These and other puzzling facts remained insoluble until the

publication, in the year 1840, of Mr. Darwin's famous work on

coral reefs; in which a key was given to all the difficult problems

connected with the subject, and every difficulty was shown to be

capable of solution by deductive reasoning from a happy combination of

certain well-established geological and biological truths. Mr.

Darwin, in fact, showed, that so long as the level of the sea remains

unaltered in any area in which coral reefs are being formed, or if the

level of the sea relatively to that of the land is falling, the

only reefs which can be formed are fringing reefs. While if, on the

contrary, the level of the sea is rising relatively to that of the

land, at a rate not faster than that at which the upward growth of

the coral can keep pace with it, the reef will gradually pass from the

condition of a fringing, into that of an encircling or barrier reef.

And, finally, that if the relative level of the sea rise so much that

the encircled land is completely submerged, the reef must necessarily

pass into the condition of an atoll.

For, suppose the relative level of the sea to remain stationary, after

a fringing reef has reached that distance from the land at which

the depth of water amounts to 150 feet. Then the reef cannot extend

seaward by the migration of coral germs, because these coral germs

would find the bottom of the sea to be too deep for them to live in.

And the only manner in which the reef could extend outwards, would

be by the gradual accumulation, at the foot of its seaward face, of a

talus of coral fragments torn off by the violence of the waves, which

talus might, in course of time, become high enough to bring its upper

surface within the limits of coral growth, and in that manner provide

a sort of factitious sea-bottom upon which the coral embryos might

perch. If, on the other hand, the level of the sea were slowly and

gradually lowered, it is clear that the parts of its bottom originally

beyond the limit of coral growth, would gradually be brought within

the required distance of the surface, and thus the reef might be

indefinitely extended. But this process would give rise neither to an

encircling reef nor to an atoll, but to a broad belt of upheaved

coral rock, increasing the dimensions of the dry land, and continuous

seawards with the fresh fringing reef.

Suppose, however, that the sea-level rose instead of falling, at the

same slow and gradual rate at which we know it to be rising in some

parts of the world--not more, in fact, than a few inches, or, at

most, a foot or two, in a hundred years. Then, while the reef would

be unable to extend itself seaward, the sea-bottom outside it being

gradually more and more removed from the depth at which the life of

the coral polypes is possible, it would be able to grow upwards

as fast as the sea rose. But the growth would take place almost

exclusively around the circumference of the reef, this being the only

region in which the coral polypes would find the conditions favourable

for their existence. The bottom of the lagoon would be raised, in the

main, only by the coral _débris_ and coral mud, formed in the manner

already described; consequently, the margins of the reef would

rise faster than the bottom, or, in other words, the lagoon would

constantly become deeper. And, at the same time, it would gradually

increase in breadth; as the rising sea, covering more and more of the

land, would occupy a wider space between the edge of the reef and what

remained of the land. Thus the rising sea would eventually convert a

large island with a fringing reef, into a small island surrounded by

an encircling reef. And it will be obvious that when the rising of the

sea has gone so far as completely to cover the highest points of the

island, the reef will have passed into the condition of an atoll.

But how is it possible that the relative level of the land and sea

should be altered to this extent? Clearly, only in one of two ways:

either the sea must have risen over those areas which are now covered

by atolls and encircling reefs; or, the land upon which the sea rests

must have been depressed to a corresponding extent.

If the sea has risen, its rise must have taken place over the whole

world simultaneously, and it must have risen to the same height over

all parts of the coral zone. Grounds have been shown for the belief

that the general level of the sea may have been different at different

times; it has been suggested, for example, that the accumulation of

ice about the poles during one of the cold periods of the earth's

history, necessarily implies a diminution in the volume of the sea

proportioned to the amount of its water thus permanently locked up in

the Arctic and Antarctic ice-cellars; while, in the warm periods,

the greater or less disappearance of the polar ice-cap implies a

corresponding addition of water to the ocean. And no doubt this

reasoning must be admitted to be sound in principle; though it is very

hard to say what practical effect the additions and subtractions thus

made have had on the level of the ocean; inasmuch as such additions

and subtractions might be either intensified or nullified, by

contemporaneous changes in the level of the land. And no one has yet

shown that any such great melting of polar ice, and consequent raising

of the level of the water of the ocean, has taken place since the

existing atolls began to be formed.

