ARTISTIC AND INTELLECTUAL EXPRESSION
Bulgaria has a proud cultural heritage that dates to early medieval
times. During the Golden Age (A.D. 893-927) of the first and second
Bulgarian kingdom, Bulgarian arts and letters dominated the Slavic
world. Exposed to the flourishing culture of neighboring Byzantium,
Bulgarians absorbed its influence, adapted it to their own Slavic
culture and language, and then spread it among the less advanced Slavic
peoples in the Balkans and to the north.
After the Turkish conquest in 1396, cultural development was retarded
for several centuries until the drive for liberation in the nineteenth
century rekindled its creative spark. In contrast to the Golden Age,
however, when Bulgarian culture was widespread, modern artistic and
intellectual expression tended to be provincial in both its audience and
its content. After independence, although interest in cultural and
intellectual matters was high, support for it was restricted to a
minority in Sofia and in a few of the largest towns. The government made
some contribution to the country's artistic development through small
subsidies to institutions and government jobs for artists and
intellectuals, but the subsidies were not always on the basis of merit.
Before World War II few people could made an adequate living through
creative work alone, with the possible exception of members of the
National Theater and Opera. The prestige of university professors,
members of the Academy of Sciences, and the leading singers, artists,
actors, and writers was high, but the financial rewards were hardly
commensurate with their standing. Despite their prestige, Bulgarian
writers and intellectuals have not enjoyed the same position of
leadership and influence that has been traditional in other countries of
Eastern Europe.
The communist government had promoted pride in the cultural heritage by
restoring and preserving the country's medieval treasures and national
revival masterpieces and by promoting traditional folk arts both in
their own right and as inspiration to other forms of artistic
expression. Considerable funds and efforts have been devoted to the
promotion of new artistic and intellectual expression, which is seen as
an important medium for the political and social education of the
people. For this reason the leadership has tried to keep artistic and
intellectual expression under control and to use it for its own
purposes.
Despite controls, artistic and intellectual life is active. Not all
creative effort becomes public, and that which does not meet the
prescribed criteria of style and content is known only by its creator
and a few select friends; nevertheless, it is produced. Much of what
passes the censor is of doubtful artistic quality, but works of
considerable merit have appeared in all forms of artistic expression.
Gifted artists and writers find ways to express their talent within the
confines of government regulations.
THE ARTS AND SCIENCES UNDER COMMUNISM
Since 1944 artistic and intellectual expression have been subject to the
cultural policy of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP--see Glossary),
which has followed a relatively strict adherence to the concept of
Socialist Realism as developed in the Soviet Union. Under this concept
art, music, and literature are required to promote communist ideology
and present an idealized picture of communist society. In order to
impart the ideological message, artistic and intellectual expression
must be understood by the common man and, therefore, can only take the
form of straightforward representative statements.
During the period of de-Stalinization in the mid-1950s, cultural
controls became less restrictive, and artistic and intellectual
expression burst into new creativity and life. Although this outburst
never reached the proportions it did in Poland and Hungary during the
same period, the regime considered it a threat and reimposed strict
controls in the late 1950s. At that time the government was preparing
for a great push in economic development and, to further this goal,
mobilized the cultural community into service as propagandists.
Another thaw in cultural restriction occurred in the early 1960s when
several factions were struggling for control of the BKP. After Todor
Zhivkov assumed firm control of the party, writers and artists were
again required to serve the needs of the state until the fall of Nikita
Khrushchev in the Soviet Union, and an attempted coup in Bulgaria forced
Zhivkov to broaden his popular support by relaxing the BKP's control of
national life.
This ebb and flow of restriction on artistic and intellectual expression
continues and serves as a barometer for the political and economic
climate in the country. At no time since the mid-1950s did cultural
policy reach the degree of repression of the Stalinist period. The
leadership in Bulgaria, as did those in other Eastern European
countries, learned that repression was counterproductive. Instead, it
adopted a subtler method of control through the publishers, art
galleries, theater companies, and other outlets for creative expression,
all of which are run by the state in conformity with the guidelines on
cultural policy. Because a creative artist must communicate his ideas to
an audience in order to achieve fulfillment, he tends to adapt his ideas
and principles to what is acceptable to the available outlets for his
work. Thus, self-censorship has replaced direct government control for
the most part.
From a material standpoint, the life of a creative artist in
contemporary Bulgaria is far more secure than that of his counterpart in
a capitalist country. Creative expression is seen as a social function;
therefore, society owes the creative artist an assured livelihood. This
is provided either through regular salaries from publishing houses,
academies of music or art, or other agencies that employ artists or
through stipends paid to creative artists who do not have a regular
salary to depend on. Free or low-cost room and board are also available
to creative artists and their families at special artists' colonies or
retreats operated by professional unions in the creative arts and by
government agencies for the promotion of the arts and sciences. Under
this system, however, the artist is under constant pressure to produce
in order to justify his salary or stipend.
