CHAPTER XXIII.

Behaviour of Charles IV., Duke of Mantua, towards his ex-Minister--His

true Sentiments with reference to him--Precautions prescribed to

Villebois and Laprade for the Prisoners left by Saint-Mars at

Pignerol.--Change in Louis XIV.’s Position in Italy--Transfer of the

Pignerol Prisoners to the Isles Sainte-Marguerite--Instructions given

to Marshal de Tessé--Increase of Saint-Mars’ Watchfulness--Mystery

surrounding the three Prisoners--Great Importance of one of them

compared with the others--It is he who was the Man with the Iron Mask.

Matthioly was left by Saint-Mars at Pignerol, and the long silence

concerning him preserved by Louvois and Saint-Mars from the time of

the latter’s departure for Exiles, receives in that manner its natural

explanation. When I had assured myself of this, I sought in the

Archives of the Ministry of War for all the despatches addressed either

by Louis XIV. or by the Minister to the Sieur de Villebois, Governor of

the donjon, or to the Sieur Laprade, who, after the latter’s death, in

April 1692, replaced him in these duties. Now, I have not only found in

these despatches the confirmation of Matthioly’s presence at Pignerol,

but also fresh proofs of the very strict precautions of which the

prisoners left in this citadel continued to be the objects.

It has often been asked how it was that the Duke of Mantua should

have remained indifferent to the fate of his old favourite, and not

have inquired concerning him of Louis XIV., whom he ought to have

known was alone in a position to furnish him with information. As the

despatches from the Court of Mantua, published either by Delort or by

others, do not mention Matthioly’s name after the date of his arrest,

people have explained this silence by the frivolous indifference of the

young duke, and it must be admitted that the character of this prince

rendered such an explanation very probable. Moreover, this silence has

very much contributed to diminish the importance of Count Matthioly,

and we have been told many times that there could have been nothing

very considerable in the position of a person who suddenly disappeared

without his master even thinking of inquiring what had become of him.

But this is an error. However light and careless Charles IV. may have

been, he did occupy himself with the fate of Matthioly; but far from

endeavouring to deliver him, he regarded his release as a danger.

Indeed, by breaking off the project of the cession of Casale by his

desertion, Matthioly had not only tricked Louis XIV., but had also

profoundly incensed the Duke of Mantua, whom he had thus surrendered

to the violent recriminations, and perhaps later, to the vengeance

of the other Italian princes. If Louis XIV. had not had him carried

off, Charles IV. would have charged himself with this care, and would

have brought about the disappearance of the inconvenient witness

of his intrigues with the Court of Versailles, the agent who had

negotiated the sale of one of the keys of Italy, the confidant whose

very existence was a reproach, whose words were an ever-threatened

accusation, and whose testimony was invaluable to the enemies of the

Duke of Mantua.

“M. de Mantua,” writes the Abbé d’Estrades to Pomponne, June 10, 1679,

“shows uneasiness as to what can have become of Matthioly, whose

conduct he blames.... I inform him concerning Matthioly that, _although

I do not know where he is_, and for the last two months have had no

news of him, I do not hesitate to assure him that he cannot interfere

at all in our negotiation, and that he will not even have the least

suspicion of it; that he may set his mind at rest concerning this, and

that I pledge him my word for it.”[593]

Two years afterwards the Abbé Morel, the French ambassador, when about

to proceed to Mantua, to Charles IV., with the view of renewing the

project of surrender, writes from Turin to Louis XIV.:--

“Turin, August 9, 1681.

“I have no doubt that on my return to Mantua, the Duke will question

me as to what will be done with Matioly after the execution of the

treaty. Perhaps it would be as well to give me a line of information

on this point.”[594]

And Louis XIV. himself replies in a manner to calm Charles IV.’s

uneasiness, but still without revealing the place of Matthioly’s

confinement:--

“Fontainebleau, August 21, 1681.

