch. 5. §. 6.

1134 Plut. Lyc. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221.

1135 Plut. Ag. 8.

1136 See above, ch. 3. § 7.

1137 According to Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 454. there were six lochi at

Sparta, five are named, ἔδωλος, σίνις, ἀρίμας, πλοὰς, μεσοάγης. The

last is evidently ΜΕΣΟΑΤΗΣ; of the others I have nothing to say,

except that the ἔδωλος λόχος is also mentioned by Hesychius. Neither

can the four lochi of the king be easily explained (cf. Schol.

Acharn. 1087); perhaps it is only another expression for the mora of

the king (Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 6.). There were five (or six) lochi in

Sparta, according to Aristotle, Photius in λόχοι, Hesychius, and his

commentators. Xenophon Hell. VII. 5. 10. speaks of ten lochi; of

twelve in VII. 4. 20. Dindorf, however, writes _twelve_ in VII. 5.

10. with two manuscripts; by which the two passages are reconciled.

1138 Thuc. V. 66.

1139 Plut. Pelop. 23.

1140 Ælian. Tact. 5.

1141 Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 6.

1142 See the instances of Amompharetus, Herod. IX. 53, and of Hipponoidas

and Aristotle, Thuc. V. 71.

1143 This was probably the real character of the ξεναγοὶ (Anecd. Bekk.

vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen. Ages. 2. 10.); and there having the command

of σύμμαχοι in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75. appears to be an

exception.

1144 Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell. III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz in v.

λοχαγός.

1145 Herod. VII. 173.

1146 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14.

1147 Herod. IX. 10. In this instance Pausanias fixed upon Euryanax, the

son of Dorieus, of the same family; yet Dorieus cannot have been the

son of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case

he would have been king before Leonidas.

1148 That is, δαμοσία σκηνὴ or τράπεζα.

1149 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. Rep. Lac. 13. 1, 7.

1150 See above, ch. 1. § 9.

1151 See above, p. 111, note f. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “public expense,” starting “De Rep. Lac.”]

1152 Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Nicol. Dam. The κρεωδαίτης also probably

belonged to the same suite, Plut. Ages. 8.

1153 Manso, vol. II. p. 377. III. 1. p. 214.

1154 Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11.

1155 See above, p. 108, note m. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “armistice of Agis,” starting “Thuc. V. 63.”] Comp. Thuc. VIII.

39. Βουλιαῖοι occur in inscriptions of Fourmont’s which

Raoul-Rochette considers the same as the σύμβουλοι.

1156 See above, p. 103, note o. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “Agamemnon of Homer,” starting “A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor.”] See

also Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. V. 83. Eudocia, p. 251.

concerning Ζεὺς Ἡγήτωρ, who was also worshipped at Argos as the god

who had led the Heraclidæ into the country, a belief referred to by

Tyrtæus in the verses quoted in vol. I. p. 52. note d.

1157 Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. Comp. Zenob. Prov. V. 34. Schol. Eurip. Phœn.

1415.

1158 Plut. Lyc. 22. Qu. Symp. II. 5. p. 88.

1159 Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. IV. 1. 5, 30, 34. V. 3. 8. Plut. Ages. 6. 7.

Lysand. 23.

1160 Manso, vol. I. 1. p. 153. See also Herod. VIII. 124. Xen. Hell. 5.

3. 9. Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 232. Dionys. Hal.

Arch. II. 13. according to whom they were _both_ horsemen and

hoplitæ. The three hundred with Leonidas, although Herodotus VII.

205. calls them οἱ ΚΑΤΕΣΤΕΩΤΕΣ τριηκόσιοι, were not however ἱππεῖς;

most of them were doubtless men of an advanced age; whereas the

horsemen, as the false Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41. calls them, were

κόροι.

1161 Strab. X. p. 481.

1162 Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.

1163 Thuc. IV. 55. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 16.

1164 The ἅμιπποι (πρόδρομοι in Philochorus), Thuc. V. 57. Xen. Hell. VII.

5. 24. Harpocration and Hesychius in v.

1165 30,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry, Strab. VI. p. 280.

1166 Ælian. Tact. 2., Steph. Byzant. in Τάρας, &c.

1167 Also called λόχος, Diod. XV. 32. Hesychius and Etymol. M. in σκιρτὴς

λόχος, Bekk. Anecd. I. p. 305. Schol. Thucyd. V. 67.

1168 Thucyd. V. 67.

1169 Xen. Rep. Lac. 12. 3. 13. 6.

1170 Thuc. ubi sup. Diodorus represents them as standing round the king’s

person; he evidently confounds them with the knights.

1171 Xen. Hell. V. 4. 52, 53. Diod. ubi sup.

1172 This is also what Xenophon Cyrop. IV. 2. 1. says. Comp. Hesychius

and other grammarians, Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 228.

1173 Ἦν δὲ Ἀρκαδικὸς, Hesychius.

1174 Λογάδες τῶν περιοίκων, Herod. IX. 11.

1175 At the battle of Leuctra there were only 700 Spartans present,

according to Xenoph. Hell. VI. 4. 15; but he must use the word in a

very limited sense; for there were four moras (μόραι πολιτικαὶ) of

men less than thirty-five years (ἀφ᾽ ἥβης), which could not have

contained less than 2000 men. The whole army was however much more

numerous; at Corinth it had contained 6000 hoplitæ, IV. 2. 16. See

also above, ch. 2. § 3.

1176 That at a latter time there were still many ψιλοὶ in the

Peloponnesian army may be seen from Polyænus IV. 14.

1177 See above, ch. 3. § 2. and p. 45. note t, [Transcriber’s Note: This

is the footnote to “Periœci,” starting “According to the epitaph.”]

where however it should be observed, that the epitaph must _not_ be

taken with the passage in VIII. 25; it refers to the battle _before_

the surrounding of the army. The statement of some writers (Hegemon

in the Palatine Anthology VII. 436. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 D.) that

1000 Spartans were present at Thermopylæ is evidently erroneous.

1178 Above, ch. 3. § 2. cf. Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39.

1179 Aristoph. Lysist. 563. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 307.

1180 Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 17. see however IV. 15. 11. sqq. V. 4. 14.