In order to qualify for any of the material advantages, in fact, in
order to function as a professional artist or scholar, an individual
must be a member of the appropriate professional union. The unions are,
for the most part, an arm of the BKP and another instrument for
enforcing cultural policy (see ch. 9). Only the Writers' Union has
demonstrated a certain degree of independence based on the recognized
power of the written word. As recently as December 1972 the union again
resisted integration into the Committee on Art and Culture, a
supradepartmental government agency having a wide range of authority in
the cultural sphere. The Writers' Union is the only professional union
in the arts that has not been integrated into the committee.
The principal aim of cultural policy since 1944 has been to popularize
the arts and sciences by making them accessible to all segments of the
population and to utilize those mediums for the promotion of communist
values. Popularization of the arts has been accomplished by greatly
expanding the facilities that present the arts to the public and by
supporting these facilities with state funds. Many new orchestras,
theater companies, publishers, and art galleries have come into
existence since World War II. Touring exhibits and road companies take
the arts into small towns and villages. Radio and television have been
extensively utilized to promote the arts and learning. Through state
support, the prices of books and admission tickets have been kept
extremely low in order to bring them within the reach of as many persons
as possible. The traditional library clubs have been reinforced by a
network of "houses of culture," which serve as cultural centers in
villages and in urban neighborhoods.
LITERATURE
The origins of Bulgarian literature date back to A.D. 855 when the Greek
priests Cyril and Methodius designed an alphabet--Cyrillic--suitable for
the Slavic languages in order to facilitate the Christianization of the
Slavs (see ch. 2). At first the alphabet was used to translate the Bible
and other Christian religious texts, but in the Golden Age of the First
Bulgarian Kingdom several original religious and secular tests were
written by Bulgarians in their own language. In the late Middle Ages a
substantial literature in Bulgarian was created. Although the authors
were all churchmen, much of the literature was secular. A whole body of
apocryphal literature--so-called heretical tales and legends--came into
being at that time.
During five centuries of Turkish rule, no literature was produced except
the orally transmitted folksongs and ballads. Not until the second half
of the eighteenth century, when Turkish rule began to degenerate, did
Bulgarian literature revive itself as part of the awakening national
consciousness of the people. The first book to appear was Father Paisi's
_Slav-Bulgarian History_, a highly nationalistic book published in 1762
that played a major role in the struggle for liberation. During the
first half of the nineteenth century, several Bulgarian texts were
published in neighboring countries. These were extremely influential in
developing the modern Bulgarian language as their publication coincided
with the establishment of schools and the spread of education among the
Bulgarian people. A number of periodicals were also started by
Bulgarians abroad, but most of them were irregular and short lived. Of
considerable significance, however, was the collection and publication,
first in periodicals and later in book form, of the folksongs and
ballads that had kept alive the language and culture of the Bulgarians
during the five centuries of Turkish rule. Much of the interest in folk
literature came from outside the country from other Slavs in Serbia,
Croatia, Czechoslovakia, and Russia, who were going through their own
national awakening and had a kindred feeling for the Bulgarians.
The early modern literature was nationalistic and didactic. Its authors
were educators involved in the spread of education and in the
modernization of the language and revolutionaries fighting for an
independent Bulgaria. Modernization and social reform were other strong
currents permeating the literature of that time and later. Such poets as
Petko Slaveikov, Lyuben Karavelov, and Khristo Botev were strongly
influenced by the Russian social reformers and revolutionaries of the
second half of the nineteenth century. Botev was the most outstanding
poet of this era. His short, intense, and fiery poems continue to arouse
patriotic feelings of Bulgarians everywhere. Botev's revolutionary
fervor and heroism have been identified by the present-day regime with
its own revolutionary movement, and he has been accorded great honor.
In the postindependence period the dominant literary figure was Ivan
Vazov, whose influence on subsequent generations of writers has been
tremendous. Known as the national poet and father of modern Bulgarian
literature, Vazov was primarily a writer and not a crusader or
revolutionary as were his predecessors. He was steeped in the great
literature of Europe and Russia and used the Bulgarian setting and
traditions to write about universal ideas. Vazov's greatest novel,
_Under the Yoke_, describing Bulgarian life under the Turks, has been
widely translated.
Vazov and his contemporaries Yordan Yovkov and Pencho Slaveikov (son of
Petko Slaveikov) sought to direct Bulgarian literature away from its
confines of national politics and reform into a more general artistic
and philosophical outlook. They were joined in this effort by the
somewhat younger Elin Pelin, whose stories have also been widely
translated. Although these writers continued to draw much of their
inspiration from native scenery, folk themes, and village life, they
were writers of universal quality and appeal.