In the absence of any evidence that the sea has ever risen to the

extent required to give rise to the encircling reefs and the atolls,

Mr. Darwin adopted the opposite hypothesis, viz. that the land has

undergone extensive and slow depression in those localities in which

these structures exist.

It seems, at first, a startling paradox, to suppose that the land

is less fixed than the sea; but that such is the case is the uniform

testimony of geology. Beds of sandstone or limestone, thousands of

feet thick, and all full of marine remains, occur in various parts of

the earth's surface, and prove, beyond a doubt, that when these beds

were formed, that portion of the sea-bottom which they then occupied

underwent a slow and gradual depression to a distance which cannot

have been less than the thickness of those beds, and may have been

very much greater. In supposing, therefore, that the great areas of

the Pacific and of the Indian Ocean, over which atolls and encircling

reefs are found scattered, have undergone a depression of some

hundreds, or, it may be, thousands of feet, Mr. Darwin made a

supposition which had nothing forced or improbable, but was entirely

in accordance with what we know to have taken place over similarly

extensive areas, in other periods of the world's history. But Mr.

Darwin subjected his hypothesis to an ingenious indirect test. If

his view be correct, it is clear that neither atolls, nor encircling

reefs, should be found in those portions of the ocean in which we have

reason to believe, on independent grounds, that the sea-bottom has

long been either stationary, or slowly rising. Now it is known that,

as a general rule, the level of the land is either stationary, or is

undergoing a slow upheaval, in the neighbourhood of active volcanoes;

and, therefore, neither atolls nor encircling reefs ought to be found

in regions in which volcanoes are numerous and active. And this turns

out to be the case. Appended to Mr. Darwin's great work on coral

reefs, there is a map on which atolls and encircling reefs are

indicated by one colour, fringing reefs by another, and active

volcanoes by a third. And it is at once obvious that the lines of

active volcanoes lie around the margins of the areas occupied by the

atolls and the encircling reefs. It is exactly as if the upheaving

volcanic agencies had lifted up the edges of these great areas, while

their centres had undergone a corresponding depression. An atoll area

may, in short, be pictured as a kind of basin, the margins of which

have been pushed up by the subterranean forces, to which the craters

of the volcanoes have, at intervals, given vent.

Thus we must imagine the area of the Pacific now covered by the

Polynesian Archipelago, as having been, at some former time,

occupied by large islands, or, may be, by a great continent, with the

ordinarily diversified surface of plain, and hill, and mountain chain.

The shores of this great land were doubtless fringed by coral reefs;

and, as it slowly underwent depression, the hilly regions, converted

into islands, became, at first, surrounded by fringing reefs, and

then, as depression went on, these became converted into encircling

reefs, and these, finally, into atolls, until a maze of reefs and

coral-girdled islets took the place of the original land masses.

Thus the atolls and the encircling reefs furnish us with clear, though

indirect, evidence of changes in the physical geography of large parts

of the earth's surface; and even, as my lamented friend, the late

Professor Jukes, has suggested, give us indications of the manner in

which some of the most puzzling facts connected with the distribution

of animals have been brought about. For example, Australia and New

Guinea are separated by Torres Straits, a broad belt of sea 100 or

120 miles wide. Nevertheless, there is in many respects a curious

resemblance between the land animals which inhabit New Guinea and

the land animals which inhabit Australia. But, at the same time, the

marine shell-fish which are found in the shallow waters of the shores

of New Guinea, are quite different from those which are met with upon

the coasts of Australia. Now, the eastern end of Torres Straits is

full of atolls, which, in fact, form the northern termination of the

Great Barrier Reef which skirts the eastern coast of Australia. It

follows, therefore, that the eastern end of Torres Straits is an area

of depression, and it is very possible, and on many grounds highly

probable, that, in former times, Australia and New Guinea were

directly connected together, and that Torres Straits did not exist.

