INTRODUCTION

The little tales brought together in this volume are drawn from the

literature of the Middle Ages, and in many cases were written in France

of the thirteenth century. I hope that they may be found interesting in

themselves, but to appreciate them fully they should be considered in

their relations to a definite historical background. Their conceptions

of society, of religion, of politics, of humour--that precious gift

which always dies so young--are not common to all of us to-day. They

are of the thirteenth century, and we of the twentieth. We may not be

better than our forefathers, but a great chasm of seven hundred years

yawns between us and them. To enjoy their work without reserve it is

necessary for a time to breathe the same air that was breathed--roughly

speaking--by the subjects of St. Louis of France.

It is possible to love the period known as the Middle Ages, or it is

possible to detest it. But you cannot ignore it, nor find it

flavourless on the palate, because that period possesses character,

"character, that personal quality, that idiosyncrasy which, no doubt,

you are the richer for possessing, be it morally bad or good--for it is

surely better to have a bad character than none, and if you are a

church, better to be like the Badia than the City Temple." Indeed, it

is evident that the personal equation must largely determine what any

writer's conception of the Middle Ages is. A great modern poet, for

instance, loved the Middle Ages because economic conditions pressed

less hardly on the poor; because London was small and white and clean;

because chivalry afforded opportunity for that decorative treatment of

knightly episodes which makes his poetry so attractive. Yet across the

Channel, much at the same time, an equally distinguished poet treated

of the same period in a book of poems which it is instructive to

consider side by side with the work of William Morris, and the

Frenchman's verse is lurid with fire and bigotry, and the tale of

man's inhumanity to man. And the strange point is that both writers

could give chapter and verse for the very different type of story they

selected. Again, the religious temperament is apt to look back fondly

to the Middle Ages as the "Age of Faith." To such minds mediaevalism is

a period of easy acquiescence in spiritual authority, a state of health

before the world grew sick with our modern disease of doubt. Certainly

these centuries produced saints whose arresting examples and haunting

words must always be the glory of Christianity, and it is equally

certain that the offices and doctrines of the Church entered far more

intimately into the lives of the common folk than they do to-day. But

side by side with faith there was a "spirit of rebellion and revolt

against the moral and religious ideas of the time." It may be found in

many strangely different shapes: in the life of Abelard; in the

extraordinary spread of witchcraft; and--in its supreme literary

expression, perhaps--in a famous passage of "Aucassin and Nicolette."

And, to take a third illustration of the same difficulty, were the

Middle Ages years of sheer lyric beauty, or rather years of

inexpressible ugliness and filth? "If you love the very words 'Middle

Age'; if they conjure up to your mind glowing old folios of black

letter with gilt and florid initials; crimson and green and blue pages

in which slim ladies with spiked head-dresses walk amid sparse flowers

and trees like bouquets, or where men-at-arms attack walled cities no

bigger than themselves, or long-legged youths with tight waists and

frizzed hair kiss girls under apple-trees; or a king is on a dais with

gold lilies for his background, minstrels on their knees before him,

lovers in the gallery"--well, if you accept all this dainty

circumstance, you get sheer lyric beauty, and nothing else. Only there

is another side, a side not very pleasant to dwell upon, and it may

perhaps be hinted at by saying that such a necessary of the toilet as a

pocket-handkerchief was not generally known in this Age of Beauty.

Perhaps it would be truer to hold that the Middle Ages comprised all

these things--the knight-errant and the tormentor; the altar and the

witch's Sabbath; a dream of loveliness having its roots in slime and

squalor. These centuries were both "enormous and delicate." They were

great enough to include opposites, and to square the circle. You may

love them, or you may hate them; but they cannot be given the go-by.

