CHAPTER XXIX.

“The Scoto-Milesians,” says Dr. Hales,[489] “reckon twenty-three

generations from Feni an fear soid, ‘the Phœnician wise man,’ their

ancestor, to Heber and Heremon, who established the last settlement from

Spain, as observed before; which, at the usual computation of three mean

generations to a century, would give 766 years from Fenius to Heber. But

we learn from Coemhain, that the sons of _Milesius_ (this should have been

_Gallamh_)[490] were coeval with Solomon, and that the Gadelians[491] came

to Ireland in the middle of the reign of this illustrious prince,” B.C.

1002, according to the Irish chronology. Counting backwards, therefore,

from this date, 766 years, we get the time of Fenius about B.C. 1768. And

this agrees with sacred and profane history; for Joshua, whose

administration began B.C. 1688, according to Hales’s _Chronology_, notices

“the strong city of Tyre” (Josh. xix. 29); which maintained its

independence even in David’s days (2 Sam. xxiv. 7); and in Solomon’s (1

Kings ix. 11-14). And Herodotus, that inquisitive traveller and

intelligent historian, who visited Tyre about B.C. 448, saw there the

temple of the Thasian Hercules; and another erected to him by the

Phœnicians at Thasus itself, an island on the coast of Thrace, while they

were engaged in search of Europa, the daughter of Agenor, King of Tyre,

who had been carried off by some Greeks; an event, says Herodotus, which

happened five generations before the Grecian Hercules, the son of

Amphitryon, B. ii. sec. 44; who flourished about 900 years before he

wrote, sec. 145, or about B.C. 1348, to which adding 166 years for the

five generations, we get the rape of Europa about B.C. 1514.

“But the deification of the Thasian Hercules must have been after his

death, which may make him contemporary with Joshua, or even earlier.

Herodotus relates that the Tyrians themselves boasted of the remote

antiquity of their city, founded, as they said, 2300 years before (B. xi.

44), which would carry it higher than the deluge. The high antiquity,

however, of Sidon and her daughter Tyre, was acknowledged by Xerxes, king

of Persia, when he invaded Greece, B.C. 480; and in a council of his

officers allowed her ambassadors the honour of precedence” (sec. 11).

He adds: “In order to determine the cardinal data of ancient Irish

history, it is necessary to premise a synopsis of Coemhain’s System of

Chronology.

Y. B.C.

Creation 1656 3952

Deluge 292 2296

Abraham born 942 2004

David, king 473 1062

Babylonish Captivity 589 589

----

Christian Era 3952 1

“In this table, the first column contains the years elapsed between the

succeeding events: thus, from the creation, 1656 years to the deluge;

from the deluge, 292 years to the birth of Abraham, etc.; and their

amount, 3952 years, gives the basis of the system, or the years elapsed

from the creation to the vulgar Christian era. The second column gives the

dates of these events before the Christian era.

“David began to reign B.C. 1062; from which subducting 60 years for the

amount of his whole reign, 40 years, and 20 years, the half of Solomon’s,

we get B.C. 1002, for the date of the expedition of Heber and Heremon to

Ireland.

“This same number has been noticed by two earlier chronologers, Marcus

Anchoreta, A.D. 647; and Nennius, A.D. 858; who both date the arrival of

the Scoti in Ireland, ‘1002 years after the passage of the Red Sea by the

Israelites, in which the Egyptians were drowned’ (O’Connor, _Proleg._ ii.

pp. 15-45). The identity of the number 1002 proves the mistake in the

reference to the exode of the Israelites, instead of to the Christian era,

which depresses the arrival of the Scoti five centuries too low. For

Coemhain reckons the exode 502 years after the birth of Abraham, or B.C.

1502; from which subtracting 1002 years, the arrival of the Scoti would be

reduced to B.C. 500; or, following Usher’s date of the deluge, B.C. 1491.

O’Connor reduces it still lower, to B.C. 489 (_Proleg._ ii. p. 45). Upon

the superior authority of Coemhain, therefore, as a chronologer, we are

warranted to rectify this important error of Nennius and Marcus Anchoreta,

which even Dr. O’Connor has failed to correct; not adverting to the

foregoing inference from Coemhain. But he has happily furnished himself

the materials for proving the error.

“He states, that one hundred and eighteen kings of the Scoti reigned, till

the arrival of St. Patrick, B.C. 489 + A.D. 435 = 921 years in all, which,

divided by 118, would give too short an average of reigns, only 7-9/11

years a-piece; whereas the true interval, B.C. 1002 + A.D. 432 = 1434

years, would give the average of reigns above twelve years a-piece; which

he justly represents as the standard, from Patrick to Malachy II., viz.

forty-eight reigns in 590 years (_Proleg._ ii. p. 45).”[492]

The date of the Scythian invasion, then, being fixed as B.C. 1002, it is

agreed on all hands that that of the _Tuath-de-danaans_ was but two

hundred years anterior, or B.C. 1202;[493] with this _exactly corresponds

the time at which Marsden, Kæmpfer, and Loubere date the arrival of the

Buddists at Siam_, viz. B.C. 1202. Among the Japanese also, they are

stated by Klaproth to have arrived not very distant from that era, or B.C.