Later, rival literary groups, each with its journal, laid the basis for
marked development in poetry, the short story, and the novel between the
two world wars. No outstanding literary figure emerged, but writers
continued to experiment with a variety of themes and forms.
Realism had always been a strong theme in Bulgarian literature, and in
the decade after 1944 the Communists sought to utilize this tradition in
imposing Soviet-style Socialist Realism as the desired form of
expression. Writers who conformed to the prescribed style were
generously rewarded with stipends and special privileges that encouraged
a volume of writing heretofore unknown. The novel became the main
literary form as it lends itself particularly well to the prerequisites
of the prescribed literary style. Nikola Vaptsarov and Khristo
Smyrnenski have been singled out by the government as outstanding
writers in the style of Socialist Realism.
Most of the literature produced in the late 1940s and early 1950s has
been classed at best as mediocre, even by Bulgarians themselves. Several
works of that period, however, have been recognized as outstanding. The
most acclaimed of these has been Dimitur Dimov's _Tobacco_, dealing with
the revolutionary movement among tobacco workers before and during World
War II. The novel was strongly condemned when first published in 1951
but, after the relaxation of cultural controls in the mid-1950s, it was
hailed as the best novel since Vazov's _Under the Yoke_.
Dissatisfaction of the writers with the restrictions imposed on them and
discontent of the public with the monotony and lack of literary quality
of contemporary writing became evident in the mid-1950s. These feelings
broke into the open when a mild form of de-Stalinization was put into
effect in 1956 (see ch. 9). Although the so-called writers' revolt never
reached the proportions of those in Poland or Hungary, it did bring
about a short period of relative freedom in literary expression and a
number of outstanding literary works that aroused a great controversy.
Foremost among these was Emil Manov's _An Unauthentic Case_, which
describes interparty conflict. Todor Genov's play _Fear_ also received
high praise for its treatment of the corruption by power of a once
idealistic Communist.
The leaders of the writers' revolt, with one exception, were all loyal
Communists who had become disillusioned with what they saw as the
hypocrisy and dishonesty of the leadership, which they felt was leading
the people into moral bankruptcy. Their main forum was a new periodical,
_Plamuk_, edited by Manov, foremost of the rebels. The main demand of
the rebels was that an artist should be free to choose his themes and
methods of presentation provided he remain loyal to communist ideology.
When the exposure in literature of the spiritual decline of individual
Communists and of communist ideals became too embarrassing to the
leadership, tighter restrictions were reimposed in the late 1950s. The
literature of the early 1960s has been termed cathartic. By writing
about long-suppressed thoughts and emotions, writers attempted to purge
themselves of guilt for the sins of the system that they had supported.
The poetry, which was very popular with the young, had a ring of
disillusionment and pessimism.
The government leadership did not approve of this literature any more
than it did of the literature exposing faults in the system. Rather than
repress the writers as it had done before, the regime used subtle
pressures to guide writers into acceptable subjects. What followed was a
wave of naturalistic poetry and novels dealing with purely human
problems.
THEATER
A dramatic tradition was developed as part of the National Revival.
Plays intended to arouse the people's national consciousness were
written by Bulgarian authors and staged by students and teachers at
library clubs in several cities (see ch. 11). After independence in 1878
the National Theater was formed in Sofia, but for several decades it
depended heavily on foreign plays and foreign theatrical talent. By the
start of World War II, however, government subsidies had helped to
develop it to a point where it compared favorably with national theaters
elsewhere in Europe.
The present-day government has heavily supported the theater as a "mass
school for the all-round ideological, ethical and aesthetical education
of the people." An extensive repertoire of Bulgarian plays conforming to
the demands of Socialist Realism and to the prescribed content and
interpretation has been built up. It is performed by some forty-six
theatrical companies throughout the country. Classics by William
Shakespeare, Johann von Schiller, Henrik Ibsen, Anton Chekhov, and
others are also performed regularly, as are selected contemporary plays
by playwrights from all over the world. Unlike elsewhere in Eastern
Europe, there has been no experimental or avant-garde theater in
Bulgaria.
The presentations of the Satirical Theater in Sofia are the most daring
and innovative theatrical presentations available to the public.
Although their humor is often biting, their theatrical style seems
rather ordinary and traditional to a Western theatergoer. The Satirical
Theater is, nevertheless, the most popular theater in the country;
tickets for its performances are sold out weeks in advance. In addition
to satirical reviews, the theater presents classical satires by Bertolt
Brecht, Nikolai Gogol, Vladimir Mayakovsky, and others. On the
assumption that "people who laugh think no evil," which is an old
Bulgarian proverb, the authorities have tolerated greater outspokenness
on the part of Satirical Theater productions than in the more serious
forms of artistic and creative expression.