The philosophy of the Middle Ages--that is to say, the idea which

governed their political and theological conceptions--was both simple

and profound. The Emperor or King was considered to be the guardian of

the temporal order of things, just as the Pope was held to be the

supreme authority in matters of eternal and spiritual concern. It was

an idea fascinating in its simplicity, but life is a tangled and

complex matter, and in practice, planets, which in theory moved

strictly in their own orbits, were continually striking across each

other's path. Even St. Louis, the King, who carried saintliness to the

extreme limit permitted to man, was involved in frequent political

quarrels with the supreme head of his Church, and by one of the little

ironies of fate came within measurable distance of excommunication. The

King--again in theory--was the owner of all his realm. This was

necessary to abolish Heptarchies. But for the support of the Crown he

parcelled out his realm amongst great lords, and thus established

Heptarchies again. The great barons, in their turn, divided their

estates amongst knights, bound to assist them in their quarrels, and to

furnish a certain number of soldiers to their service. Amongst these

knights sprang up one of the supreme institutions of the Middle

Ages--the institution of chivalry. "It took its birth in the interior

of the feudal mansions, without any set purpose beyond that of

declaring, first, the admission of the young man to the rank and

occupation of the warrior; secondly, the tie which bound him to his

feudal superior--his lord, who conferred upon him the arms of

knighthood. But when once the feudal society had acquired some degree

of stability and confidence, the usages, the feelings, the

circumstances of every kind which attended the young man's admission

among the vassal warriors, came under two influences, which soon gave

them a fresh direction, and impressed them with a novel character.

Religion and imagination, poetry and the Church, laid hold on chivalry,

and used it as a powerful means of attaining the objects they had in

view, of meeting the moral wants which it was their business to provide

for." Throughout a long apprenticeship, in a castle which contained

practically but one woman, the wife of his lord and she removed how

infinitely from him in distance and in station, the young squire was

trained to feel towards all women something of the dreamy devotion with

which art and religion taught him to regard Our Lady herself. And the

apprenticeship culminated in the ceremony of knighthood, with all the

mystical significance of the symbolism preserved for us in the little

story of Sir Hugh of Tabarie and the Sultan Saladin, carefully

calculated to impress the recipient in the highest degree. Devotion to

God, to his king, and to his lady--these were the ideals of knighthood,

not always, unfortunately, its realities. But ideals are difficult of

realization in so faulty a world as ours. The Black Prince was the very

pattern of chivalry in his youth, yet Froissart remarks in his account

of the battle of Poitiers that "the Prince of Wales, who was as

courageous and cruel as a lion, took great pleasure this day in

fighting and chasing his enemies." The conduct of that perfect gentle

knight, Sir Graelent, towards the lady he discovered bathing in the

fountain, was far from chivalrous, according to modern notions, and yet

I can assure the reader that I have walked delicately as Agag, and gone

to the verge of weakness, in recounting the incident. Finally, here is

a passage from a letter written by a knight of the fourteenth century

to the Tyrant of Mantua, relating to a French girl, Jeannette, which is

sufficiently explicit. "Let her be detained at my suit, for if you

should have a thousand golden florins spent for her, I will pay them

without delay, for if I should have to follow her to Avignon I will

obtain this woman. Now, my lord, should I be asking a trifle contrary

to law, yet ought you not to cross me in this, for some day I shall do

more for you than a thousand united women could effect; and if there be

need of me in a matter of greater import, you shall have for the asking

a thousand spears at my back." Ah, well, ideals that are realized cease

to be ideals.