1181 Probably the Δωρικὴ ὅπλισις of Hesychius.

1182 Herod. VII. 211.

1183 Plut. Lyc. 19. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 194, 261.

Dion. 18. The Δωρικὴ μάχαιρα only occurs as a sacrificing-knife,

Eurip. Electr. 819, 836.

1184 Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 3. The ancient circular shields of Argos (see

Spanheim ad Calim. Pall. Lav. 35.) are probably nearly the same

which were really manufactured in that city, Pind. Hyporch. 3. p.

599. Boeckh; and see vol. I. p. 83. note r.

1185 Tyrtæus Fragm. 2. v. 23. Gaisford.

1186 See Critias (son of Callæschrus) ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. p. 86. Reisk.

Plut. Cleom. 11. Hence Aristophanes Lysist. 107. uses the word

πορπακισάμενος of a Spartan. See also Aristoph. Eq. 848. from which

passage it is evident that the πόρπαξ was all that was most

essential for managing the shield, and that the τελαμὼν or thong

could be easily procured, so that it was considered as an appendage

of the πόρπαξ. Compare Schneider’s Lexicon in ὀχάνη.

1187 Concerning the emblems on the Lacedæmonian shields, see Pausan. IV.

28. 3; besides which there were distinct ἐπίσημα, Plut. Lac.

Apophth. p. 240. The Cretans, according to the Scolion of Hybrias,

also had λαισήια; the λαισήια πτερόεντα of Homer were probably

similar to the shields furnished with leathern fringes, or _wings_,

represented on vases, _e.g._, Tischbein IV. 51.

1188 See Xen. Hell. III. 4. 18.

1189 Ælian. Tact. 26, 27. Comp. Hesychius, Λάκων εἶδος παρὰ Τακτικοῖς.

1190 Thuc. V. 71.

1191 The latter was done by the Spartans at Thermopylæ, Herod. VII. 211;

and according to Plato Lach. p. 191. at Platææ.

1192 Herod. IX. 71.

1193 Plut. Ages. 34. where however the fine of 1000 drachmas is very

questionable.

1194 Thuc. IV. 126.

1195 See Herod. IX. 77. Thuc. V. 73. Plut. Lyc. 22. de cohibend. Ira. 10.

p. 438. Lac.

1196 Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 246.

1197 Ibid. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6.

1198 Plut. ibid. p. 214. with the note of Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 236.

1199 Plut. Ages. 33.

1200 VII. 9. 6.

1201 See Strabo X. p. 448. with which comp. Il. II. 544. Archilochus, p.

144. ed. Liebel.

1202 As, _e.g._, at the Hyacinthia and Carnea. That the passage in

Herodotus VI. 106. refers only to the latter, and that in the

Carneus _alone_ the Spartans did not set out before the full moon,

is shown by Böckh Index Lect. Æstiv. Berol. 1816. Yet Plutarch is

not the only writer who has misunderstood this passage (see Diogen.

Prov. VI. 20. Jo. Tzetz. Jamb. 161.); and Herodotus himself is not

quite correct.

1203 Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

1204 Thus also Brasidas only lost _seven_ men in the action with Cleon,

Thuc. V. 11.; and the Lacedæmonians, in the great battle of Corinth,

only _eight_, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 1.

1205 Plut. Lyc. 13. Ages. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 188. 222. Polyæn. I. 16.

2.

1206 Compare what Archidamus in Isocrates says of the campaigns of the

kings of his family: also Panathen. p. 286 E.

1207 Thuc. I. 121. Herod. VII. 102. Comp. Hegemon in the Palatine

Anthology VII. 436. Δώριος ἁ μέλετα.

1208 Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 22. When the fleet was commanded by a king, as,

_e.g._, Leotychidas, it was an exception; see Plut. Ages. 10.

1209 In several apophthegms they are called _women’s apartments_.

1210 See Thiersch’s Preface to Pindar.

1211 For this reason the Cretan ἐξελιγμὸς was also called χόρειος; above,

§ 8. In Sparta the last in the chorus were called ψιλεῖς, Alcman

Fragm. 108. Welcker. from Suidas and Hesychius.

1212 See book IV. ch. 6. § 7.

1213 Il. XVI. 617. quoted by Athen. V. p. 181. XIV. p. 630 B. Lucian de

Salt. 7. Dio Chrysost. Orat. II. 31. 28. Heyne’s interpretation, _de

motu declinantis et a telo sibi caventis_, is unquestionably not to

be preferred to that of the ancients.

1214 Lucian ubi sup.

1215 Il. XI. 49. XII. 77. with the Scholia, and Eustathius. That the

expression for it was also Laconian follows from Hesychius in

προυλέσι, according to Salmasius.

1216 Among the Gortynians, according to Schol. Hom. Il. XI. 49: with whom

πρύλις also signified a heavy-armed foot-soldier, Eustath. ad Il. κ᾽

p. 893. 35. Phavorinus, p. 390. ed. Dindorf. Likewise among the

Cyprians (_i.e._, among the Greeks in Cyprus). Aristot. ap. Schol.

Pind. II. 125. Callimachus Hymn. Jov. 52. also calls the dance of

the Guretes by this name, this having been at a very early period

identified with the Cretan war-dance.

1217 Plut. Lyc. 21. Lac. Apophth. p. 207. de cohibend. Ira, ubi sup. The

χίμαιρα was not however sacrificed to the Muses (Manso, vol. I. 2.

p. 234.), but, as after the battle of Marathon, to Artemis Agrotera.

See Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 8. Plut. Lyc. 23. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 20.

1218 Sosistrates ap. Athen. XIII. p. 561 E. Ælian. V. II. III. 9.

1219 As Dionysius of Halicarnassus says.

1220 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 12. 6. 7.

1221 Plut. Lyc. 22.

1222 Herod. VII. 208. Xen. de Rep. Lac. 13. 9. Plut. Lyc. 22.

1223 The appropriate expression for this was ξανθίζεσθαι, Bekker. Anecd.

I. p. 284.

1224 Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 3. 13. 8. Plut. ubi sup.

1225 Concerning these, see, besides Xenophon and Plutarch, Ælian. VI. 6.

Etymol. M. p. 385. 25. Suidas in καταξαίνειν, Aristot. Rep. Lac. ap.