FILMS
As a medium of artistic and intellectual expression, Bulgarian films
have lagged behind those produced in other Eastern European countries.
They have received little recognition in the West, where they are
generally considered old-fashioned in story line interpretation as well
as in technical approach. Several attempts at imitation of the
surrealism of Alain Resnais and Louis Bunuel or of some of the other
contemporary Western cinematic directors, have proved failures in the
eyes of the critics at home and abroad.
In common with other communist filmmakers, those in Bulgaria have
concentrated for years on the suffering of the people under Nazi
oppression during World War II. Most of these films about war and
resistance have a propaganda purpose that outweighs any efforts toward
artistic or technical excellence. Since the late 1960s most feature
films have focused on contemporary life and its problems. It is these
films that have shown some experimentation in contemporary cinematic
techniques on the part of Bulgarian directors.
Animated cartoon shorts have been better received by Western critics and
audiences than have feature films. Those designed and directed by Ivan
Andonov, who is also one of Bulgaria's leading actors, have been
acclaimed as outstanding.
MUSIC
Bulgaria is best known in the world of music for several renowned opera
singers it has produced in the twentieth century. The bassos Boris
Khristov and Nikolai Ghiaurov, in particular, rank among the great
singers of all time. A number of other singers are known on opera stages
in Europe and the Soviet Union. The country's five opera companies
provide a good training ground for young singers. The opera repertoire
relies heavily on the classics and on contemporary compositions of
non-Bulgarian origin; there are few Bulgarian operas. Nevertheless,
opera is an extremely popular form of musical entertainment,
particularly among the intelligentsia.
The interest in and love of opera among Bulgarians probably has its
roots in Eastern Orthodox Church music, which abounds in both the vocal
and dramatic elements characteristic of opera. Bulgarian clerics made
considerable contribution to the development of this music during the
Middle Ages through the introduction of certain rhythmic and structural
qualities that give orthodox ecclesiastical music its characteristic
form.
The most typical form of musical expression through the ages has been
folk music. Through folksongs the Bulgarian language and cultural
heritage were kept alive during the centuries of Turkish rule. Turkish
influence is evident, however, in the musical quality of Bulgarian
folksongs, which are noticeably Middle Eastern in feeling. Although
there are many gay dances and happy songs in the folk repertoire, an
important segment of folk music has a sad, plaintive quality and sings
of the hardships and grief of daily life.
Bulgarian concert music is not well known outside the country. It is,
however, regularly performed by Bulgarian orchestras and has found its
way into the repertoire of orchestras in the Soviet Union and other
communist countries. Outstanding among contemporary composers is Pancho
Vladigerov, whose compositions were well received both before and after
the Communists came to power.
In the early 1970s the Bulgarian press noted a growing interest in
popular music among the youth. Dance bands and popular ensembles
proliferated in the high schools and youth clubs. Although the press
praised this interest in music as constructive, it decried the kind of
music that found most popularity. Instead of heroic "mass songs" of
Bulgarian composers, the youth showed interest only in Western popular
music.
FOLK ARTS
A rich legacy of folk arts was developed before and during the five
centuries of Turkish rule. On Sundays and festival days and at the end
of ordinary workdays, young and old in the villages would gather to
dance the intricate steps of the _horo_ (a circular group dance) and to
sing about young love, brave men, Turkish oppression, or mythical beasts
with strange features. Flutes, bagpipes, and simple stringed instruments
accompanied the songs and dances.
History and tradition were passed on from generation to generation
through legends, ballads, proverbs, and cautionary tales. This folklore
has formed the basis of much of Bulgarian literature and art since
independence from the Turks.
Other forms of folk arts were woodcarving, highly colored embroidery,
rug weaving, and icon painting. Although distinct in their regional
variations, the traditional costumes of Bulgarian peasants are simple
and drab when compared to those of other parts of Europe. Because any
wealth or material possessions were subject to Turkish confiscation,
Bulgarian peasants strove to present an image of poverty through simple
dress and housing.
In common with other Eastern European governments, the Bulgarian
government has striven to support and promote the traditional folk arts
as part of the cultural heritage of the people. Artisan co-*operatives
produce carved woodenware, rugs, weavings, embroideries, and traditional
musical instruments for sale in government shops. Numerous folk dance
groups give performances at local tourist centers and abroad. The
various folk arts have been free from restriction even during periods of
strict cultural controls; therefore, they have afforded the best outlet
for individual creativity of the serious artists as well as the folk
artists.