Just as this worship of woman was the great social note of the Middle

Ages, so the devotion to the Blessed Virgin was the distinguishing

religious feature of those times. In honour of Our Lady were erected

the magnificent Gothic cathedrals--those masterpieces of moral

elevation--which stud the fair land of France like painted capitals

upon a written page. In these buildings the genius of the Middle Ages

found its supreme expression. Above the crowded market-place and narrow

mediaeval street rose those incomparable churches, "like Gothic queens

at prayer, alone, silent and adorned." In her honour, too, they were

made beautiful with glass and statuary, so that never before nor since

were churches filled with such an entrancing congregation, never had

buildings such wonderful eyes. And at a time when masons built to her

honour and theologians defined her position, the story-tellers were not

slack in her praise. The three legends relating to the Virgin, which I

have included in this book of translations, are but specimens of an

immense literature devoted to her service. "Our Lady's Tumbler" is, to

the modern taste, one of the most appealing of all these legends, but

there are others nearly, if not quite, so beautiful. Once upon a time

there was a monk who was so ignorant that he was exposed to the rebuke

of his brethren. But in his devotion to Our Lady he took for his

meditation five psalms, each commencing with a letter of her name. And

when it pleased God that his end should come, there happened a very

beauteous miracle, for from his mouth came forth five fresh roses,

sweet, crimson and leafy, in honour of the five letters of the name of

Maria. Again, how exquisite is the story of the nun who by frailty of

heart fled from her cloister to give herself over to sin. After many

long years she returned to the nunnery, having lost her innocence, but

not her faith, for during all her wanderings she had never omitted her

habit of prayer to Our Lady. But, to her surprise, always she was

addressed by her sisters as if she had never gone from amongst them.

For the Blessed Virgin, having clothed herself with the vesture and

seeming of the truant who loved her, even in sin, took also upon her

the duties of a sacristan from which she had fled, so that no single

person had noticed the absence from her cloister of the faithless nun.

Yet, after all, the Middle Ages delighted to honour Our Lady as the

tender Mother rather than as the Queen of Heaven. In numberless

miniatures, and on the portals of the cathedrals raised to her glory,

she stands presenting her Child to the adoration of men. It is as the

instrument of the Incarnation that her ultimate dignity consists.

Indeed, the religion of the Middle Ages can only be appreciated by

regarding it in the light of the doctrine of the Incarnation. Christ is

God. The Mass--the popular service instituted by Himself--is an

extension of His Incarnation. The Blessed Virgin is to be held in

peculiar veneration as the Mother of God. The two threads can easily be

seen twined together in that story of how Our Lady tourneyed whilst the

knight was at Mass. But belief in the Incarnation is the keystone of

mediaeval theology, and the only explanation of the lives of those

saints who poured out their years like water in the service of God and

man.

The authors of the stories brought together in this book from various

sources are, in some cases, identified, but in others are unknown. They

may, perhaps, be regarded as representative of the three classes who

are responsible for this kind of fiction--the monk, the trouvere and

the professional minstrel. The monk, for his part, wrote in French

seldom enough. He was a scholar, and when he had something to say,

preferred to deliver himself in Latin, the language common to all

educated men. But, for once, in the thirteenth century, a monk of

Soissons, named Gautier de Coinci, translated into French verse a great

collection of the miracles of Our Lady. From this garner I have

selected the legend "Of a Jew who took as Surety the Image of Our

Lady." Gautier de Coinci may not have been a supreme poet--that saving

grace comes seldom enough--but his industry was certainly abnormal. His

labour of love must have been the occupation of a lifetime, and it is

pleasant to recall the old monk, in silent scriptorium and shady

cloister, turning the Latin legends into fluent and pious verse.

The trouvere was drawn from the same class as the troubadour, and the

circumstances of their lives were in essentials much the same. He lived

very probably in some nobleman's castle, where he composed his stories

as a sort of amateur, and recited the verses to an audience more or

less select. His pride forbade him to appear personally before the

populace, but it permitted him to provide wandering minstrels with

copies of these poems, and so entertain the common folk by deputy. In

the lord's castle it was, of course, another matter. On summer

afternoons he would recite before the baron's household, where they

were seated on the steps of the garden terrace, each in his order and

degree. You can feel the hush and heat of the Provencal evening, whilst

the sombre cypresses spire into the sky, and the olives whisper, and,

far below, the broad stretches of the Rhone are suffused with the

lovely light and colour of southern France. Or, in winter, after

supper, when the tables were cleared, the trouvere would recite in

hall. At the feet of the ladies sat their knights on silken cushions,

fettered with silver chains, each to his friend. It was an audience

rich and idle, familiar with the fantastic lives of the troubadours,

and with the wanton judgments of the Courts of Love. For such a company

no flower of sentiment could be too highly scented, and no tale come

amiss, save only that it spoke of love.