Moerin in φοινικίς, also Hesychius in πυτά. Comp. Meursius Miscell.

Lac. I. 15. The ambassadors also wore a dress of this kind,

Aristoph. Lysist. 1139. Plutarch. Cimon. 16. Lesbonax Protr. p. 24,

27. Reisk. The Cretan mantles were similar, only they were coloured

with _fucus_, Meursius Creta III. 12.—As arms were considered the

greatest ornament, the youths prayed in arms to the gods also armed.

Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. cf. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

1226 Plutarch Lycurg. 13. de Esu Carn. II. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 125. Lac.

Apophth. p. 222. Quæst. Rom. 87. p. 363. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et

Di. 421.

1227 Above, p. 110. note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“two royal families,” starting “Xen. Ages. 8.”]

1228 Plutarch Lycurg. 13. Compare Lac. Apophth. pp. 179, 222.

1229 Towards the street were the θύραι αὔλειοι (Herod. VI. 69.); in the

house the ἐγγύτερω πύλη, Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm of Leotychides (ὁ

Ἀρίστωνος is an error), p. 215. It was the custom at Sparta not to

knock, but to call, at the outer gate, Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253.

The same was also the custom among the Æolians, according to Alcæus,

among the poems of Theocritus, XXIX. 39.

1230 As it appears from Pausan. VI. 24. 2. Compare Strabo XIV. p. 646.

concerning the ῥυμοτομία ἐπ᾽ εὐθειῶν in Smyrna.

1231 Photius and Hesychius in Ἱπποδάμον νέμησις—οὗτος ἦν καὶ ὁ μετοικήσας

εἰς Θουρίους Μιλήσιος ὤν. It was probably not long before this time

that he built the Piræeus.

1232 As Diodorus XII. 10. states.

1233 Meursius Rhod. I. 10.

1234 The following buildings of this archaic style are known to us from

ancient writers and modern travellers. 1. The remains of three other

treasuries near that described in the text. 2. One discovered by

Gropius, on the Eurotas, not far from Amyclæ. 3. A ruin discovered

by Dodwell near Pharsalus. 4. The treasuries of Minyas. 5. Of

Hyrieus and Augeas. 6. The brazen vessels of the Aloidæ and of

Eurystheus (Il. V. 387. Apollod. II. 5. 1.) 7. The brazen θαλαμὸς or

chamber of Danaë, Alcmene, &c. 8. The subterraneous Cyclopian temple

at Delphi, and several others.

1235 Sir William Gell’s Argolis, plate 7. Dodwell’s Classical Tour, vol.

II. pp. 229, 240. I have also made great use of some drawings of

Lusieri (in the print-room of the British Museum), who has also

ingeniously endeavoured to restore the whole.

1236 Synopsis of the British Museum (19th edit.), Room 13. Nos. 220, 221.

1237 See particularly Vitruvius IV. 1. whose account is not indeed

historically accurate. At Athens the triglyphs were always called

Δωρικαὶ τρίγλυφοι, Eurip. Orest. 1378; in which passage the original

ones of _wood_ are clearly marked by the apposition of κεδρωτὰ

τέρεμνα. Also the Δωρικὸν κυμάτιον, _i.e._ the “hollow,” received

its name from its use in this style of building, _e.g._ under the

cornice; and the Λέσβιον κυμάτιον, the “ogee,” was borrowed from it

by the Æolians, among whom the Lesbian style of architecture (Λεσβία

οἰκοδομὴ) was native, which required a very moveable plumbline or

κανὼν, Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 10. 7. and Michael Ephesius ad loc.

1238 Boeckh Explic. ad Pindar. Olymp. XIII. pp. 213. sq.

1239 Hirt, Baukunst nach den Grundsätzen der Alten, 1809; and Geschichte

der Baukunst bei den Alten, 1821.

1240 According to Plato de Rep. V. p. 452 C. the _Cretans_ were the first

who wrestled naked (but their isolated situation prevented the

extension of the custom), and the _Lacedæmonians_, who were the

first, according to Thucydides I. 6. See also Hippasus ap. Athen. p.

14 D. The abandonment of all covering in the Olympic games is said

to have originated with Acanthus the Lacedæmonian, and Orsippus the

Megarian. The _former_, according to Dionys. Hal. VII. 72; and he,

as we learn from Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus, was victorious in

the Diaulus, or Dolichus, in the 15th Olympiad (720 B.C.). The

_latter_, according to Pausan. I. 44. 1. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1324.

ed. Rom. Cf. Hesych. in ζώσατο, with the confused statements in the

Venetian Scholia to Il. ψ᾽. 683. and Isidorus Orig. XVIII. 17.

Pausanias’ authority is a Megarian inscription, of which a

restoration has been preserved to our days, and is now in the

_Cabinet des Médailies_ of the _Bibliothèque du Roi_ at Paris, see

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1050; where Orsippus is stated to have

regained a part of the Megarian territory which had been lost in

war, and to have first run in the stadium at Olympia without a

girdle. Now Orsippus, according to the certain testimony of Julius

Africanus, was victorious in the stadium at Olympia in the 15th

Olympiad; and this statement is confirmed by Eustathius and

Hesychius ubi sup.; whereas the Etymologicum M. and the Scholia

vulg. ad Il. ψ᾽. 683. place the victory of Orsippus at Olymp. 32.

(652 B.C.); in which, according to Africanus, Cratinus of Megara was

the conqueror. All these apparently contradictory statements have

been reconciled by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as follows. Orsippus,

either accidentally, or at least to appearance accidentally, lost

his girdle when running in the stadium; in training afterwards,

Acanthus the Lacedæmonian laid aside his girdle altogether; and

thenceforth it became the established practice at the games. In

other contests, _e.g._, wrestling and boxing, the use of the διάζωμα

was kept up till a later period; and was not altogether given up

till a short time before Thucydides wrote (καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἔτη ἐπειδὴ

πέπαυται, I. 6).

1241 See particularly Athenæus XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad Il. p. 975.

41. ed. Rom.

1242 Plato de Leg. VII. p. 805. 6.

1243 Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. Apostolius XVIII. 19.

