=Source.=--_The Diary and Correspondence of Charles Abbot, Lord
Colchester_, Vol. III. p. 302.
_From Lord Redesdale._
"Batsford, October 30th.
"My Dear Lord,
"I think the state of Ireland at this time most perilous.
"The government of a dictator, firm and well judging, assisted
by a great armed force ready to execute his will, is now become
necessary to the peace of Ireland. A Cromwell, at the head of such
an army as he had, not subject to the control of a Cabinet in
England--where is to be found such a man? Where is to be found such
an army? And how is the government of such a man, if found, to be
rendered independent of a Cabinet here?
"He ought also to have so fully the confidence of Parliament, and
the spirit of the measures adopted by him ought to have been so
fully previously adopted in Parliament, that there should remain no
hope of obtaining countenance here for any complaint against him.
The people of Ireland must be fully persuaded that his orders must
be obliged. His government must bear some resemblance to that of
the French in Italy, but it must be uncorrupt, just, and humane,
and so far different from the French Government in Italy.
"In this conceit I have imagined what is not possible; but if we
mean to save Ireland from great misery, we must approach as nearly
to what I have imagined as possible.
"The first thing to be done must be to put an end to all the hopes
of the Roman Catholics obtaining the overthrow of the Protestant
establishment. This can only be done by a firm union of all
Protestants in both islands. Can we hope for this? The two Houses
of Parliament might pass strong resolutions on this subject. But
can we hope for unanimity in such resolutions? Can we hope to carry
such resolutions without strong opposition? May we not rather fear
that such propositions would be rejected, or so modified as to be
more mischievous than beneficial? I despair, therefore, of bringing
Ireland to a state of quiet. The system now pursued, I think, must
lead to increased agitation, and finally to insurrection, and
perhaps open war is better than the secret war now carried on.
"I consider the late Tithe Bill as an experiment, which I
apprehended would, if it produced no other effect, show the
unreasonableness of the Irish landholders on the subject of tithes.
Tithes are undoubtedly a great oppression to agriculture. They are
a tax upon the most important manufacture, the production of food.
If the woollen manufacturers, for instance, were obliged to pay the
tenth yard of cloth manufactured for the maintenance of the clergy,
what would be the effect? Just the same as the payment of the tenth
of agricultural produce. The price must be raised in proportion
to the charge, or the profit of the manufacturer would be wholly
absorbed. A profit of 10 per cent. is esteemed a fair mercantile
profit; but the tithe of the manufactured cloth would be more than
10 per cent. on the price for which cloth now sells. Importation
would keep down the price, but it would ruin the manufacturer if
the article could be imported at a cheaper rate. If, therefore,
tithes could be transferred from the occupier to the landowner, it
would be beneficial to cultivation, though it would fall heavy on
the proprietors of land. On this ground also, I have approved of
the commutation of tithes in enclosures.
"We give two-ninths of arable, and one-eighth of green land to the
tithe-owner. So far as tithes belong to the clergy, they put so
much land in mortmain. But land in mortmain is not so injurious to
agriculture as tithes taken in hand. And I thought the Bill might
lead to some permanent commutation, or at least to a settled rent,
putting all the occupiers of land on an equal footing with respect
to cultivation.
"The French agriculturists have gained a great advantage by
throwing the maintenance of their clergy on the nation at large,
instead of tithes which pressed wholly on agriculture. Formerly
land was almost the only property productive of income; and,
therefore, many charges were imposed on land which ought, in the
present circumstances, to be a charge on property generally, if
that could be effected. It seems to me that the present state of
the European world is so changed that other changes must follow.
Moneyed property, the profits of trade and manufacturers, are
now a vast proportion of the income of the inhabitants of this
country, and the persons deriving income from these sources bear
that proportion only of the public burdens which are taxes on
expenditure; while the income derived from land maintains the
Church, the poor, the roads, the administration of justice, etc.,
etc., to a vast amount, and pays at the same time all taxes
on expenditure; and the direct burdens on land increase with
the riches produced by trade and manufactures, and the moneyed
property. This I take to be a great cause of distress amongst the
agriculturists and their landlords.
"Truly yours,
"REDESDALE."