PAINTING AND SCULPTURE
The golden age of Bulgarian art was, without doubt, the Middle Ages. No
art since that time has matched the magnificence and quality of the
icons and frescoes that adorn the churches and monasteries constructed
during that period. Some of the best and most prized examples of
Byzantine painting are found in the Boyana Church near Sofia, in the
Zemen Monastery in the mountains along the Yugoslav border, and in
several other small village churches. A masterpiece of early Bulgarian
art is the icon of Saint Theodor of Plateina near Preslav; it was made
of colored faience in the tenth century. True to the Byzantine style,
medieval Bulgarian art used muted colors, mostly the earthy tones of
yellows and browns, to depict somber saints and other religious figures.
Some of the Bulgarian painters developed a special style known as the
Turnovo School of art. In addition to decorating churches and
monasteries, Turnovo School artists also painted miniatures to
illustrate chronicles and religious texts. Several of these are
preserved in major European museums.
Woodcarving, silversmithing, goldsmithing, and other crafts also reached
a high level of artistry in medieval Bulgaria. Human and animal figures
were common motifs in carved wooden doors and other architectural
features.
Medieval creativity came to an abrupt halt with the Turkish invasion,
which not only prevented new artistic expression but also destroyed and
damaged much of the existing art. Not until the National Revival of the
nineteenth century did Bulgarian artists again begin to express their
creativity in painting and sculpture.
Modern Bulgarian art had its beginning in the national awakening and
the struggle for independence of the late eighteenth and the nineteenth
centuries. As in literature, National Revival art found its themes in
the beauty of the countryside, the charm of old customs, traditional
folktales, and the heroic deeds of brave men. Stylistic inspiration came
from peasant art and ancient Bulgarian religious art. Most significant
among revival artists were Nikola Pavlovich and Vladislav Dospevaki, the
former for his introduction of Western-style realism and the latter for
his modernization of church art. As a whole, however, National Revival
art is more significant for its historic role than for its artistic
merit.
In the early years of independence, the simplicity of National Revival
art gave way to an academic style and to impressionism. Best known in
that period was Ivan Murkvichka, a Bohemian by birth, whose most
appreciated paintings dealt with peasant life. He founded the Academy of
Fine Arts in Sofia and organized the first Bulgarian art exhibit.
After World War I Vladimir Dimitrov, known as The Master, sought to free
Bulgarian painting from the influence of ethnography and literature,
although he too drew upon village motifs. Mainly a painter of people--in
individual portraits or in group compositions--he concentrated on themes
of family life and peasant work. Since World War II Dimitrov has been
hailed as a great revolutionary humanist whose stylized epic and lyrical
works depict the greatness of the people and of their suffering.
In addition to Dimitrov, the interwar period saw the formation of a
group of young painters, led by Ivan Milev, who broke away from routine
academic composition and advocated the combination of national with
modernistic elements. At this time also, Alexander Bozhinov developed
cartoon caricature as an art form to be used as a political weapon.
Contemporary art has been guided by the strictures of Socialist Realism
as interpreted at different times. Because national or peasant art is
always acceptable under these restrictions, artists have used it as an
avenue for greater freedom of expression. The influence of peasant
icons, for instance, can be seen in the work of many contemporary
artists. Peasant motifs, such as the fruits of the earth, are also
evident in much of the work. The art most acceptable to the leadership,
however, has been the kind of realism that Westerners associate with
communist art. Typical of this style is Ilia Petrov's _Partisan Song_, a
monumental canvas depicting a group of partisans triumphantly singing
after a victory over fascists. Petrov has consistently received official
praise for his work, which is seen as "national in form and socialist in
content."
Under the influence of Zhivkov's more liberal cultural policy in the
1960s, artists began to show greater variation and creativity in style
while retaining the acceptable subject matter for their work. Many
experimented with abstracts and other avant-garde forms, but these
works were never selected for public showing or purchase by the museums
and other state agencies, which are the only significant patrons. The
artist, therefore, is usually forced to divide his efforts between those
works that will earn a living and those that will give vent to his
creative urge.
Although nonrepresentational art is not publicly exhibited, a
considerable degree of abstraction became acceptable in the late 1960s.
According to observers who have had contact with Bulgarian artists, the
public had grown bored with the prescribed style and content of artistic
production, and the government could no longer effectively enforce the
restrictions. Added to the difficulties of enforcement was the
increasing exposure of Bulgarians through tourism to the great variety
of contemporary art produced in Western Europe and in some of the other
communist countries. The most abstract and avant-garde painter in
Bulgaria is Genko Genkov, some of whose paintings hang in the National
Gallery in Sofia.
Graphic artists have been allowed the greatest freedom for abstraction.
By its very nature, graphic art tends to be abstract and stylized.
