=Source.=--_Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth_, by Dean
Pellew. Vol. III. p. 242. London, 1847.
_Letter from Earl of Sheffield to Lord Sidmouth._
"Sheffield Place, Dec. 13th, 1818.
"My dear Lord,
"Although I doubt not your Lordship has ample information, I
cannot resist the pleasure of communicating the very satisfactory
accounts I have received from different parts, of the state of
trade and manufactures, and particularly from the neighbourhood
of Birmingham, Warwickshire, and Staffordshire. Both trade and
manufactures are in a flourishing condition, and likely to improve
still further. There appears to be little speculation beyond the
regular demands of the different markets, men without adequate
capital finding it almost impossible to procure credit; so that
there is now no disposition to force a trade, and no injurious
competition among the merchants to procure the execution of orders,
and, consequently, wages are fair and reasonable. I conceive that
things cannot be in a much better train either for the merchant or
manufacturer, not so for the constitution or agriculture of the
country: the first, I fear, is _en décadence_; the case, however,
of the latter is somewhat better than it was, though far short of
that of the trading part of the community. The demand for land is
considerably increased, but in many instances at reduced rents.
Agriculture, the most essential of all concerns, is so extremely
depressed by the great increase of tithes and of parochial rates,
that I cannot refrain from being its strenuous advocate: and so
strongly am I impressed with the evil consequences of the excessive
load of such taxation on the landed interests, and particularly
on the occupiers in the southern and midland parts of England,
that it is wonderful to me that agriculture has not been in those
districts annihilated; and there is nothing of which I am more
thoroughly convinced than the necessity of affording it every
relief and encouragement possible. I do not conceive that the
subject of the corn laws can be renewed at present with advantage.
The ignorance and supineness of the landowners generally is so
excessive; the violence of the middling and lower classes so
overbearing; the use made of it by the popularity hunters of all
descriptions so pernicious and vile; the fears of government so
great, and at the same time so natural, that, upon the whole, I do
not entertain a hope of any beneficial results from any efforts
that are now making, or may be made, for a considerable time. It
is greatly to be regretted, however, that in the last correction
of the corn laws, foreign grain, under any circumstances, should
be admitted duty free; it would have been sufficient to have
lowered the import duties, as to wheat, when the price in our
market was 5l. per quarter; but I by no means wish ministers so
soon to be embroiled again on that subject, nor do I think, earnest
as I am on this head, that this is the proper time to renew the
discussion, or to attempt a change with respect to the duties.
I would not, however, wish to damp the ardour of those who urge
the principle, that every thing arising from the soil, and every
manufacture of the country, should be protected by adequate import
duties; as that principle is generally observed with regard to
every article except wool, and must be in a country so heavily
tithed, and necessarily burdened with such an extraordinary degree
of taxation. Previously to the year 1793, no direct or assessed
tax, affecting agriculture, was tolerated, and surely it is now
expedient, whenever possible, to relinquish those taxes which
particularly affect that most essential interest of the country,
and to adopt such other measures as will enable it to support
the heavy imposts which fall upon it. The legislature might now
show attention to the grievances of the occupiers of land, by
relinquishing all the direct taxes imposed on agriculture during
the late war; and it will only be common justice to protect the
wool of the country from being debased in value, by the import
of wool from every part of the world free of duty, and it is not
difficult to demonstrate that a moderate duty on the import of
foreign wool would not affect, even in a slight degree, the great
mass of our woollen manufacture.... The levity of the public on
the most interesting and important subjects is often not only very
extraordinary, but even ridiculous. The well-founded alarm on
the ruinous and impolitic management of the poor, which appeared
to make a deep and general impression, seems now to be forgotten
except by the oppressed occupiers of lands, who so severely feel
the effects of it. The public mind is not yet ripe for such a great
measure as might prove an effectual remedy; but in the meantime I
think something might be done. Is your Lordship disposed to repeal
all the laws relating to the poor (heterogeneous, discordant,
impracticable, unintelligible, and absurd as they are), to the 43d
of Elizabeth, and to re-enact all those parts of them which the
circumstances of the times may require (defining the powers of the
magistrates, the parish officers, and the claims of the poor), and
form them into a regular intelligible code? for I verily believe
there is not one magistrate, nor any clerk (who governs him) who
is acquainted with them all. I believe I am one of the oldest
magistrates in the kingdom, being in my fiftieth year, and yet I
have never met with any man who seemed fully acquainted with them.
If an intelligent select committee, having a practical knowledge
of the subject (without which the ablest men are not competent to
it), could be induced to undertake this work, I have no doubt but
that a law could be so framed as to lead to a great amelioration
of our present vile system, if not gradually to a complete remedy.
But I must not impose more of my notions on your Lordship. You
must be now quite tired of me. If you think there is any thing in
this letter worthy of Lord Liverpool's attention, I wish it to
be communicated to him; but as I inflicted on his Lordship some
time ago a large dose respecting the poor, I refrain from a direct
communication. I am, seemingly, as well as ever I was; but I must
not risk myself in town before the end of March, except for two
nights on the meeting of parliament, in order to take my seat and
enable me to leave a proxy. I have the honour to be, with very
sincere regard, my dear Lord, most truly your Lordship's faithful
servant,
"SHEFFIELD."