“I have already informed you that you may assure the Duke of Mantua

that Mathioly will not leave the place where he is without the

consent of that prince; and if there are any other measures to be

taken for his satisfaction, you will inform me of them. On this,

etc.”[595]

Can one have any doubt of the true sentiments of the Duke of Mantua

after reading the following despatch?--

“The Duke of Mantua has learnt with much joy and with sentiments of

lively gratitude, what it has pleased your Majesty to order me to

inform him concerning Matthioli. He had intended to thank me this

evening personally in an audience which he wished to accord me; but I

have found it impossible to attend, owing to a very painful rheumatism

in the neck, which has forced me to keep my bed during the last three

days.”[596]

This joy of Charles IV. on learning that he no longer had to dread the

sudden appearance of his accomplice is sadly significant. He could

again treat with Louis XIV. without fearing lest his too well-informed

ex-minister should proceed to impress upon the attention of the other

princes the conditions to which the Duke of Mantua had agreed, by

consenting to put himself under the complete control of the most

dangerous of Italy’s enemies. Everything thus combined to perpetuate

the confinement of the unfortunate Minister, and the interest of

Charles IV. as much as the pride of Louis XIV. required that he who had

deceived the one and humiliated the other should be removed from the

world for ever.

This was done; and we have seen with what a mystery and with what

an abundance of precautions and minute cares Villebois was charged

to guard him at Pignerol, after Saint-Mars’ departure for Exiles.

Villebois never once left his prisoner. On March 22, 1682,[597]

actuated by a scruple similar to those which had often possessed

Saint-Mars, Villebois asked the Minister, to whom he was to confide

the care of his prisoners if he should fall ill? Louvois replied, “To

the one in whom you have most confidence.” “The King approves,” wrote

the Minister, April 13, 1682, “of your lending the prisoners with

whose care you are charged the books of devotion which they ask of

you, taking all due precautions that these may not serve to give them

intelligence of any kind.”[598] “With reference to the priest whom the

prisoners ask for,” we read in a despatch of December 11, 1683, “I

have to tell you that they should only be allowed to confess once a

year.”[599] “I have received your letter of the 14th of last month,”

writes Louvois, May 1, 1684, “from which I perceive the rage of the

Sieur Matthioly’s servant (_valet_)[600] towards you, and the manner

in which you have punished him, which must certainly be approved of,

and you ought always to act in the same manner on a like occasion.”

On November 26, 1689, Louvois learns “that some one had come by night

to a door of the bastion of Pignerol, where the apartments of the

prisoners are situated, with the intention of getting in,” and he

orders Villebois “to omit nothing to endeavour to discover those who

have done so.”[601] On July 28, 1692, when the Sieur de Laprade is

about to assume the governorship, left vacant by Villebois’ death,

Barbézieux writes to him “that he cannot take too many precautions for

the security of the prisoners with whose care he is charged.” The same

instructions are addressed to him on October 31 following.[602] Despite

these incessant precautions, and the vigilance of which he was the

object, Matthioly still endeavoured to give tidings of himself, but it

was only on the linings of his pockets that he managed to write a few

words. He was discovered, and the Minister writes to Laprade, December

27, 1693, “You have merely to burn what remains of the little pieces

of the pockets on which Matthioly and his man have written, and which

you have found in the lining of their coats, where they had hidden

them.”[603]

This care in destroying everything that might reveal Matthioly’s

presence at Pignerol had at that time become especially necessary. It

was no longer, as in 1679, merely Louis XIV.’s pride which exacted that

the greatest mystery should surround his victim’s existence. Since

the date of the abduction, the face of things in Italy had changed.

The King of France could no longer hold forth there as a master; his

armies had ceased to be constantly victorious, and he was expiating his

impolitic and inopportune interference in the affairs of the peninsula.