If the trouveres were "the aristocracy of this literature," the

minstrel was its "democracy." Sometimes he rose almost to the status of

the trouvere, composing his own stories, and reciting them even in

kings' houses. Generally, however, the minstrel was but a strolling

player, speaking other men's thoughts, and wandering over the length

and breadth of the land. Occasionally he went alone with his viol. At

other times he was accompanied by bears, or a little troupe of singing

boys or dancing girls. The minstrel might have the good fortune to give

his entertainment before some knight or count. At any rate, the common

folk heard him gladly, before the church or on the village green. If he

was lucky, the homeless minstrel got free lodgings for the night at

some hospitable monastery, but occasionally he was turned from the

door, with hard words, because of St. Bernard's saying that "the tricks

of the jongleurs can never please God." Once upon a time such a

minstrel as this knocked at a monastery door, and asked for

hospitality. He was received without indecent joy, and the

guest-master, forgetting that a grace conferred unwillingly is no

favour at all, provided the guest with black bread, salted vegetables,

cold water, and a hard and dirty pallet. The abbot obviously felt no

passion for strolling vagabonds, and had appointed a guest-master after

his own heart. On the morrow, when the minstrel was leaving the

monastery, he met the abbot returning from a short journey. To revenge

himself, at any rate, on one of the two, the minstrel accosted him

effusively. "My lord," said he, "I thank you and all the community from

the bottom of my heart, for Brother such-an-one has welcomed me like

Christ Himself last night. He lighted a fire in my chamber, and served

me with choice wines, excellent fish, and more dishes than I am able to

recall. And this morning when he bade me farewell he gave me shoes,

and these leathern laces, and a knife." When the abbot heard this he

was filled with anger, and, parting shortly from the minstrel, he

hastened to the monastery, and promptly relieved the guest-master of

his office, before the latter could offer a word of explanation. Thus

was the minstrel revenged on this grudging heart.

If, however, any reader would like to see closer the actual life of a

minstrel of the thirteenth century, I would suggest that he obtain the

excellent little book on Rutebeuf, one of the most famous of them all,

published in the Grands Ecrivains Francais series. There he may read of

the poet's bare cupboard, and the unfurnished lodging, where he lived

with his ugly and dowerless old wife, who brought him but fifty years

with her soup. He coughs with cold and gapes with hunger. He has no

mattress, but only straw, and a bed of straw is not a bed. He fears to

face his wife without money for food and rent. If he cannot dig,

emphatically, to beg he is not ashamed. All his goods are in pawn, and

his time is wasted in the tavern, playing dice, which are his curse and

his downfall. Well, Rutebeuf is not the first nor the last to be ruined

by dice. How the Devil must smile! Do you remember the legend of the

making of these little figures? A merchant who sold himself to the

Devil was bidden by him to make a six-sided piece of bone, and to mark

each side with a number. One point was to insult the only true God. Two

points were to insult God and the Blessed Virgin. Three points to

insult the Holy Trinity. Four points to insult the four Evangelists.

Five points to insult the Sacred Wounds; and six points to insult the

Days of Creation. From that hour the little figures spread rapidly

through the world, to man's confusion. Such is the picture Rutebeuf

paints of his life--a life curiously anticipative of that of many a

Bohemian poet since. It is not a very attractive picture, and though

for artistic and other reasons the shadows may be unduly darkened, yet

in the main it is doubtless substantially correct.

