Chapter XII.

The Man of Blood and Iron

The people demand their rights—Bismarck, the chief prop of the

Prussian monarchy—The question of the leadership of the German

states—The wonderful Prussian army—The war on Denmark—Preparing

to crush Austria—The battle of Sadowa—Easy terms to the defeated

nation—Preparing to defeat France—A good example of a war caused

by diplomats—Prussia’s easy victory—The new German empire—Harsh

terms of peace—The triumph of feudal government.

All of this time, the kings of Europe had been engaged in

contests with their own people. The overthrow of the French king

at the time of the revolution taught the people of the other

countries of Europe that they too could obtain their liberties.

You have already been told how the people of Austria drove out

Prince Metternich, who was the leader of the party which refused

any rights to the working classes.

That same year, 1848, had seen the last king driven out of

France, had witnessed revolts in all parts of Italy, and had

found many German princes in trouble with their subjects, who

were demanding a share in the government, the right of free

speech, free newspapers, and trial by jury. The empires of

Austria and Russia had joined with the kingdom of Prussia in a

combination which was known as the “Holy Alliance.” This was

meant to stop the further spread of republican ideas and to curb

the growing power of the common people.

[Illustration: Bismarck]

Not long after this, there came to the front in Prussia a

remarkable man, who for the next forty years was perhaps the most

prominent statesman in Europe. His full name was Otto Eduard

Leopold von Bismarck-Schönausen, but we generally know him under

the name of Bismarck. He was a Prussian nobleman, a believer in

the divine right of kings, the man who more than anybody else is

responsible for the establishing of the present empire of

Germany. He once made a speech in the Prussian Diet or council in

which he said that “blood and iron,” not speeches and treaties,

would unite Germany into a nation. His one object was a united

Germany, which should be the strongest nation in Europe. He

wanted Germany to be ruled by Prussia, Prussia to be ruled by its

king, and the king of Prussia to be controlled by Bismarck. It is

marvellous to see how near he came to carrying through his whole

plan.

After the Congress of Vienna in 1815, Prussia remained among the

powers of Europe, but was not as great as Austria, Russia,

England, or France. The German states, some 35 in number, had

united in a loose alliance called the German Confederation. (This

union was somewhat similar to the United States of America

between 1776 and 1789.) Austria was the largest of these states,

and was naturally looked upon as the leader of the whole group.

Prussia was the second largest, while next after Prussia, and

much smaller, came the kingdoms of Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, and

Wurtemburg. Bismarck, as prime minister of Prussia, built up a

wonderfully strong army. He did this by means of a military

system which at first made him very unpopular with the people.

Every man in the nation, rich or poor, was obliged to serve a

certain number of years in the army and be ready at a moment’s

notice to join a certain regiment if there came a call to war.

Having organized this army, and equipped it with every modern

weapon, Bismarck was anxious to use it to accomplish his purpose.

There were two counties named Schleswig (shlĕs′vig) and Holstein

(hōl′stīn) which belonged to the king of Denmark and yet

contained a great many German people. The inhabitants of

Schleswig were perhaps half Danes, while those of Holstein were

more than two-thirds Germans. These Germans had protested against

certain actions of the Danish government, and were threatening to

revolt. Taking advantage of this trouble, Prussia and Austria, as

the leading states of the German Federation, declared war on

little Denmark. The Danes fought valiantly, but were overwhelmed

by the armies of their enemies. Schleswig and Holstein were torn

away from Denmark and put under the joint protection of Austria

and Prussia.

This sort of arrangement could not last. Sooner or later, there

was bound to be a quarrel over the division of the plunder. Now

Bismarck had a chance to show his crafty diplomacy. He made up

his mind to crush Austria and put Prussia in her place as the

leader of the German states. He first negotiated with Napoleon

III, Emperor of the French, and made sure that this monarch would

not interfere. Next he remembered that the provinces of Venetia,

Trentino, and Istria still belonged to Austria, as the Italians

had failed to gain them in the war of 1859. Accordingly, Bismarck

induced Italy to declare war on Austria by promising her Venetia

and the other provinces in return for her aid. Saxony, Bavaria,

and Hanover were friendly to Austria, but Bismarck did not fear

them. He knew that his army, under the leadership of its

celebrated general, von Moltke, was more than a match for the

Austrians, Bavarians, etc., combined.

When Bismarck was ready, Prussia and Italy struck. The Austrians

were successful at first against the Italians, but at Sadowa in

Bohemia, their armies were beaten in a tremendous battle by the

Prussians. Austria was put down from her place as the leader of

the German Confederation, and Prussia took the leadership.

Hanover, whose king had sided with the Austrians, was annexed to

Prussia. The king of Prussia and several of his generals were

anxious to rob Austria of some of her territory, as had been the

custom in the past whenever one nation defeated another in war.