1244 Eurip. Androm. 598. (quoted by Plutarch. Comp. Num. iii.) αἱ ξὺν

νέοισιν ἐξερημοῦσαι δόμους. Hence Propertius III. 12. 21. _Lex

igitur Spartana vetat secedere amantes; Et licet in triviis ad latus

esse suæ._

1245 To be inferred from Plutarch Lycurg. 14.

1246 Plutarch Thes. 19.

1247 Pausan. V. 6. 5. (concerning the history of Pherenice, see Boeckh

Explic. Pindar. p. 166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at Olympia unmarried women

could contend for the prize, though only in the chariot-race; as,

_e.g._, Cynisea, Pausan. III. 81. V. 12. 3. V. 6. 1. Xenoph. Ages.

9. 6. Plutarch Ages. 20. Lac. Apophth. p. 184; and Euryleonis,

Pausan. III. 17. 6. In _Cyrene_, according to Pindar Pyth. IX. 102.

(ἣ υἱὸν) _married_ women were also admitted, see Boeckh Explic. p.

328; and they also, as we learn from an inscription in Della Cella,

presided over gymnastic contests in that town.

1248 κατάκλειστοι, Sappho Fragm. 15. ed. Wolf. Pseudo-Phocylid. v. 203.

1249 Ἐπεὶ ἥ γε Ἑλληνικὴ ἐσθὴς πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχαίη τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ αὐτὴ ἦν, τὴν

νῦν Δωρίδα καλέομεν, Herod. V. 88. Compare Eustath. ad Il. V. 567.

Æginetica, p. 72.

1250 Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der

Cassandra, p. 60.

1251 Thus Herodotus V. 87. mentions the ἱμάτια of Doric women as

corresponding to the Ionic χιτῶνες: and the different Scholiasts to

Eurip. Hec. 933. call the Doric virgins sometimes μονοχίτωνες,

sometimes ἀχίτωνες (the Fragment of Anacreon, p. 404. ed. Fischer.

ἐκδῦσα χιτῶνα δωριάζειν is too mutilated to prove any thing). See

also Horus ap. Etymol. Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides Ælius Dionysius

(who likewise states that the use of the χίτων was peculiar to the

Dorians), follows Eustathius ad Il. XIV. 975. Compare also Hesychius

in δωριάζειν, and the _Sophista Anonymus_ in Orelli’s Op. Mor. II.

p. 214. Euripides (Androm. 599. and Hec. ubi sup.) calls the Doric

dress inaccurately πέπλος, compare Hedylus in the Palatine Anthology

VI. 292. Plutarch Cleomen. 38.

1252 Herod. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. where ἐπιπορπὶς appears to be the

tongue of the clasp.

1253 Περόναι, or clasps, were also used in the Ionic female dress, in

order to close the slit-up sleeve. Ælian V. H. I. 18.

1254 Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros. pp. 241, 242.

1255 Pollux, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there quoted: καὶ

τὰν νέορτον, ἇς ἔτ᾽ ἄστολος χιτὼν θυραῖον ἀμφὶ μηρὸν πτύσσεται,

Ἑρμιόναν. Eurip. Androm. 599. γυμνοῖσι μηροῖς καὶ πέπλοις

ἀνειμένοις. Compare Duris in Schol. Eurip. Hec. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες

ἐβρυαζὸν ταῖς Δωρίαις στολαῖς. This writer also entertains the

erroneous notion that the Athenian women wore short hair and the

Doric dress, at the same time that the men wore long hair and the

Ionic dress.

1256 See Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed. Bentl.) says

of a Lacedæmonian virgin, ἔσκεν ὅτ᾽ ἄζωστος χἀτερόπορπος ἔτι.

Ἄζωστοι καὶ ἀχίτωνες, according to Schol. Eurip. and Eustathius p.

975. 38; without girdles also according to Pausanias ibid. p. 975.

40. and Suidas in δωριάζειν.

1257 Μονόπεπλος, Δωρὶς ὡς κόρα, Eurip. Hec. 928. _Doris nullo culia

palliolo_, Juvenal III. 94. It is to this that the charge of

nakedness, mentioned p. 273, in note b, [Transcriber’s Note: This is

the footnote to “virgins naked,” starting “See particularly.”] and

p. 277, in note x, [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “and

in the chorus,” starting “Plutarch. Lycurg. 14.”] refers. Also in

Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17. the Spartan virgins are distinguished, as being

ονοχίτωνες, from the married women in ἱμάτια.

1258 That the Corinthian costume was at that time different from the

original Doric dress, I have already remarked (Æginetica, p. 64,

note b.) from this fact, and from Herod. V. 87. The Syracusan

ἐμπερόναμα had perhaps originated from the clasped χίτων of the

Dorians, Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. compare Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I.

p. 36, but it was drawn over the χιτώνιον. There was also a

Corinthian female dress called παράπηχυ, Athen. XIII. p. 582.

1259 Pythænetus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 589. Compare Theognis v. 1002, where

the Λάκαινα κόρη brings crowns for the guests. So also the Doric

Greeks of Sicily substituted a πάρθενος φιαληφόρος in the place of

the παῖς, Polyb. XII. 5. 7.

1260 Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. τὰς κόρας γυμνάς τε πομπεύειν καὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς

τισὶν ὀρχεῖσθαι καὶ ᾄδειν. Compare Lac. Apophthegm, p. 223. and

Hesychius in δωριάζειν.

1261 Plutarch. Lycurg. 16; and concerning the custom of Phigaleia, see

Athen. IV. p. 248. sq.

1262 Aristoph. Nub. 986. The same is in Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 2. 1.

1263 Aristoph. Av. 493. 49. where χλαῖνα and ἱμάτιον are used as

synonymous. But that the χλαῖνα and τρίβων were different kinds of

the ἱμάτιον is shown by the same poet, Vesp. 1132; λαῖνα ἱμάτιον

τετράγωνον, according to Didymus.

1264 In Iliad X. 133. the χλαῖνα is however laid double, and fastened

with a clasp (over the shoulder).

1265 Pollux VII. 13. 46. X. 27. 124; and compare Hemsterhuis’s note,

Diogenianus Prov. V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14. Lexicograph.