That petty Duke of Savoy, whom we saw twelve years previously

submitting himself, with imprecations, to the yoke of his imperious

neighbour, had, in 1693, attained a position which enabled him to

exercise over the progress of events an influence much greater than

that due to the extent of his territories. This Prince had succeeded

in counterbalancing the weakness of his position by his duplicity in

changing his alliances, by his dissembling language, and by his happy

promptitude in making use of favourable circumstances. In his policy he

had always preferred sharp practices to honest acts, and he deceived

in turn and with equal perfidy both Louis XIV. and the enemies of the

King of France. The latter was anxious for peace, with the view of

directing all his efforts and all his attention towards the question

of the Spanish succession, just about to open; and peace depended

almost entirely upon Victor-Amadeus, who, at first so humble, and for

a long time so despised, was now taking his revenge. “We are proud,

and wish to make use of the necessity in which we know very well that

the King is placed, in order to make a general peace for ourselves,”

said the Marquis de Saint-Thomas,[604] Minister of Savoy, to Count de

Tessé. So it was no longer the restitution of the conquests made in

Piedmont, and the surrender of Caslae, that Victor-Amadeus demanded,

but the possession of Pignerol, that valuable acquisition of Richelieu,

a French town for the last sixty years, and whose surrender, which

Louis XIV. finished by resigning himself, was a just expiation for

his ambitious projects of aggrandisement. Possessing already one of

the keys of Italy, he had wished to acquire the other, so as to keep

under his control the Duke of Savoy, who would thus have been enclosed

between two formidable towns, and he was now compelled to cede him

Pignerol, and to withdraw his troops from Casale.

Matthioly, who had played the principal part in the early negotiations

relating to the latter place, suffered in the obscurity of his prison

the consequence of this sudden change in Italian affairs; since he

was one of the three State-prisoners whom the King of France caused

to be transferred from Pignerol to the Isles Sainte-Marguerite, March

19, 1694. Not that his name was then mentioned. After the despatch of

December 27, 1693, concerning what he had written on his coat-pockets,

he was no longer named. Indeed, it was more than ever necessary to hide

from every one this victim of an audacious and inexcusable offence

against international law. The discontent of Europe against Louis XIV.

being extremely strong, and the interests of his policy requiring him

to calm it at any price, it was then especially essential to cover with

impenetrable mystery an existence which recalled at once the menacing

ambition, the audacity, and also the defeat of a great king. So there

have, perhaps, never been so many minute precautions imposed for a

journey of this nature. At the same time that Laprade was receiving

the most circumstantial and precise instructions with reference to the

transfer, the Marquis d’Herleville, Governor of Pignerol, and the Count

de Tessé, commanding the French troops in that place, had orders “to

furnish escorts and advance all the money required for the expenses

of the journey.” Tessé was instructed not to inquire the names of the

prisoners, and to absolutely overcome every temptation to a dangerous

curiosity.[605] The following unpublished despatch is a proof of this:--

“Turin, March 27, 1694.

“I do not reply to you concerning that which you have done me the

honour to write me _with your own hand_, with reference to the

prisoners of the donjon, except that I shall conduct myself according

to your orders and instructions with the greatest secrecy, entire

circumspection, and every possible measure for the security of these

prisoners, without having the slightest temptation to the least petty

curiosity.”[606]

But, no matter how great the precautions taken may have been, no matter

how reserved from that date Barbézieux and Saint-Mars may have shown

themselves in their despatches, these still disclose something; and,

fine as may be the thread which will permit us to follow Matthioly to

his death, it is nevertheless visible.

The prisoners delivered over by Laprade to Saint-Mars were old

captives, whom the latter had already had in charge at Pignerol. This

is clear: 1st, from a despatch, dated January 11, 1694, in which the

Minister asks Saint-Mars the name of one of Laprade’s prisoners who

had just died;[607] 2nd, from the conclusion of the first despatch,

announcing to Saint-Mars the approaching arrival of the prisoners at

Pignerol: “I do not inform you of the number, persuaded that you know

it;”[608] 3rd, from that significant phrase which we have already

quoted from the second despatch relating to the transfer of these

prisoners: “You know that they are of more consequence, or at least

one of them, than those who are now at the Islands, and you ought to

place them by preference in the surest prisons.”[609] Now it is quite

certain, that at the time of his departure from Pignerol to Exiles,

Saint-Mars had no other considerable prisoner except Matthioly, Fouquet

being dead and Lauzun set at liberty. We may remark, too, that it is

in Villebois’ care that he leaves him, Villebois who, with Catinat,

had been charged with the mission of arresting Matthioly on the road

to Turin.[610] When Villebois dies, it is another of Saint-Mars’