Graphic artists such as Maria Nedkova have succeeded in producing works
that are highly regarded both by the government and by the avant-garde
intelligentsia. Many graphic artists go back to Bulgarian medieval art
for inspiration in theme and style. Pencho Koulekov, for instance, who
is highly regarded in Bulgaria, uses the primitive two-dimensional
perspective, the simplification of forms, the highlighting of the
essential, and the omission of all detail that was characteristic of
early miniaturists and icon painters.
Until the time of independence, sculpture was represented almost
exclusively by decorative wood carvings. With the introduction of
Western influences, several artists turned to the use of stone. Few
Bulgarian sculptors achieved international fame, however, although the
work of some professors of fine arts in Sofia were becoming known
outside the country. Among them was the noted woodcut artist, Vasil
Zakhariev, and a former director of the Academy of Fine Arts, Ivan
Lasarov.
The three-dimensional nature of sculpture and the classic Greek
tradition of literal representation have made it difficult for
contemporary sculptors to break away from the realistic representational
requirements of the regime. Only sculptures designed for children's
playgrounds and parks are allowed a degree of abstraction characteristic
of art created by children themselves. Observers have commented that
works considered highly modern in Bulgaria are completely traditional
and representational to the Western eye.
ARCHITECTURE
The architectural tradition of Bulgaria is formed on ancient Thracian,
Greek, and Roman architecture of which examples survive in several
parts of the country. Three periods stand out in the development of
distinct architectural styles over the ages. The first period was the
Middle Ages, when Bulgarian and other architects constructed some of the
great examples of early Byzantine architecture in territories that
constituted the First Bulgarian Kingdom (see ch. 2). Many of these
monuments are no longer within the boundaries of Bulgaria--notably the
churches and monastery in the Lake Ohrid region of Yugoslavia--and
others were destroyed during the centuries of Turkish rule. Among those
that have survived within the confines of the country are some of the
best examples of artistic expression and technology of the Byzantine
period. These are a source of great pride for Bulgarians, who consider
them part of their contribution to world culture.
The next period of outstanding architectural development was the
National Revival period of the late eighteenth century and the
nineteenth century. Flourishing commerce gave new life to such towns as
Plovdiv and Turnovo and created new urban centers in which affluent
merchants and artisans built homes and public buildings in a richly
ornamented style that came to be known as the National Revival style.
These two-story structures made extensive use of stone and wood, the
latter usually elaborately carved. The interiors were light and
spacious. In addition to carved doors, ceilings, and built-in
sideboards, the interiors were often decorated with wall paintings.
Typical of National Revival architecture is the Rila Monastery; its
interior walls are covered with frescoes, and its interior and exterior
abound in carved wooden structural members and decorative details. The
monastery, like other National Revival structures, reflects the
Byzantine influence in the many large arched windows, arched ceilings,
and arcades.
The third period of distinguished architectural development is the
contemporary one. Industrial growth since World War II and a rapidly
growing tourist industry since the mid-1950s have called for large-scale
construction of needed facilities. New resort towns arose on the Black
Sea; industrial new towns grew in other locations; and hotels, apartment
complexes, and public buildings were needed throughout the country.
Although much of the architecture imitates the colossal style of
Stalinist work, some of it is of high artistic quality and imagination.
The Balkantourist Hotel in Turnovo and several hotels in Black Sea
resorts are often singled out as outstanding examples of modern
architecture; they combine traditional features with modern materials
and techniques and blend them into a design that fits into the natural
surroundings.
Several young architects have achieved international reputations by
winning major design competitions in different parts of the world.
Winning designs have included plans for the development of the city
center of Closure, in the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany),
and the city center of Tunis, and the redesigning of the Civic Center
Plaza in San Francisco. Since the 1960s the most talented young
architects have been spending some time in Western Europe to expand
their knowledge and experience.
SCHOLARSHIP AND SCIENCE
Isolated for five centuries from the main currents of intellectual and
scientific developments abroad and denied the education required to
undertake any scholarly or scientific activity of their own, the
Bulgarian people do not have a long tradition of scholarship and
science. Some intellectual activity did take place in the isolated
mountain monasteries, and it eventually inspired the National Revival.
Because of this isolation, however, the focus of the intellectual
activity was parochial.
The Academy of Sciences was founded in 1869 as part of the National
Revival movement and has served, together with the University of Sofia,
as the rallying point of intellectuals and scholars. After World War II
the Academy of Sciences was expanded by the incorporation of several
independent research institutions. Its membership was also vastly
increased with the admission of individuals whose loyalty to the new
government would assure the proper slant to their scholarly work. The
Academy of Agricultural Sciences was founded in 1961 to provide the
scientific know-how that would expand the output of collectivized
agriculture. The two academies coordinate and supervise all research and
scholarly activity undertaken in the country.