1266 According to Pollux and Ammonius. Fragm. 68, 69. pp. 82, 83. ed.

Wolf.

1267 See Aristoph. Lysist. 988. where it is the dress of the envoys, as

the φοινικὶς in the last note of the third book; and Juvenal Sat.

VIII. 101.

1268 See Tischbein I. 29. and Vases de Coghill I. planche 36.

1269 I. 6. Compare Dionys. Halic. in Thucyd. 9.

_ 1270 Minervæ Poliadis Ædes_, p. 41.

1271 Also called δαμοφανὴς by the Lacedæmonians, because it was worn in

public.

1272 See Meursius Miscell. Lacon. I. 15. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II.

p. 197. The τρίβων could (as well as the χλαῖνα, p. 277, note b,

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “left shoulder,”

starting “In Iliad X. 133.”]) be worn double, and be fastened with.

a clasp, Polyæn. IV. 4. This more becoming variety of the ἱμάτιον,

the χλαῖνα, was also worn at Sparta; see Theopompus the comic poet

in Pollux X. 27. 124. Ἐξωμίδες φαῦλαι of the Lacedæmonians in Ælian

V. H. IX. 34.

1273 Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. with Aspasius and

the Paris Scholiast, p. 156. ed. Zell. Compare the Κρητικὸν

ἱματίδιον in Hesychius.

1274 From the 12th year upwards, Plutarch Lycurg. 16.

1275 Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 4.

Justin III. 3. Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Ephorus ap.

Strab. X. p. 483.

1276 Hence the Attic orators, in early times at least, never showed their

left hand, Taylor ad Æschin. in Timarch. p. 59.

1277 De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted by Longinus περὶ ὕψους IV. i. p. 114.

1278 See Boettiger’s opinions on this subject, Raub der Cassandra, pp.

74: sqq. Archäologie der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasengemälde I. 2. p.

37. and Uhden’s Letter, II. p. 65.

1279 Ἰσοδὶαιτοι, Thucyd. I. 6. Justin. III. 3.

1280 Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Seneca Quæst.

Nat. IV. 13. This ancient notion may also be traced in the use of

the words φθείρειν, μιαίνειν, to _corrupt_, for to _dye_ or to

_colour_.

1281 Δολερὰ μὲν τὰ ἕιματα, δολερὰ δὲ τὰ χρίματα, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p.

294 Sylburg. Herodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes the same saying of

an Ethiopian king, comp. Plutarch. Quæst. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sympos.

III. I, 2. p. 109. de Herod. Malign. 28. p. 312.; but the expression

has a genuine Spartan character.

1282 A law of Diocles, according to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. p. 521 B.

for Zaleucus see Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 33. for Sparta,

Heraclid. Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf.

Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

1283 Plato Comicus ap. Aspas ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. (see

Porson’s Tracts, p. 232). χαίροις, οἶμαι, μεταπεττεύσας αὐτὸν

διακλιμακίσας τε, τὸν ὑπηνόβιον, σπαρτιοχαίτην, ῥυποκόνδυλον,

ἑλκετρίβωνα. ἕλκοντες ὑπήνας. Aristoph. Lys. 1072. Compare the

statue of Lysander in Plut. Lys. I.

1284 See above, p. 129, note s. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “obey the laws,” starting “Aristot. ap. Plutarch.”] Wyttenbach ad

Plutarch. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks that the Lacedæmonians

also shaved their upper lip; but his, as well as Ruhnken’s

emendation of Antiphanes ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. is very violent.

1285 Athen. XII. p. 565 C.

1286 Aristoph. Av. 1283. Eccles. 74. Their use was only prohibited in the

public assembly, Plutarch Lycurg. II.

1287 Herod. III. 137. Aristot. in Ἰθακ. πολιτ. ap. Phot. in σκυτάλη. See

the paintings on vases.

1288 Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 3. Plutarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously they were

accustomed ἐν χρῷ κείρεοσθαι, cap. 16. which is sometimes also

described as the general Spartan usage. Plutarch. Alcib. 23. de

Discrim. Adul. et Am. 10. p 170.

1289 Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26.

1290 The manner in which Herodotus (I. 82.) accounts for this, is

rendered doubtful by Plutarch. Lysand. I. cf. Lycurg. 22. reg.

Apophth. p. 124, 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 230. Æginetica, p. 32,

note o. In Crete the cosmi at least wore long hair, according to

ancient custom, Seneca Controv. IV. 27. On the short hair of the

Argives, see Herodotus and Plato Phædon. p. 89. J. Tzetzes Jamb.

161.

1291 See Σπαρτιοχαίτης in the verses cited above, p. 280, note x.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,”

starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”]

1292 Compare Aristoph. Lys. 1113. παραπυκίδδειν with Horace Od. II. II.

_incomptam Lacænæ More comam religata nodo_, _i.e._, as Diana is

generally represented in works of art. That the women were not

allowed to wear long hair (κομᾶν, Heraclid. Pont. 2.), is a

statement which must not be construed strictly. A lock of hair

dedicated to the gods was called ἱέρωμα, according to the correction

of Hemsterhuis in Hesychius: but Toup is probably correct in

defending the common reading ἱερόβατον, Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p.

607. Spartans were distinguished not merely by their mode of wearing

the hair, but also by the _shoes_, Paus. VII. 14. 2. Shoes for state

occasion were the ἀμυκλαΐδες, and for common wear the ἁπλαῖ

Λακωνικαὶ, above, p. 25, note n. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the

footnote to “shoes of Amyclæ,” starting “Theocrit. X. 35.”] Argive,

Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) and Sicyonian ἔμβαδες likewise occur

(Lucian. Ret. Præc. 15. Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath. ad Hom. p.

1302. 22. ed. Rom.).

1293 See the passages collected by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. III. p. 273

sqq. Also Phocylides ἔρματα λοξὰ κορύμβων and Nicol. Dam. p. 51

Orelli, of a Smyrnæan κόμην τρέφων χρυσῷ στρόφῳ κεκορυμβωμένην.

1294 Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pollux. I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hippocrat.

Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 17.

1295 B. III. ch. 12. § 10.

1296 Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 36. 12.