confidential lieutenants--the Sieur de Laprade, who is sent from

the Islands to command in the donjon of Pignerol.[611] Consequently

Saint-Mars--and this is an essential point to establish,--did not cease

to be acquainted with Matthioly’s fate, and it is his own lieutenants

who have replaced him for a time in guarding this prisoner.

We have shown, in the preceding chapter,[612] the evident obscurity

of the insignificant prisoner brought by Saint-Mars from Exiles to

the Isles Sainte-Marguerite. His furniture and effects are only

worth thirteen crowns; his gaoler leaves him without scruple; he is

designated as “a crow.” A new prisoner, “of more consequence than the

others,” arrives at the Islands. From that moment Saint-Mars does not

quit them; but immediately imagines fresh measures for the safety of

his prisoners, which the Minister approves, July 20, 1694.[613]

It is about this period that we find, in the official despatches,

the name of the Sieur Favre, whom the most unquestionable tradition

represents as having been chaplain of the prison at the time that

the Man with the Iron Mask was confined there.[614] Barbézieux, who

previously had not been troubled with this anxiety, all at once

thinks of what would happen if Saint-Mars should fall ill, and, with

anxious solicitude, inquires[615] immediately what would be done if

this should occur.[616] On January 15, 1696, we find a new despatch

from Barbézieux, expressing, in the King’s name and his own, the

satisfaction experienced on learning the precautions adopted.[617]

On October 29, 1696, the Minister causes the locks of the donjon of

Pignerol to be sent to the Isles Sainte-Marguerite, in order to render

the confinement of the prisoners more secure.[618]

But there follows a despatch more significant still. Its existence was

first revealed, then contested, and historical criticism finished by no

longer believing in it, and by rejecting it altogether. Nevertheless it

exists, and I have reproduced it in Chapter V.[619] It concludes thus:

“Without explaining yourself to any one whatever about what your old

prisoner has done.”

These words: “Your old prisoner,” have grammatically but one

meaning--that is to say, the prisoner whom you formerly had in your

care, and who has been again confided to you. Besides, I may remark,

that if there should be any doubt about the meaning, this phrase cannot

possibly apply to the prisoner brought by Saint-Mars from Exiles,

since he arrived at the island in April, 1687. For, how can we imagine

that the inhabitants of Sainte-Marguerite would have waited ten years,

before concerning themselves with the causes of his confinement? This

curiosity of the inhabitants of the island, this astonishment, the

prime origin of the legend which became current in the district, is

very naturally explained by the arrival of the prisoners from Pignerol,

surrounded by a strong escort, guarded by Saint-Mars’ confidential men,

placed, one at least, in the most secure prison, and the importance

of whom was attested by the preparations, repairs, and purchases

executed at the time by Saint-Mars. There is nothing striking in the

treatment of the prisoner brought from Exiles, nothing which could

excite surprise, and, anyhow, there is the positive certainty that this

surprise would have been produced in any case during the early years of

his residence at the Isles Sainte-Marguerite.