The stories written by such men as these are racy of their soil, and

give the very form and pressure of their times. I have tried to make my

little selection representative, and have included in this book not

only romances of love and chivalry, but legends of devotion and

moralities. Greatly daring, I have translated a specimen of their

humour even--not too characteristic, I hope, of the robust merriment

of the feudal period. These stories will be found illustrative of some

of the ideas with which the mind of the Middle Ages was concerned. The

devotion to the Blessed Sacrament and to Our Lady; the languid and

overwrought sentiment of love; the mystical ceremonies of knighthood;

all these things are illuminated by the tales which follow this

Introduction. Bound up with them are customs and ideas which to the

modern mind are, perhaps, less happy. It seems odd, for instance, that

the feudal knight should see nothing repugnant in accepting money and

clothing from the lady who had given him already the supreme favour of

her love. It is possible to entertain a high ideal of friendship

without being prepared to cut the throats of your children for the sake

of your friend. Yet this is what Amile did for Amis in the great epic

of friendship of the Middle Ages. In its stark adherence to a

superhuman standard, it puts one in mind of the animal-like patience of

Griselda--which story (not included here) may perhaps be regarded as

the modest ideal of the mediaeval husband. It is strange, too, to find

in stories so concerned with the knightly exercises of the tourney and

the joust, no hint of the singular disfavour in which these games (or,

perhaps, pursuits) were held by the Church. Popes prohibited them; St.

Louis forbade them. Those slain therein were refused burial in

consecrated ground. The Church testified, "Of those who fell in

tournament there is no question but that they go down to hell, unless

they are aided by the great benefit of absolution." At Cologne sixty

knights and squires were killed, and the cries were heard all about of

demons carrying off their souls to perdition. Apparently all this

tremendous machinery failed utterly in its purpose. The most pious

knights strove in tournaments equally with the most reckless,

and--according to Miss Knox, to whose admirable _Court of a Saint_ I am

indebted--a son of St. Louis himself was thrown at a tourney, and was

afterwards weak in intellect as a consequence.

Nor is it only with the lives of the rich that the mediaeval minstrel

was concerned. He dealt, too, with the lives and aspirations of that

yet more numerous class, the poor. Such a story as "The Three Thieves"

is indeed a picture of the home of the hind. We see the mean mud and

timber hovel, into which the thieves broke so easily, with its

cauldron upon the fire of fagots, its big bedstead, and the little

lean-to byre. The peasant's tools stood around the wall, whilst outside

was the garden, in which a wise ordinance of St. Louis required that

pot-herbs should be planted. And if the tale of "The Three Thieves"

shows us the home of the peasant, his soul is stripped for us to the

quick, in--of all places in the world of literature--"Aucassin and

Nicolette." Amongst the full-blown flowers of sentiment in that

incomparable love-story is placed an episode which, in its violence and

harsh realism, has been likened to a spot of blood and mud on a silver

ground. Possibly it was inserted merely to show the hero's good heart,

or is simply an instance of that artistic use of contrast so noticeable

throughout the book. Any way, there are few things in feudal literature

more striking than the meeting of the "dansellon" with the tattered,

hideous ploughman, the one weeping in delicate grief, the other

telling, dry-eyed, the sordid story of the abject poor. It is very far

from being the happiest incident in the romance, but it is certainly

one of the most memorable. One wonders how it was taken by an audience

that concerned itself so little with the interests of the serf, and

whose literature never mentioned that class, except in scorn. Was the

author possibly of the ploughman's kindred, like Chaucer's parish

priest in _The Canterbury Tales_? Had the stinging whips of captivity

taught him sympathy with unpoetical sorrows; or is this an early hint

of the coming storm! "They are clothed in velvet, and warm in their

furs and their ermines, while we are covered with rags. They have wine

and spices and fair bread; and we, oat-cake and straw, and water to

drink. They have leisure and fine houses; we have pain and labour, the

rain and the wind in the fields." We cannot tell; but comparing this

dainty make-belief with that tragic misery, we feel the significance of

the peasant's cry, "Woe to those who shall sorrow at the tears of such

as these."