If this were the case, the existence of cassowaries and of marsupial

quadrupeds, both in New Guinea and in Australia, becomes intelligible;

while the difference between the littoral molluscs of the north and

the south shores of Torres Straits is readily explained by the great

probability that, when the depression in question took place, and

what was, at first, an arm of the sea became converted into a strait

separating Australia from New Guinea, the northern shore of this new

sea became tenanted with marine animals from the north, while the

southern shore was peopled by immigrants from the already existing

marine Australian fauna.

Inasmuch as the growth of the reef depends upon that of successive

generations of coral polypes, and as each generation takes a certain

time to grow to its full size, and can only separate its calcareous

skeleton from the water in which it lives at a certain rate, it is

clear that the reefs are records not only of changes in physical

geography, but of the lapse of time. It is by no means easy, however,

to estimate the exact value of reef-chronology, and the attempts which

have been made to determine the rate at which a reef grows vertically,

have yielded anything but precise results. A cautious writer, Mr.

Dana, whose extensive study of corals and coral reefs makes him an

eminently competent judge, states his conclusion in the following

terms:--

"The rate of growth of the common branching madrepore is not

over one and a half inches a year. As the branches are open,

this would not be equivalent to more than half an inch in

height of solid coral for the whole surface covered by

the madrepore; and, as they are also porous, to not over

three-eighths of an inch of solid limestone. But a coral

plantation has large bare patches without corals, and the

coral sands are widely distributed by currents, part of them

to depths over one hundred feet where there are no living

corals; not more than one-sixth of the surface of a reef

region is, in fact, covered with growing species. This reduces

the three-eighths to _one-sixteenth_. Shells and other organic

relics may contribute one-fourth as much as corals. At the

outside, the average upward increase of the whole reef-ground

per year would not exceed _one-eighth_ of an inch.

"Now some reefs are at least two thousand feet thick, which at

one-eighth of an inch a year, corresponds to one hundred and

ninety-two thousand years."[1]

[Footnote 1: Dana, "Manual of Geology," p. 591.]

Halve, or quarter, this estimate if you will, in order to be certain

of erring upon the right side, and still there remains a prodigious

period during which the ancestors of the existing coral polypes have

been undisturbedly at work; and during which, therefore, the climatal

conditions over the coral area must have been much what they are now.

And all this lapse of time has occurred within the most recent period

of the history of the earth. The remains of reefs formed by coral

polypes of different kinds from those which exist now, enter largely

into the composition of the limestones of the Jurassic period; and

still more widely different coral polypes have contributed their quota

to the vast thickness of the carboniferous and Devonian strata. Then

as regards the latter group of rocks in America, the high authority

already quoted tells us:--

"The Upper Helderberg period is eminently the coral reef

period of the palaeozoic ages. Many of the rocks abound in

coral, and are as truly coral reefs as the modern reefs of the

Pacific. The corals are sometimes standing on the rocks in the

position they had when growing: others are lying in fragments,

as they were broken and heaped by the waves; and others were

reduced to a compact limestone by the finer trituration before

consolidation into rock. This compact variety is the most

common kind among the coral reef rocks of the present seas;

and it often contains but few distinct fossils, although

formed in water that abounded in life. At the fall of the

Ohio, near Louisville, there is a magnificent display of

the old reef. Hemispherical _Favosites_, five or six feet

in diameter, lie there nearly as perfect as when they were

covered by their flower-like polypes; and besides these,

there are various branching corals, and a profusion of

_Cyathophiyllia_, or cup-corals."[1]

[Footnote 1: Dana, "Manual of Geology," p. 272.]