Pignerol was restored to the Duke of Savoy a short time after the

arrival of the new prisoners at the islands. I have carefully

looked through all the despatches exchanged between Lamothe-Guérin,

Saint-Mars’ successor at the Islands, and the Court of Versailles,

during the ten years (1698 to 1708) which followed the latter’s

departure for the Bastille.[620] Not one of them contains the name of

Matthioly, or makes mention of an important prisoner, left behind by

Saint-Mars. Matthioly was still at Pignerol on December 27, 1693, a few

months previous to the transfer of the three prisoners to the Isles

Sainte-Marguerite. They were all old captives formerly in the care of

Saint-Mars. The latter, we have seen, was ignorant of the causes of

their detention, _save of Matthioly’s alone_. The logical conclusion

of our preceding remarks is, therefore, that these words: “Without

explaining yourself to any one whatever about _what your old prisoner

has done_,” are applicable to what the Government of Versailles termed

the treason of Matthioly. ] If this be admitted--and we trust that our

readers will have no doubt with reference to it--if it be admitted that

the despatch of November 17, 1697, is applicable to Matthioly, the only

prisoner, we must again repeat, whose crime Saint-Mars was acquainted

with, the identity of the Man with the Iron Mask is established.

On March 1, 1698, Barbézieux offers Saint-Mars the nomination to the

Governorship of the Bastille.[621] He accepts this offer, and, on June

17, 1698, the Minister replies:--

“Versailles, June 17, 1698.

“I have remained a long time without answering the letter which you

have taken the trouble to write me the 8th of last month, because the

King has not explained his intentions to me earlier. I shall now tell

you that his Majesty has seen with pleasure that you are determined

to come to the Bastille in order to be its governor. You can arrange

everything so as to be ready to leave when I shall write to you, and

bring your old prisoner with you in all safety.

“I have agreed with Mons. Saumery that he shall give you two thousand

crowns for your expenses in moving your furniture.”

The 19th July following, Barbézieux wrote again:--

“Marly, July 19, 1698.

“I have received the letter that you have taken the trouble to write

me the 9th of this month. The King approves of your leaving the Isles

Sainte-Marguerite to come to the Bastille with your old prisoner,

taking your precautions to prevent his being seen or known by any one.

You can write in advance to his Majesty’s Lieutenant of this château

to have a chamber ready to place this prisoner in on your arrival.”

We thus find, in the two despatches sent to Saint-Mars on the eve

of his departure for the Bastille, at that very important moment

when he is about to commence his journey across France, these same

characteristic words:--“Your old prisoner.” This is not all. What I

have termed the perfect agreement, the exact correspondence between the

prisoner who entered the Bastille, September 18, 1698, and Matthioly,

is rendered more complete and more exact still by the only document

concerning the Man with the Iron Mask, besides despatches, which has

as yet been admitted without controversy--viz., Dujonca’s Journal. If

we refer to Chapter XIII.[622] of the present work we shall perceive

that he too terms the prisoner who accompanied Saint-Mars “_his old

prisoner_ whom he had at Pignerol.” At the Bastille he was called

merely the “prisoner from Provence,”[623] because it was in Provence

that he was confided to Saint-Mars, and Dujonca is none the less exact

in terming him the old prisoner from Pignerol, since Matthioly had

been two years at Pignerol under the care of Saint-Mars. Of all the

captives of whom Saint-Mars was the gaoler, Matthioly is thus the

only one who reconciles the two apparently contradictory features of

the Man with the Iron Mask, whom an undoubted tradition represents as

having been brought to Saint-Mars at the Islands, and whom indisputable

documents show to have also been imprisoned at Pignerol. The general

error has been to represent the Iron Mask as going from Pignerol to

Exiles, the name of which was never mentioned by Dujonca, and not to

pay sufficient attention to this fact, viz., that tradition as well as

rare contemporary documents assign only three prisons, and not four, to

the mysterious captive: Pignerol, the Isles Sainte-Marguerite, and the

Bastille.

FOOTNOTES:

[593] Unpublished despatch:--Archives of the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs, section Savoy, 68.

[594] Unpublished despatch from the Abbé Morel to Louis XIV.:--Archives

of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Mantua, 15.

[595] Unpublished despatch from Louis XIV. to the Abbé Morel:--Archives

of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, section Mantua, 15.