I hope I have not dwelt unduly on these stories considered as pictures

of the customs and philosophy of their times. Perhaps, after all, these

matters are of interest to the archaeologist and the ecclesiologist

rather than to the general reader. Not being a scholar myself, I have

no pretension to write for scholars. My object is more modest. I have

tried to bring together a little garland for the pleasure of the

amateurs of beautiful tales. To me these mediaeval stories are

beautiful, and I have striven to decant them from one language into

another with as little loss as may be. To this end I have refined a

phrase, or, perhaps, softened an incident here and there. I do not

pretend that they are perfect works of art. "All poets are unequal,

except the bad, and they are uniformly bad." Sometimes a story drags,

or there are wearisome repetitions. The psychology occasionally strikes

a modern reader as remarkably summary. When Amis, for example, became a

leper, we are gravely told that his wife held him in bitter hatred, and

many a time strove to strangle him. Here is an author who, obviously,

is astonished at nothing. But in reading these narratives you will

remember how they have delighted, and been used by, writers in some

cases greater than their own authors. Is it possible, for instance, to

peruse "The Lay of the Little Bird" without recalling Shelley's

"Sensitive Plant"? The tale of "The Divided Horsecloth" is told, in

another version, both by Montaigne and Browning. The principal incident

of "King Florus and the Fair Jehane" is used by Shakespeare in

"Cymbeline." "Our Lady's Tumbler" and "A Jew who took as Surety the

Image of Our Lady" have been re-written by Monsieur Anatole France with

such perfection of art and artistry as to be the admiration and despair

of all who come after him.

It should not be forgotten that the majority of these stories were

intended to be recited, and not read. Repetition, therefore, is the

more easily excused. This also accounts for the dramatic use of

dialogue, so noticeable in "The Palfrey" and in "Aucassin and

Nicolette." But it is evident that this Introduction, already

over-long, will not permit me to go _seriatim_ through these tales,

"Item, a grey eye or so. Item, two lips, indifferent red." Let me

therefore content myself with appreciating the most lovely of them all,

"Aucassin and Nicolette."

A single copy of "Aucassin and Nicolette," transcribed in the

thirteenth century, and preserved as by miracle, has retained for us

not only a charming tale, but also an unique specimen of the minstrel's

craft. Without it we could not have gathered that so elaborate a

blending of prose and verse was possible to a strolling player of

mediaeval France. The cante-fable was designed for recitation, with

illustrative gesture, to the accompaniment of viol and pipes. In this,

and not only in this, it seems to suggest an Eastern origin, and

to-day, in any Moorish coffee-house, the tales of the _Arabian Nights_

are delivered in a manner very similar to that witnessed in Provence

seven hundred years ago. The peculiar quality of pleasure afforded by

"Aucassin and Nicolette" is not to be found in the story itself. That,

indeed, is very simple, and, perhaps, a trifle hackneyed. Aucassin, the

only son of the Count of Beaucaire, is passionately in love with

Nicolette, a beautiful girl of unknown parentage, bought of the

Saracens, whom his father will not permit him to marry. The story turns

on the adventures of these fond lovers, until at the end their common

fidelity is rewarded. Portions have faded sadly, like old tapestry, and

the laughter sounds especially hollow, for of all precious things fun

dies soonest. But in "Aucassin" the part is emphatically greater than

the whole, and its charm must rather be sought in its graceful turns of

speech--jewels, five words long--and in the pictorial quality which

makes it more a series of pictures than a narrative. Who can forget the

still night of May on which Nicolette escapes from her prison, and

hurries through the garden, kilting her skirt against the dew; or the

ruined tower in whose kindly shadow she remains hidden, whilst the

watch march along the moonlit street, their swords beneath their

mantles; or that bower of branches, built by her own white hands,

through the trellis-work of which her lover looks upon the stars! In

such felicitous picture-making the dainty little classic is equalled by

no work of its period.

May I express the pious wish that every reader may find it all as

delightful to read as I have found it to transcribe?

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