Emphasis in all scholarly and scientific activity has been on matters
directly applicable to industrial and agricultural development. Work in
the social sciences has been directed at the government's efforts to
transform Bulgaria into a socialist state. The work of scientists and
scholars must conform to the various theories and formulas developed by
Soviet scholars and must not dispute or contradict the basic precepts of
Marxism-Leninism as interpreted by the Bulgarian leadership. In the
early 1970s scholarly activity in Bulgaria had not yet attained the
freedom of thought and expression that has been evident in Poland and
Hungary.
SECTION II. POLITICAL
CHAPTER 8
GOVERNMENTAL SYSTEM
The People's Republic of Bulgaria is a socialist state with a form of
government not too different from the Soviet model on which it was
patterned. Following the classical Marxist-Leninist ideology, it
subscribes to rule by the working class--that is, dictatorship of the
proletariat--a doctrine asserting that all power emanates from the
people and is exercised by them through the electoral process. Corollary
to this right of the people to elect national representatives is the
power to recall them through the same instrument of the ballot. In
practice, however, the dictatorship of the proletariat has been a
dictatorship of the communist party.
The government has its theoretical base in the constitution adopted in
1971, which superseded the earlier version of 1947. The 1971
Constitution provides for a representative unicameral legislature known
as the National Assembly, an executive committee within the legislature
called the State Council, and a cabinet of advisers known as the Council
of Ministers. For regional and local government the constitution
establishes a hierarchical structure of people's councils. Parallel to
the entire governmental structure there exist corresponding levels of
the Bulgarian Communist Party (Bulgarska Komunisticheska Partiya--BKP,
see Glossary) and, in practice, the party leadership at each level
exercises executive and legislative control.
The 1971 Constitution, unlike the 1947 document, explicitly sanctions
the leadership of the BKP. Its preamble unequivocally proclaims the
leading role of the BKP in the government machinery as the directing
force in promoting socialist goals and in actively participating in the
fraternity of friendly socialist countries. Particularly noteworthy is
the statement of recognition of Bulgaria's alignment with the Soviet
Union.
The 1971 Constitution also recognizes the representation of
multi-interest groups within the united Fatherland Front (Otechestven
Front), a coalition of left-of-center political groups, which had its
origins during World War II. The front has become a large umbrella for
mass organizations and is headed by the National Council of the
Fatherland Front, which functions under party auspices. As constituted
in 1973, the front remained a control mechanism or, more appropriately,
a transmission belt for the BKP.
The drafters of the 1971 Constitution of Bulgaria subscribed
to Lenin's principle of unity of power, which advocated combined
legislative-executive authority in one state organ of power. In the
1970s the State Council had assumed legislative initiative as well as
executive responsibility, whereas the National Assembly, which was
constitutionally endowed with the legislative authority, followed the
lead of the State Council.
Government is structured on two levels: national and local. The highest
legislative body, according to the constitution, is the National
Assembly, which meets only three times a year in very short sessions.
Executive direction at the national level comes from the State Council,
which theoretically is elected by and responsible to the National
Assembly. In effect, however, the council has become a superior body.
Because the National Assembly meets infrequently, the State Council
assumes legislative initiative in addition to its executive
responsibility. The third major organ at the national level, referred to
in the constitution as the government, is the Council of Ministers,
which is theoretically appointed by and responsible to the National
Assembly but is actually responsible to the State Council. National
policy decisions reach the grass roots level through the pyramidal
system of people's councils.
The judiciary, although independent in theory, is an integral part of
the government structure that operates as an adjunct of the
executive-legislative organs. By design the judicial system legitimizes
communist control and gives legal expression to party policy. The system
is structured so that the courts of law and the prosecution agency
function together, and the latter enjoys police power.
CONSTITUTIONAL EVOLUTION
The beginnings of constitutional government in Bulgaria date back to
1879 after Russia had liberated the country from 485 years of Turkish
rule. From 1879 to 1947 the country was governed by a constitutional
monarchy based on the Turnovo Constitution, which established a
parliamentary system of government having a king at its head. Among
comparable constitutions in Europe at the time, the Turnovo document was
considered liberal and democratic in form, organization, and operation.
It was considered to be one of the most liberal in the world at that
time. Whereas most European countries limited suffrage in various ways,
all Bulgarian citizens over the age of twenty-one enjoyed the franchise.
Through a sixty-five-year span, however, the Turnovo Constitution was
revised twice, suspended twice, and violated many times. Basic to these
conflicts was the limit on the power of the king and the extent of
popular participation in government. The absence of consultative bodies
in a unicameral legislature served to widen the rift between the
executive and legislative branches.
Even after the communist takeover in 1944, the Turnovo Constitution
continued to be the charter of government until a new constitution was
adopted in December 1947. In party historiography the 1947 Constitution
is described as the work of Georgi Dimitrov, hence it became known as
the Dimitrov Constitution and remained in force until 1971.