[596] Unpublished despatch from the Abbé Morel to Louis XIV.:--_Ibid._

[597] Unpublished despatch from Louvois to Villebois, March 30,

1682:--Archives of the Ministry of War.

[598] _Ibid._, April 13, 1682.

[599] _Ibid._, December 11, 1685.

[600] Here followed “de chambre,” but these two words have been erased.

[601] Unpublished despatches from Louvois to Villebois of May 1, 1684,

and November 26, 1689.

[602] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Laprade, July 28 1692.

[603] _Ibid._, December 27, 1693.

[604] Letter from Tessé to Barbézieux, December 1693:--Archives of the

Ministry of War, 1271. Given by M. Rousset, vol. iv. p. 531.

[605] Unpublished despatches from Barbézieux to Laprade, March 20,

1694, and from Louis XIV. to the Marquis d’Herleville, March 19, 1694.

[606] Unpublished despatch from Marshal de Tessé to Barbézieux, March

27, 1694:--Archives of the Ministry of War.

[607] January 11, 1694, Barbézieux writes to Saint-Mars: “The Sieur de

Laprade, to whom the King has confided the care of the prisoners who

are confined by his Majesty’s orders in the donjon of Pignerol, writes

me word that the one who has been imprisoned longest is dead, and that

he does not know his name. As I have no doubt but that you remember

it, I beg you to inform me of it in cipher.” The oldest prisoner was

Eustache d’Auger, who was confined, as we have seen, in 1669. Anyhow it

could not be Matthioly, since we have given a few pages back a despatch

from Laprade, December 27, 1693, in which he mentions his name in

reference to what he had written on the lining of his coat. Now Laprade

would never have asked in January, 1694, the name of a prisoner whom he

knew in December, 1693.

[608] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Saint-Mars, February 20,

1694.

[609] _Ibid._, March 20, 1694.

[610] Despatch from Catinat to Louvois, May 3, 1679:--Given by Delort,

p. 212.

[611] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Saint-Mars, May 5,

1692:--Archives of the Ministry of War.

[612] Pp. 322-331, _ante_.

[613] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Saint-Mars, July 20, 1694.

[614] _Ibid._, December 5, 1694.

[615] _Ibid._, December 20, 1694.

[616] A despatch overlooked by M. Topin when writing this work, but

subsequently published by him, and in which Saint-Mars describes the

minute precautions he adopts in order to ensure the safe custody of

his prisoners and prevent them from communicating with any one, is

sufficiently curious to be given at full length:--

“Monseigneur,--

“You command me to inform you how people would act when I am absent or

ill, with reference to the precautions which are taken and the visits

which are paid every day to the prisoners who are committed to my care.

“My two lieutenants give them to eat at fixed hours, as they have

seen me do, and as I still do very often when I am well; and this is

how, Monseigneur. The senior of my lieutenants takes the keys of the

prison of my _old prisoner_, with whom they commence, opens the three

doors and enters the chamber of the prisoner, who politely hands him

the dishes and plates which he has placed on the top of one another in

order to give them to the lieutenant, who only goes out through two of

the doors to hand them to one of my sergeants, who receives them and

carries them to a table two paces off, where is my second lieutenant,

who examines everything that enters or leaves the prison, so that

he may see that there is nothing written on the plate; and after

everything necessary has been given him [the prisoner], a search is

made in and under his bed and among the window-bars of his chamber, as

well as in the whole of the chamber, and very often on himself; after

having very civilly asked him if he has need of anything, they shut

the doors and go to do the same for the other prisoners.

“Twice a week their table-linen is changed, as well as their shirts

and the linen of which they make use, which is given to them and taken

away again after having been counted and after everything has been

well searched.