Thus, in all the great periods of the earth's history of which we

know anything, a part of the then living matter has had the form of

polypes, competent to separate from the water of the sea the carbonate

of lime necessary for their own skeletons. Grain by grain, and

particle by particle, they have built up vast masses of rock, the

thickness of which is measured by hundreds of feet, and their area by

thousands of square miles. The slow oscillations of the crust of the

earth, producing great changes in the distribution of land and water,

have often obliged the living matter of the coral-builders to shift

the locality of its operations; and, by variation and adaptation to

these modifications of condition, its forms have as often changed. The

work it has done in the past is, for the most part, swept away, but

fragments remain; and, if there were no other evidence, suffice to

prove the general constancy of the operations of Nature in this world,

through periods of almost inconceivable duration.

VII.

ON THE METHODS AND RESULTS OF ETHNOLOGY.

Ethonology is the science which determines the distinctive characters

of the persistent modifications of mankind; which ascertains the

distribution of those modifications in present and past times, and

seeks to discover the causes, or conditions of existence, both of

the modifications and of their distribution. I say "persistent"

modifications, because, unless incidentally, ethnology has nothing to

do with chance and transitory peculiarities of human structure. And

I speak of "persistent modifications" or "stocks" rather than of

"varieties," or "races," or "species," because each of these last

well-known terms implies, on the part of its employer, a preconceived

opinion touching one of those problems, the solution of which is the

ultimate object of the science; and in regard to which, therefore,

ethnologists are especially bound to keep their minds open and their

judgments freely balanced.

Ethnology, as thus defined, is a branch of anthropology, the great

science which unravels the complexities of human structure; traces out

the relations of man to other animals; studies all that is especially

human in the mode in which man's complex functions are performed; and

searches after the conditions which have determined his presence in

the world. And anthropology is a section of zoology, which again is

the animal half of biology--the science of life and living things.

Such is the position of ethnology, such are the objects of the

ethnologist. The paths or methods, by following which he may hope to

reach his goal, are diverse. He may work at man from the point of

view of the pure zoologist, and investigate the anatomical and

physiological peculiarities of Negroes, Australians, or Mongolians,

just as he would inquire into those of pointers, terriers, and

turnspits,--"persistent modifications" of man's almost universal

companion. Or he may seek aid from researches into the most human

manifestation of humanity--language; and assuming that what is true of

speech is true of the speaker--a hypothesis as questionable in science

as it is in ordinary life--he may apply to mankind themselves the

conclusions drawn from a searching analysis of their words and

grammatical forms.

Or, the ethnologist may turn to the study of the practical life

of men; and relying upon the inherent conservatism and small

inventiveness of untutored mankind, he may hope to discover in manners

and customs, or in weapons, dwellings, and other handiwork, a clue to

the origin of the resemblances and differences of nations. Or, he may

resort to that kind of evidence which is yielded by history proper,

and consists of the beliefs of men concerning past events, embodied

in traditional, or in written, testimony. Or, when that thread breaks,

archaeology, which is the interpretation of the unrecorded remains of

man's works, belonging to the epoch since the world has reached its

present condition, may still guide him. And, when even the dim light

of archaeology fades, there yet remains paleontology, which, in these

latter years, has brought to daylight once more the exuvia of ancient

populations, whose world was not our world, who have been buried in

river beds immemorially dry, or carried by the rush of waters into

caves, inaccessible to inundation since the dawn of tradition.

Along each, or all, of these paths the ethnologist may press towards

his goal; but they are not equally straight, or sure, or easy to

tread. The way of palaeontology has but just been laid open to us.