Bismarck, however, restrained them. In his program of making

Prussia the leading military state in Europe, he saw that his

next opponent would be France, and he did not propose, on

attacking France, to find his army assailed in the rear by the

revengeful Austrians. Accordingly, Bismarck compelled the king to

let Austria off without any loss of territory except Venetia,

which was given to the Italians. Austria was even allowed to

retain Trentino and Istria, and was not required to pay a large

indemnity to Prussia. (A custom which had come down from the

middle ages, when cities which were captured had been obliged to

pay great sums of money, in order to get rid of the conquering

armies, was the payment of a war indemnity by the defeated

nation. This was a sum of money as large as the conquerors

thought they could safely force their victims to pay.) The

Austrians, although they were angry over the manner in which

Bismarck had provoked the war, nevertheless appreciated the fact

that he was generous in not forcing harsh terms upon them, as he

could have done had he wanted to.

The eyes of all Europe now turned toward the coming struggle

between Prussia and France. It was plain that it was impossible

for two men like Bismarck and Emperor Napoleon to continue in

power very long without coming to blows. It was Bismarck’s

ambition, as was previously said, to make Prussia the leading

military nation of Europe, and he knew that this meant a struggle

with Napoleon. You will remember also that he planned a united

Germany, led by Prussia, and he felt that the French war would

bring this about. On the other hand, the French emperor was

extremely jealous of the easy victory that Prussia and Italy had

won over Austria. He had been proud of the French army, and

wanted it to remain the greatest fighting force in Europe. He was

just as anxious for an excuse to attack Prussia as Bismarck was

for a pretext to attack him.

It should be kept in mind that all this time there was no

ill-feeling between the French people and the Germans. In fact,

the Germans of the Rhine country were very friendly to France,

and during Napoleon’s time had been given more liberties and had

been governed better than under the rule of their former feudal

lords. All the hostility and jealousy was between the military

chiefs. Even Bismarck did not dislike the French. He had no

feeling toward them at all. It was part of his program that their

military power should be crushed and his program must be carried

through. Europe, to his mind, was too small to contain more than

one master military power.

The four years between 1866 and 1870 were used by Bismarck to

gain friends for Prussia among other countries of Europe, and to

make enemies for France. The kingdoms of south Germany (Bavaria,

Baden, and Wurtemburg), which had sided with Austria during the

late war, were friendly to France and hostile to Prussia.

Napoleon III, however, made a proposal in writing to Bismarck

that France should be given a slice of this south German

territory in return for some other land which France was to allow

Prussia to seize. Bismarck pretended to consider this proposal,

but was careful to keep the original copy, in the French

ambassador’s own handwriting. (Each nation sends a man to

represent her at the capital of each other nation. These men are

called ambassadors. They are given power to sign agreements for

their governments.) By showing this to the rulers of the little

south German kingdoms, he was able to turn them against Napoleon

and to make secret treaties with these states by which they bound

themselves to fight on the side of Prussia in case a war broke

out with France. In similar fashion, Bismarck made the Belgians

angry against the French by letting it be known that Napoleon was

trying to annex their country also.

Meanwhile, aided by General von Moltke and Count von Roon (rōn),

Bismarck had built up a wonderful military power. Every man in

Prussia had been trained a certain number of years in the army

and was ready at a moment’s notice to join his regiment. The

whole campaign against France had been planned months in advance.

In France on the other hand, the illness and irritability of

Napoleon III had resulted in poor organization. Men who did not

wish to serve their time in the army were allowed to pay money to

the government instead. Yet their names were carried on the

rolls. In this way, the French army had not half the strength in

actual numbers that it had on paper. What is more, certain

government officials had taken advantage of the emperor’s

weakness and lack of system and had put into their own pockets

money that should have been spent in buying guns and ammunition.

When at last Bismarck was all ready for the war, it was not hard

to find an excuse. Old Queen Isabella of Spain had been driven

from her throne, and the Spanish army under General Prim offered

the crown to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern, a cousin of the king

of Prussia. This alarmed Napoleon, who imagined that if Prussia

attacked him on the east, this Prussian prince, as king of Spain,

would lead the Spanish army over the Pyrenees against him on the

south. France made so vigorous a protest that the prince asked

the Spaniards not to think of him any longer. This was not enough

for Napoleon, who now proceeded to make a fatal mistake. The

incident was closed, but he persisted in reopening it. He sent

his ambassador to see King William of Prussia to ask the latter

to assure France that never again should Prince Leopold be

considered for the position of king of Spain. The king answered

that he could not guarantee this, for he was merely the head of

the Hohenzollern family. Prince Leopold, whose lands lay outside

of Prussia, was not even one of his subjects. The interview

between the king and the French ambassador had been a friendly

one. The ambassador had been very courteous to the king, and the

king had been very polite to the ambassador. They had parted on

good terms.

[Illustration: An Attack on a Convoy in the Franco-Prussian War.]