“One can be very much cheated about the linen when it leaves and

enters for the service of prisoners who are people of consideration,

as I have had some who have wished to bribe the laundresses, who have

acknowledged to me, which they had little difficulty in doing, what

had been said to them, on account of which I used to have all their

linen steeped in water on leaving their chambers, and when it was

clean and half dry, the laundresses came to iron and smooth it in my

apartments in the presence of one of my lieutenants, who locked up

the baskets in a chest until they were handed over to the servants of

messieurs the prisoners. There is much to be distrusted in candles; I

have found some which on being broken or used contained paper instead

of wicks. I used to send to buy some at Turin at shops not tampered

with. It is also very dangerous for ribbon to leave a prisoner’s

apartment, as he writes on it as on linen without any one being aware

of it.

“The late Monsieur Fouquet made fine and good paper on which I

allowed him to write, and afterwards I went and took it from a little

pocket which he had made in the seat of his breeches, which I sent to

Monseigneur your late father.”

[The commencement of the second leaf has been torn; the following only

remains:--]

“As a last precaution, the prisoners are searched from time to time,

both day and night, at hours which are not fixed, when it is often

found that they have written on dirty linen that which they alone are

able to read, as you will have seen from that which I have had the

honour to forward you. If it is necessary, Monseigneur, that I should

do anything else in order to more completely fulfil my duty, I shall

glory all my life in obeying you with the same respect and submission

as I am,

“Monseigneur,

“Your very humble, very obedient, and very obliged servant,

“DE SAINT-MARS.

“At the Islands, this January 6, 1696.”

The above despatch, as well as the one given on p. 324, note

17, _ante_, is to be found in draft in the collection of M.

Mauge-du-Bois-des-Entes. They have both been given by Monmerqué and

Champollion-Figeac.--_Trans._

[617] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Saint-Mars.

[618] _Ibid._, October 29, 1696.

[619] See p. 61, _ante_.

[620] I have read one by one all the despatches addressed during the

years 1698-1708 by the Ministers Chamillart and Voysin (successors of

Barbézieux at the Ministry of War) to Lamothe-Guérin, and nothing in

them applies to Matthioly.

Barbézieux, incensed at the elevation of his rival Chamillart,

gave himself up to dissipation in order to drown his annoyance. He

retired to his château of L’Etang at the boundary of the park of

Saint-Cloud, where he feasted and rioted with his friends, and was

seized with a fever consequent upon his excesses, of which he died

a few days afterwards at the age of thirty-three. See _Mémoires de

Saint-Simon_.--_Trans._

[621] Unpublished despatch from Barbézieux to Saint-Mars. I reproduce

it word for word:--

“At Versailles, the first of March, 1698.

“I commence by offering you my condolence on the death of your

brother-in-law, for which you will not doubt I am very sorry, both on

account of his services and of my friendship for him.

“I also write to you concerning the proposal to exchange your

governorship of the Isles Sainte-Marguerite against that of the

Bastille. The reply which you have made to him has been handed to me

since his death. The revenue of this governorship consists of 15,168

livres on the estates of the King, besides two thousand additional

which M. Bezemaux derived from the shops around the Bastille and the

ferry-boats depending on the governor.

“It is true that out of this M. Bezemaux was obliged to pay a number

of sergeants and soldiers for the guard of the prisoners in his care,

but you know, from what you derive from your company, to what these

expenses amount. Having enumerated the value of this governorship, I

shall now say to you that it is for you to know your own interests,

that the King does not force you to accept it, if it is not agreeable

to you, and at the same time I do not doubt that you will take account

of the profit that is generally made upon what the King gives for the

keep of the prisoners, which profit may become considerable. There is

also the pleasure of being in Paris with one’s family and friends,

instead of being confined to an extremity of the kingdom. If I may

give my opinion, it seems to me very advantageous, and I believe, for

the reasons given above, that you would not lose by the exchange.

I beg you nevertheless to write me your opinion frankly concerning

that:”--Archives of the Ministry of War.

[622] P. 164, _ante_.

[623] The Count de Pontchartrain to Saint-Mars, November 3, 1698:

“The King approves of your prisoner from Provence confessing and

communicating whenever you think proper.”

The man with the iron mask · 第 23 / 24 章