1297 Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apophth. p. 200,

where Archidamus the son of Agesilaus is meant, and afterwards too

he is often confounded with the son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. X. 48.

In later times, however, διαφανῆ Λακωνικὰ are mentioned as a

luxurious dress, Dio Chrysost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. ad Matth.

Hom. vol. VII. p. 796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On the Argive dresses

τήβεννος and κλεοβίνικος see Pollux VII. 13. 61. and his

commentators. The ἀφάβρωμα was an old-fashioned gown of the Megarian

women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. p. 383.

1298 Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plutarch Alcib. 23.

1299 See particularly Martial Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad Strab. III. p.

231. p. 663. ed. Friedemann.

1300 This explains away the contradiction which Manso finds, vol. I. 2.

p. 199.

1301 V. 305. which passage would also apply to the syssitia of Sparta.

1302 Who abolished them as an institution favourable to aristocracy,

Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. They were still in existence in the time of

Archias, see vol. I. p. 129 note f. The σύσσιτος, of Æthiops, in the

passage of Athenæus, is evidently his regular messmate. We may also

mention the δημοσιαι θοῖναι of the Argives, at which the ancient

clay vessels (Herod. V. 88.) were still used. Polemon ap. Athen. XI.

p. 483 C. cf. p. 479 C. IV. p. 148 F.

1303 Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3.

1304 Harmodius on the laws of Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. 148 F. comp. in

general Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. Thirlwall, Hist. of

Greece, vol. I. p. 287, has rightly remarked that the description of

Harmodius refers only to the maintenance of two choruses in

Phigalia.

1305 Book III. ch. 6. § 9.

1306 But upon hard benches without cushions, _in robore_. Cicero pro

Muræna 35. Athen. XII. p. 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plutarch Lycurg.

18. Suidas in φιλίτια et Λυκοῦργος, Isidorus Orig. XX. 11. It was

not till the reign of Areus and Acrotatus, that soft and expensive

cushions were used at the public tables. Phylarchus ap. Athen. IV.

p. 142 A.

1307 Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro ap. Serv.

ad Æn. VII. 176.

1308 B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign cooks were not tolerated at Sparta, as

is particularly stated of Mithæcus by Maximus Tyrius VII. 22. ed.

Davies.

1309 Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7. There was a separate _broth-maker_ (ζωμοποιὸς)

for the king, Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.

1310 Heraclid. Pont. 2. who perhaps says too generally, πέττει σῖτον

οὐδείς (πέττειν is said of ἄρτος made of ἄλευρα as μάττειν of μᾶζα

made ἄλφιτα). Comp. Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 A. Plutarch

Alcib. 23.

1311 Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Varieties of ἄρτος were also eaten at the

κοπὶς, Molpis ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. Hesychius in

κοπὶς, βέσκεροι ἄρτοι, and πητεῖται πιτυρίαι ἄρτου. There was a

Lacedæmonian kind of barley, Theophrast. Hist. Plant. VIII. 4.

_Siligo Lacedæm_. Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4.

1312 B. II. ch. 10. § 4.

1313 Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077.

1314 Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8.

1315 Ælian V. H. III. 31.

1316 Dicæarchus ubi sup. A little pig was called by the Lacedæmonians

ὀρθαγορίσκος, Athen. p. 140 B. see Hesychius in βορθαγορίσκος et

ἡμιτύγια above p. 110. note y. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the

footnote to “days of each month,” starting “Herod. ubi sup.”]

1317 Ἀφέδιτοι ἡμέραι, according to Hesychius. cf. in διαφοίγιμόρ.

1318 See Critias the Athenian in Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. XI. p. 463

C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 172. In _Crete_

however the whole table drank from one large goblet, Dosiadas ap.

Athen. IV. p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 1860. 45.

1319 Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from which passage

it also follows that all the inhabitants of Laconia were prohibited

from attending drinking entertainments (συμπόσια). The Dionysia at

Sparta were also more serious than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. Athen.

IV. p. 155 D.

1320 Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1321 B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In Sparta the guests, as in the time of Homer,

were called δαιτύμονες, Alcman ap. Strap. X. p. 482. fragm. 37. ed.

Welcker. Herod. VI. 57. and a κρεοδαίτης presided at the meal

(above, p. 251, note r. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to

“volunteers in the army,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7.”] comp.

Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux VI. 7. 34.), as a

δαιτρὸς in ancient times; each guest in Sparta having a certain

_portion_ or _mess_ allotted to him.

1322 See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. Ruhnken.

p. 449. ed. Bekker.

1323 B. III. ch. 12. § 4. It is to this that Dionysius Hal. refers, when

he says that the Phiditia made men ashamed to leave their comrades

in the field of battle, _with whom they had sacrificed and made

libations_, Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed. Reisk.

1324 Persæus ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 F. and see below, p. 288, note k.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “vegetables

(ἀβαμβάκευστα),” starting “Pyrgion ap. Athen.”]

1325 Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a certain

sense βουλευτήρια ἀπόῤῥητα καὶ συνέδρια ἀριστοκρατικά, and compares

them with the Prytaneum and Thesmothesium of Athens.

1326 B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The only ἐπάϊκλον eaten by boys was some dough

of barley-meal baked in laurel leaves (καμματίδες), and kneaded in

oil (Hesychius in ἁμφιμάντορα, ἀμφίτοροι); a cake of this kind was

called κάμμα, and from its use παλλιχιὰρ, Meursius Misc. Lac. I. 12.

1327 Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alcman describes a

κοπὶς in the following verses, Κλίναι μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τόσαι τράπεσδαι

Μακωνίδων ἄρτων ἐπιστεφοῖσαι Λίνω τε σασάμω τε κἠν πελίχναις

Παίδεσσι χρυσοκόλλα, fragm. 17. ed. Welcker.

1328 Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and above, p. 287, note b. [Transcriber’s Note:

This is the footnote to “aristocratical principles,” starting

“Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.”] Concerning Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup.

1329 Critias ubi sup. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1330 Φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα

κατάρχειν, fragm. 31. ed. Welcker.

1331 It is very probable that this φειδίτια was a ludicrous distortion of

an ancient Spartan name φιλίτια, _i.e._, “love-feasts.”