1029. Dé Guignes and Remusat suppose 1029 as the epoch at which they

invaded China. B.C. 1000 is the epoch assigned by Symes for their descent

upon the Burman empire; and B.C. 1029 is that fixed by Ozeray for their

entrance into Ceylon; while the Mogul authors and the Bagwad Amrita (Sir

W. Jones) recognise their appearance respectively at B.C. 2044 and B.C.

2099.

Now, the extreme concordance amongst the calculations of those various

countries, one with the other, and their almost universal coincidence,

nay, _in the Siamese authorities_, almost _miraculous identifications,

with our Irish registries_, as to the influx, amongst all, of this

singular people, and their extraordinary ritual, makes us associate the

phenomena with one common cause, and that was the _expulsion_ of the

Budhists from India, the Rajas having proclaimed, at the instigation of

the rival Brahmins, that “from the bridge of Rama, even to the snow-capped

Himala, no man should spare the Budhists, young or old, on pain of death”

(_Guigniaud’s Creuzer_).

As to the Mogul dates, and those of the Bagwad Amrita, they evidently bear

reference to former colonies; nor are _we_, in Ireland, without similar

chronicles of an antecedent arrival, and precisely answering to the time

of the _first departure_ of the Tuath-de-danaans from the borders of

Persia.[494]

It was, indeed, the tradition of this early invasion, long mystified by

age, that we have seen so perverted at p. 385, for the sole purpose of

effecting a miracle! Nor is this the only fable that fastens upon that

narrative: we have that of Partholan and of Nemedius, and a thousand other

reminiscences, all directing towards the centre of a common nucleus. The

_East_ is the point whither they all aim, and the era they assign is

invariably that of the _deluge_! Is it not, therefore, inevitable, but

that the object recorded is our reception of the Tuath-de-danaans when

ejected by the arms of their Pish-de-danaan rivals?[495]

Amongst the Easterns themselves we find corresponding traditions, wrapt

up, as usual, in allegory, of this primordial departure. The Phrygians,

who were one of the most ancient and considerable nations of Asia Minor,

complain of Apollo having wandered from them, in company with Cybele, to

the land of the Hyperboreans.[496] The costume of the archers upon our

Knockmoy frescoes is strictly Phrygian, and confirms their testimony

better than any written memorial! “Hercules,” says Cedrenus, “first taught

philosophy in the _western_ parts of the world.” This was our Ogham, which

the Gauls had borrowed from us, as you will see by note, p. 420. “In

Egypt,” says Ausonius, “they called him Osiris, but in the _island_ of

Ogygia they gave him the name of Bacchus.” If we will remember the form

under which _Osiris_ was worshipped, viz. that of our _Round Towers_,[497]

and then recollect that the name of _Bacchus_ is still found amongst our

ancient inscriptions;[498] and in addition to all these, bear in mind that

Plutarch[499] expressly designates _the island_, from its extreme

antiquity, as _Ogygia_, all qualms as to the situation alluded to by

Ausonius must for ever evaporate?

Let us now glance at the institutions of this island, the personal

appearance of its inhabitants, and their popular customs, as compared with

ancient Persia.

To begin with the _aspect_, which often proves decisive in more

_interesting_ applications, I refer you to our real figures at p. 330, as

a fair outline of Irish contour; with this, if you will compare what

Captain Head affirms, in reference to the settlers at Bombay, viz. that

“the _ancient_ inhabitants of Persia were superior, not inferior, in

looks, to the _present_, who belong to a hundred mixed races, which have

poured upon that kingdom since the overthrow of Yezdijerd,” no disparity

will present itself, at least in that quarter.

As to _institutions_, I will instance that of our ancient clans,[500] and

place by them in juxtaposition what Sir John Malcolm delivers on the

subject of Persia. “Jemsheed” (a prince of the Pish-de-danaan dynasty,

founder of Persepolis, called after him, Tucht-e-jemsheed, which, in

Irish, signifies the Couch-of-Jemsheed) “divided,” says he, “according to

Persian authors, his subjects into four classes. The first was formed of

learned and pious men, devoted to the worship of God; and the duty

ascribed to them was to make known to others what was lawful and what

otherwise. The second were writers, whose employment was to keep the

records and accounts of the state. The third soldiers, who were directed

to occupy themselves in military exercises, that they might be fitted for

war. The fourth class were artificers, husbandmen, and tradesmen. The

authorities on which we give the history of Jemsheed make no mention of

Mah-abad; but, if we are to give credit to the Dabistan, _the institution

of Jemsheed can only be deemed a revival of that lawgiver_.”[501]