In the meanwhile, Bismarck had been hoping that an excuse for war

would come from this incident. He was at dinner with General von

Moltke and Count von Roon when a long telegram came from the

king, telling of his interview with the French ambassador. In the

story of his life written by himself, Bismarck tells how, as he

read the telegram both Roon and Moltke groaned in disappointment.

He says that Moltke seemed to have grown older in a minute. Both

had earnestly hoped that war would come. Bismarck took the

dispatch, sat down at a table, and began striking out the message

polite words and the phrases that showed that the meeting had

been a friendly one. He cut down the original telegram of two

hundred words to one of twenty. When he had finished, the message

sounded as if the French ambassador had bullied and threatened

the king of Prussia, while the latter had snubbed and insulted

the Frenchman. Bismarck read the altered telegram to Roon and

Moltke. Instantly, they brightened up and felt better. “How is

that?” he asked. “That will do it,” they answered. “War is

assured.”

The telegram was given to the newspapers, and within twenty-four

hours, the people of Paris and Berlin were shouting for war.

Napoleon III hesitated, but he finally gave in to his generals

and his wife who urged him to “avenge the insult to the French

nation.”

[Illustration: The Proclamation at Versailles of William I as Emperor of

Germany]

We give this story of the starting of the Franco-Prussian war of

1870 just to show the tricks of European diplomats. What Bismarck

did was no worse than what the Frenchman, Talleyrand, would have

done, or the Austrian, Metternich, or several of the Turkish or

Russian diplomats. It simply proves how helpless the people of

European countries are, when the military class which rules them

has decided, for its own power and glory, on war with some other

nation.

The war was short. The forces of France were miserably

unprepared. The first great defeat of the French army resulted in

the capture of the emperor by the Prussians and the overthrowing

of the government in Paris, where a third republic was started.

One of the French generals turned traitor, thinking that if he

surrendered his army and cut short the war the Prussians would

force the French to take Napoleon III back as emperor. Paris was

besieged for a long time. The people lived on mule meat and even

on rats and mice rather than surrender to the Germans, but at

last they were starved out, and peace was made.

[Illustration: Formation of the German Empire]

In the meantime, another of Bismarck’s plans had been successful.

In January, 1871, while the siege of Paris was yet going on, he

induced the kingdoms of Bavaria and Wurtemburg, together with

Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and all the other little German states to

join Prussia in forming a new empire of Germany. The king of

Prussia was to be “German Emperor,” and the people of Germany

were to elect representatives to the Reichstag or Imperial

Congress. Although at the outset, the war was between the kingdom

of Prussia and the empire of France, the treaty of peace was

signed by the republic of France and the empire of Germany.

Bismarck was very harsh in his terms of peace. France was

condemned to pay an indemnity of 5,000,000,000 francs (nearly one

billion dollars) and certain parts of France were to be occupied

by the German troops until this money was fully paid. Two

counties of France, Alsace and Lorraine, were to be annexed to

Germany. Alsace was inhabited largely by people of German

descent, but there were many French mingled with them, and the

whole province had belonged to France so long that its people

felt themselves to be wholly French. Lorraine contained very few

Germans, and was taken, contrary to Bismarck’s best judgment,

because it contained the important city of Metz, which was

strongly fortified. Here the military chiefs overruled Bismarck.

The desire among the French for revenge on Germany for taking

this French-speaking province has proved that Bismarck was right.

It was a blunder of the worst kind.

The policy of “blood and iron” had been successful. From a second

rate power, Prussia had risen, under Bismarck’s leadership, to

become the strongest military force in Europe. Schleswig had been

torn from Danish, Holstein from Austrian control. Hanover had

been forcibly annexed, and Alsace and Lorraine wrested from

France. The greater part of the inhabitants of these countries

were bitterly unhappy at being placed under the Prussian military

rule. Moreover, it must be remembered that a great deal of this

growth in power had been at the expense of the liberty of the

common people. The revolution of 1848 had demanded free speech,

free newspapers, the right to vote, and the right to elect men to

a congress or parliament, and while some of these rights had been

granted, still the whole country was under the control of the war

department. The emperor, as commander-in-chief of the army, could

suppress any newspaper and dismiss the congress whenever he might

think this proper. The Reichstag was, as it has been called, a

big debating society, whose members had the right to talk, but

were not allowed to pass any laws that were contrary to the

wishes of the military leaders.

Questions for Review

What was the reason for the revolts of 1848 all over Europe?

What was the object of the “Holy Alliance”?

What was Bismarck’s purpose in building up a strong army?

How did Bismarck defeat Austria?

What is a war indemnity?

Explain how Bismarck made enemies for Napoleon III.

Why were the French alarmed when Spain offered its crown to

Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern?

What means did Bismarck use to bring on war with France?

Was Prussia’s victory a good thing for her people?

The World War and What was Behind It; Or, The Story of the Map of Europe · 第 12 / 26 章