Archaeological and historical investigations are of great value for

all those peoples whose ancient state has differed widely from their

present condition, and who have the good or evil fortune to possess a

history. But on taking a broad survey of the world, it is astonishing

how few nations present either condition. Respecting five-sixths of

the persistent modifications of mankind, history and archaeology are

absolutely silent. For half the rest, they might as well be silent for

anything that is to be made of their testimony. And, finally, when the

question arises as to what was the condition of mankind more than a

paltry two or three thousand years ago, history and archaeology are,

for the most part, mere dumb dogs. What light does either of these

branches of knowledge throw on the past of the man of the New World,

if we except the Central Americans and the Peruvians; on that of the

Africans, save those of the valley of the Nile and a fringe of the

Mediterranean; on that of all the Polynesian, Australian, and central

Asiatic peoples, the former of whom probably, and the last certainly,

were, at the dawn of history, substantially what they are now? While

thankfully accepting what history has to give him, therefore, the

ethnologist must not look for too much from her.

Is more to be expected from inquiries into the customs and handicrafts

of men? It is to be feared not. In reasoning from identity of custom

to identity of stock the difficulty always obtrudes itself, that

the minds of men being everywhere similar, differing in quality and

quantity but not in kind of faculty, like circumstances must tend to

produce like contrivances; at any rate, so long as the need to be

met and conquered is of a very simple kind. That two nations use

calabashes or shells for drinking-vessels, or that they employ

spears, or clubs, or swords and axes of stone and metal as weapons and

implements, cannot be regarded as evidence that these two nations

had a common origin, or even that intercommunication ever took place

between them; seeing that the convenience of using calabashes or

shells for such purposes, and the advantage of poking an enemy with a

sharp stick, or hitting him with a heavy one, must be early forced

by nature upon the mind of even the stupidest savage. And when he had

found out the use of a stick, he would need no prompting to discover

the value of a chipped or wetted stone, or an angular piece of native

metal, for the same object. On the other hand, it may be doubted

whether the chances are not greatly against independent peoples

arriving at the manufacture of a boomerang, or of a bow; which last,

if one comes to think of it, is a rather complicated apparatus; and

the tracing of the distribution of inventions as complex as these,

and of such strange customs as betel-chewing and tobacco-smoking, may

afford valuable ethnological hints.

Since the time of Leibnitz, and guided by such men as Humboldt, Abel

Remusat, and Klaproth, Philology has taken far higher ground. Thus

Prichard affirms that "the history of nations, termed Ethnology, must

be mainly founded on the relations of their languages."

An eminent living philologer, August Schleicher, in a recent essay,

puts forward the claims of his science still more forcibly:--

"If, however, language is the human [Greek: kat ezochhên], the

suggestion arises whether it should not form the basis of

any scientific systematic arrangement of mankind; whether the

foundation of the natural classification of the genus Homo has

not been discovered in it.

"How little constant are cranial peculiarities and other

so-called race characters! Language, on the other hand,

is always a perfectly constant diagnostic. A German may

occasionally compete in hair and prognathism with a negro,

but a negro language will never be his mother tongue. Of how

little importance for mankind the so-called race characters

are, is shown by the fact that speakers of languages belonging

to one and the same linguistic family may exhibit the

peculiarities of various races. Thus the settled Osmanli Turk

exhibits Caucasian characters, while other so-called Tartaric

Turks exemplify the Mongol type. On the other hand, the

Magyar and the Basque do not depart in any essential physical

peculiarity from the Indo-Germans, whilst the Magyar, Basque,

and Indo-Germanic tongues are widely different. Apart from

their inconstancy, again, the so-called race characters can

hardly yield a scientifically natural system. Languages, on

the other hand, readily fall into a natural arrangement, like

that of which other vital products are susceptible, especially

when viewed from their morphological side.... The externally

visible structure of the cerebral and facial skeletons, and

of the body generally, is less important than that no less

material but infinitely more delicate corporeal structure, the

function of which is speech. I conceive, therefore, that

the natural classification of languages is also the natural

classification of mankind. With language, moreover, all the

higher manifestations of man's vital activity are closely

interwoven, so that these receive due recognition in and by

that of speech."[1]

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