In respect to _religion_, Herodotus states that, “_from his own

knowledge_, the Persians had neither statues, temples, nor altars, but

offered on the tops of the highest mountains sacrifices to Jove, by which

they meant the deity of the air; that they adored the _sun, moon, earth,

fire, water, and the winds_, but that they sacrificed to these _only from

of old, according to ancient custom_, and that they gave the preference to

Trefoil, whereon they laid their offerings.”[502]

Now, two considerations are to be observed, as involved in this last

quotation: one is, that the historian attributes the usages of this nation

to two distinct periods of time. From ocular inspection, he avows that

they had no _temples, etc., because such were long exploded_. And _he knew

not what to make of the Round Towers_. Part, however, of the ceremonial

appertaining to those edifices still remained, such as the worship of the

sun, moon, earth, fire, water, and the winds; and “to these,” he frankly

acknowledges, “they sacrificed _only from of old_,” or in deference to the

practice of their predecessors--I will not say forefathers.

Contemplate now the reverence shown to the herb _Trefoil_, our _national

shamrock_, and will you not see another link of that great concatenation

uniting the two Irans, and triumphing at once over _supposition_ and over

_scepticism_? I have already deplumed St. Patrick of the _serpent_

expulsion; or, rather, I have done honour to his memory, by saving it from

the fabrications of _pious_ impostors. I now continue my course of

justice, by showing that he had as little to do with the veneration paid

to this plant. It was worshipped in the Emerald Island, and imported, you

perceive, by the Tuath-de-danaans, centuries upon centuries before the

apostle was born: and the cause of this devotion was, not alone that it

symbolised the _Trinity_, which was an article of Budhist doctrine, even

before the incarnation of Christ, but because that it _blended with_ it,

in mystery as well as in gratitude, the _Alibenistic cross_, the seal of

their redemption, and their passport to eternity! Here then are the

_shamrocks_, or _Free-masonic devices_, upon the crowns of our _Irish_

kings explained; and those upon the _Persian_ crowns, by and by to be

inserted, are similarly expounded![503]

Lastly, the _funerals_ of the Persians--after the soul’s liberation from

its tenement of clay, at the summons of its God--are described by

Herodotus[504] with so striking a similtude, that you would imagine he had

witnessed, and expressly referred to, the like scenes in Ireland.[505]

Oh! “if the human mind can ever flatter itself with having been successful

in discovering the truth, it is when many facts, and these facts of

different kinds unite in producing the same result.”[506]

In truth, the island was altogether an _Oriental Asylum_,[507] until, for

a moment broken in upon by the Fir-Bolgs, or Celts. Their usurpation,

however, was only that of a day, amounting, by all records, but to

fifty-six years;[508] after which, a new army of the Tuath-de-danaans,

driven now, not from Persia, but from India, by the Brahmins, laid claim

to the sceptre to which their brethren had invited them, and reinstated

themselves afresh in our kindred Iran.

It is not, therefore, you perceive, our individual history alone that is

rectified by this investigation. It supplies a vacuum in the history of

the world: which could not be said to have been correct, _so long as there

was nothing known on the various topics now explained_.[509]

Professor Müller,[510] in a very elaborate treatise upon the _Antiquities

of the Dorians_, has been pleased to affect astonishment, through one of

his notes, that Hecatæus should have believed in the existence of the

Hyperboreans! It became him, unquestionably, so to do, because that the

proofs of their existence were beyond his own reach. But though their

_reality_, as well as _locality_, have been already put beyond

disputation, I will, to justify the exclusiveness here proclaimed, enter

again upon the subject, and, without following in detail, show, by the

reverse of his positions, that his whole system of mythology is equally

erroneous.

In this determination I will of course be acquitted of any intentional

slight. Who could read Professor Müller’s work, and not be struck with the

labour and the ingenuity which distinguish its every page? I yield to no

man in my respect for his abilities, but I weep, from my soul, that his

classic care was not bequeathed upon some other subject, rather than be

split upon a rock by an _ignis fatuus_. I never saw such a waste of

letters as his book exhibits! I never saw such learned research so

miserably thrown away! And how could it be otherwise, his great object

having been to make everything square to the reveries of the

Grecians!--taking them as his clue, into a labyrinth of inextricability,

through one inch of which neither conductor nor traveller could see their

way!

Sweet _pahlavi_ of the Hyperboreans, I will take _you_ as my guide!

“------Nor be my thoughts

Presumptuous counted, if amid the calm

That soothes the vernal evening into smiles,

I steal impatient, from the sordid haunts

Of strife and low ambition, to attend

Thy sacred presence, in the sylvan shade,

By their malignant footstep ne’er profaned.”--THOMSON.

The Round Towers of Ireland; or, The History of the Tuath-De-Danaans · 第 28 / 33 章