1332 Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. Polit. II. 7.

3. The word αἷκλα is also used by Epicharmus for δεῖπνα.

1333 Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143. E. and Casaubon’s note. Ephoras ap. Strab.

X. p. 483 A. For Sparta, see Alcman quoted in p. 288 note d.

[Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the

kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Quæst. Græc. 33.

p. 332. Concerning the Phigalean custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 F.

From the passage quoted in p. 287 note a, [Transcriber’s Note: This

is the footnote to “state in itself,” starting “Persæus ap. Athen.”]

it also follows that guests of inferior rank sat ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιμποδίου,

as was also the custom among the Macedonians, according to Athen. I.

p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. Doctr. v. 3. ad Plat. Phæd. Addit. p.

234.

1334 This follows from Plat. Leg. VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp. Plutarch

Lycurg. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221. παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ (_i.e._, at home)

δειπνεῖν. See also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius περὶ Ἀλκμᾶνος ap. Athen.

XIV. p. 646 A. speaks of banquets of the women at Sparta, at which

certain cakes (κριβάναι) were carried, when they were about to sing

the praise of the virgin, probably at marriages. Aristotle Polit.

II. 7. 4. says that in Creta the women also were fed at the _public

cost_, not that they ate _in public_.

1335 Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143 B. with the assistance of some men τῶν

δημοτικῶν. Does he mean Periœci or Mnotæ? Young women were used as

cup-bearers among the Dorians, above, p. 276 note u. [Transcriber’s

Note: This is the footnote to “wine to the labourers,” starting

“Pythænetus ap. Athen.”]

1336 Dosiadas and Pyrgion ubi sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see the decree of

the Olontians in Chishull’s Antiq. Asiat. p. 137. cf. p. 131, 134.

1337 Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1037. Suidas in ἄθρυπτος et Δωριοσ.

Δωριοσ οικονεμια in Diog. Laërt. IV. 3. 19. for a plain rough mode

of living.

1338 Συρακοσίων et Σικελῶν τράπεζα, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 527 C.

Zenob. Prov. V. 94. Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. Σικελικὸς κότταβος

Anacreon ap. Athen. X. p. 427. fragm. p. 374. ed. Fischer. The

Σικελικὸς βίος is opposed to the Δωριστὶ ζῆν in the 7th (spurious)

Platonic Epistle, p. 336.

1339 See, among others, Timæus fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. The

Argives and Tirynthians were reproached for their debauchery, Ælian.

V. H. III. 15. Athen. N. p. 442. D.

1340 See Æginetica p. 188.

1341 See above, p. 266 note d. [Transcriber’s Note: This is the footnote

to “from the street,” starting “Towards the street.”] In Crete it

was called βοωνία, Hesych. in v.

1342 Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. Mai.

1343 According to the supposed saying of Lycurgus, “_first make a

democracy in thine own house_.” Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophth.

p. 124. Lac. Apophth. p. 225.

1344 See particularly Eurip. Androm. 596.

1345 Κόροις καὶ κόραις κοινὰ τὰ ἱερά. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. above

ch. 2. § 2.

1346 Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. So also the Arcadians had, according to

Polybius IV. 21. 3. (though not for the reason which he assigns)

συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ, ἔτι

δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων. The unrestrained manners, and

the public games and dances of the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch Mul.

Virt. p. 277. Antonin. Liber. met. 1.), probably were derived from a

Cretan custom (see above, p. 236. note q. [Transcriber’s Note: This

is the footnote to “with an axe,” starting “Heracl. Pont. 7.”]), and

certainly one prior to the Ionic migration.

1347 Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10.

1348 VI. 61, 65.

1349 Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. with

Casaubon’s restoration from Plutarch. Ages. 19. Hesychius in

κάνναθρα, Eustathius ad Il. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. Schol. ad Aristoph.

Vesp. 413. The temple of Helen, mentioned by Hesychius in κάνναθρα,

is that at Therapne, above the Phœbæum, of which Herodotus speaks,

VII. 61.

1350 Λακεδαιμονίην τε γυναῖκα in the oracle; and how, in the Lysistrata

of Aristophanes, the Athenian women admire the lusty and vigorous

beauty of Lampito. comp. Athen. XII. p. 609 B.

1351 Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.

1352 If the father and grandfather died, the right, even in Doric states,

_e.g._, in Cyrene, passed to the brothers, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p.

303. Polyæn. VIII. 41.

1353 Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. Lac. I. 5.

The account of Hermippus in Athenæus XIII. p. 555 C. is absurdly

disfigured. The same is true of Hagnon, ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This

explains the statement of Herodotus VI., 65. that Demaratus obtained

possession of Percalus the daughter of Chilon, who was betrothed to

Leotychides, by _previously carrying her away by force_, φθάσας

ἁρπάσας. In later times, whoever ravished a virgin at Sparta (as

also at Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) was punished with death,

Xenoph. Ephes. V. 1; and compare Marcellinus on Hermogenes, although

this account does not belong to the age of which we treat.

1354 Plutarch. Cleom. 38.

1355 Strabo X. p. 482 D. from Ephorus.

1356 According to Hesychius. Homer. Il. XVI. 180. calls Eudoxus a

παρθένιος, τὸν ἔτικτε χορῷ καλὴ Πολυμήλη, which I explain thus: she

produced him “_in the chorus_,” _i.e._, while she yet belonged to

the ἀγελὴ of the virgins. The passage is quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or.

VII. p. 273., who also speaks of the Lacedæmonian παρθενίαι.

1357 Justin. III. 4. _Nulli pater existebat cujus in patrimonium

successio speraretur._

1358 Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The common narrative of Ephorus is repeated by

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and is evidently invented to account for

the name Παρθενίαι, which Antiochus declines to explain.

1359 Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plutarch Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4. Lac. Apophth.

p. 224.

1360 Hesychius in v.

1361 Op. et Di. 695.

1362 Leg VIII. p. 785. Aristotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) gives 37 years

as the most fitting time for marriage in a man; which number Larcher

(_Chronologie d’Herodote_) has no reason to suppose borrowed from

the laws of Laconia. The Trœzenians were forbidden by the oracle

from making early marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. 14. 4.

1363 See Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lysand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. Apophth. p.

223. Clearchus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pollux III. 48. VIII. 40.

Stobæus Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom. II. p. 182. compare

Schläger’s Præfat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. 1744. p. 10. It is most

singular that the cowards (τρεσάντες) to whom every man denied his

daughter, were punished for not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. 9. 5.

1364 Pollux VIII. 40.

1365 Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. p. 216. fragm.

p. 355.

1366 Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. III. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the ius

trium liberorum in Sparta.

1367 Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα συνελώρει, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. Later writers

often give fabulous accounts of this point, particularly Theodoretus

Græc. Affinit. 9.

1368 B. III. ch. 10. § 4.

1369 See the saying of Geradates in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. Apophth. p.

225. comp. Justin. III. 3. The νόθοι in Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9., who

were a separate class, but shared in the education of the Spartans,

probably were composed of a mixture of different ranks, and

certainly were not the offspring of a regular _stuprum_. At Rhodes,

according to Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 992, the νόθοι were called

μαστρόξενοι, _i.e._ those who at a public scrutiny (called at Athens

διαψήφισις) were rejected from the lists of citizens. The

investigation was perhaps conducted by the μάστροι, Hesych. in v.

comp. Harpocrat. μαστῆρες.

1370 Herod. V. 39, 40.

1371 Plutarch Agid. 11.

1372 The history of women in the heroic age has been better treated by

Lenz, than by Meiners in his _Geschichte des Weiblichen

Geschlechts_; although even he has many prejudices, _e.g._, that

women are always improved by education, the reverse of which was the

case in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) correctly remarks, that in Homer the

manners of unmarried are represented as less restrained than those

of married women; although their intercourse with men was more free

than among the Dorians. Comp. p. 143.

1373 I. 146.

1374 Though she lived in the interior of the house, as is proved by the

Doric term for a wife, μεσόδομα: see Hesych. in οἰκέτις, Theocrit.

Id. XVIII. 28. and compare the sayings of Aregeus in Plutarch Lac.

Apophth. p. 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and of the Lacedæmonian woman,

p. 262. who being asked what she understood, answered, εὖ οἰκεῖν

οἶκον.

1375 Plutarch. Lyc. 14.

1376 Vol. I. p.

1377 Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plutarch Lyc. 14. At that time moreover the

manners of the Spartan women had really degenerated, and a

considerable licence (ἄνεσις) prevailed, Aristot. Polit. II. 6. 5.

Plat. Leg. I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist. Rom. II. 24.

1378 Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp. Num. 3. Aristotle also (Polit. II. 6, 7.)

speaks of their influence on the government in the time of the

ascendency of Sparta; it increased still more, when a large part of

the landed property fell into the hands of women. The singular

assertion of Ælian V. H. XII. 34. that Pausanias _loved his wife_,

has been correctly interpreted by Kühn to mean a too great, or

uxorious affection; and so likewise Menelaus appears to have been

represented, see, _e.g._, Aristoph. Lysist. 155.

1379 Πολλὰ λέγειν ὄνυμ᾽ ἀνδρὶ, γυναικὶ δὲ πᾶσι χαρῆναι, fragm. 13. ed.

Welcker. comp. Franck’s Tyrtæus p. 173 and 203.

1380 See, _e.g._, Plutarch Cleom. 38.

1381 Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. H. N. VII. 41. Compare the saying of

Gorgo in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 258.

1382 The Bœotian poetesses, however, Corinna and Myrto, and Diotima the

Arcadian (concerning whom see Frederick Schlegel, Griechen und

Roemer, vol. I. p. 275.), were on the rank of Doric women; although

in Bœotia the female sex was very much restricted, and placed under

the superintendence of γυναικονόμοι (as under the ἁρμόσυνοι at

Sparta, ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21.

1383 See b. II. ch. 10. § 7. Aristoph. Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et Schol.

Suidas in ἑταῖραι Κορινθ and χοῖρος. Pollux IX. 6. 75.

Κορινθιάζεσθαι τὸ μαστροπεύειν η ἑταῖρειν (see b. I. ch. 8. § 3.)

Eustath. ad II. p. 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon XXXII. 10. whose

poems are of the Achæan or Roman time. Compare also the Κορινθία

κόρη in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. Κορίνθια παῖς, Eurip. Sciron. ap.

Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the proverb in

Suidas (XIV. 81. Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. ἀκροκορίνθι ἔοικας

χοιροπολήσειν. Compare Jacobs in the Attisches Museum, vol. II. part

III. p. 137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der Alten Welt, vol. I. p.

177.—The women of _Sicyon_ were, according to the βὶος Ἕλλαδος of

Dicæarchus, exceedingly graceful in their carriage.

1384 Plutarch Lycurg. 17. Dionys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old men could

punish persons conducting themselves improperly (ἀκοσμοῦντες) by

striking them with their sticks.

1385 Εἰσπνήλας is probably the genuine form; see Callim. Fragm. 169. ed.

Bentl. Etymol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion,

p. 617. 49. Εἴσπνηλος is used by Theocritus Id. XII. 13.

1386 Ælian V. H. III. 12. Ἐμπνεῖσθαι is the word used by Plutarch Cleom.

3.

1387 Vol. I. p. 5. Compare Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gudian. ubi sup.

Ἀείτης was used by Aristophanes; see Bekker’s Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes

ad Lycophr. 459, and ἀΐτιας by Alcæus ap. Athen. p. 430 D. Alcman

also called lovely young women ἀΐτας κόρας; see Schneider’s Lexicon

in v. and Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3; also the Lexicon _vocum

peregrinarum_ in Valpy’s edition of Stephens’s Thesaurus, part XII.

p. 492.

1388 Servius ad Æn. X. 325. _adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris de re

publica_ (p. 280. Mai.) _opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus si amatores

non haberent_.

1389 Ælian III. 10.

1390 Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. 22.

1391 Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apophth. p. 177.

1392 Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25.

1393 Plutarch Cleom. 3.

1394 Ib. c. 37.—The youth of Argilus, loved by Pausanias, cannot be

mentioned among these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos Pausan. 4.

1395 Ælian V. H. III. 10.

1396 Id. III. 12.