The Constitution of 1947
In the mid-1940s, with the ascendancy of the BKP in the Fatherland Front
coalition government, there arose a need to draw up a new charter. The
changes in government structure and operation had rendered the Turnovo
Constitution obsolete, and the BKP was anxious to discard those elements
that party ideologists considered bourgeois.
Structurally the Constitution of 1947 consisted of eleven chapters and
101 articles without a preamble. It proclaimed Bulgaria a people's
republic with a representative form of government to be implemented by
universal suffrage of citizens eighteen years of age and over.
The constitution established the National Assembly as the supreme organ
of the state power and the Council of Ministers as the supreme executive
and administrative organ. During the twenty-four-year span of the 1947
Constitution, the Presidium of the National Assembly actually wielded
more power than its parent organization or the Council of Ministers,
even though such power was not ascribed to it in the Constitution. The
power of the presidium derived from the BKP positions concurrently held
by its members.
Legislative power was vested in a unicameral legislature, the National
Assembly, which was elected for a term of four years. Assembly
representatives were elected by the people on the basis of one
representative for every 30,000 people; amended in 1961 to 25,000.
Representatives served terms of four years but could be recalled at any
time before the expiration of their terms. The constitution required the
assembly to meet twice a year and on other occasions as required by its
presidium, which met in continuous session.
The many functions of the National Assembly included electing the
presidium, Supreme Court judges, and the chief prosecutor; appointing
the Council of Ministers; amending the constitution; granting amnesties;
deciding the holding of referenda; voting on the general economic plan;
settling questions of war and peace; and other legislative matters of
nationwide application.
Within the assembly the presidium--consisting of a president, two vice
presidents, a secretary, and fifteen members--was empowered with
legislative-executive authority, and it exercised judicial power in the
interpretation of laws that were binding on everyone. More importantly,
the presidium assumed the powers and functions of the National Assembly
when the latter was not in session. In effect, the small presidium
exercised the legislative function most of the time.
Executive and administrative direction was vested in the Council of
Ministers, a cabinet elected by the National Assembly. The council
consisted of a chairman, several deputy chairmen, the heads of various
commissions having ministerial rank, and the ministers. The council was
assigned the tasks of directing and administering the various ministries
that were concerned with the economy as well as with affairs of state;
the State Planning Committee; the State Control Committee; and the
Committee on Art and Culture; as well as the Committee on Science,
Technical Progress and Higher Education. In practice, the council
implemented policy decisions of the party leaders who were its
high-ranking officers.
Following the Soviet model, the first secretary of the party was also
the chairman of the Council of Ministers and, as such, was the country's
premier. It became evident through the years that the Council of
Ministers and the Presidium of the National Assembly were the ultimate
sources of governmental authority because legislation they proposed was
usually implemented by decree and approved, after the fact, by the
National Assembly.
The 1947 Constitution treated the economic and social structure of the
country extensively. It subscribed to collective ownership of the means
of production; defined rules of national economic planning and social
welfare; empowered the government to nationalize trade, industry, and
transportation; expropriated land where necessary; and restricted
ownership of private property--all in the interest of the state. The
constitution also gave the state the prerogative to establish monopolies
over production and trade.
Below the apex of the governmental pyramid lay the wide base of local
governments. These consisted of district and communal people's councils
exercising authority through their executive committees, which sat in
continuous session. The executive committees of the people's councils
cooperated closely with local party groups, and personnel were often
concurrently members of executive committees and local party committees.
Although the organization of local government was revamped in 1949, in
1951, and in 1959, by the mid-1960s it was replaced by twenty-seven
districts plus Sofia, which became a territorial administrative unit.
The decentralizing of governmental authority to the local organs of
state power was designed to bring about greater efficiency and better
supervision in matters of political, economic, and cultural interests.
The Constitution of 1971
The Constitution of 1971 was the result of the work of the Tenth
Bulgarian Communist Party Congress, which was held April 20-25, 1971, in
Sofia. This congress also produced a new program for the BKP, made
changes in statutes, elected the Central Committee of the Bulgarian
Communist Party, and adopted "Directives on the Socio-Economic
Development of the People's Republic of Bulgaria during the Sixth
Five-Year Plan (1971-75)."
The draft of the new constitution was presented for nationwide
discussion on March 30, 1971, just three weeks before the opening of the
tenth BKP congress. The congress approved the draft in its entirety on
the opening day of session. The constitution was approved through a
popular referendum on May 16 and was proclaimed law two days later by
the National Assembly. General elections under the new law took place on
June 27, 1971.
The structure and functioning of the different organs of state power as
outlined in the Dimitrov Constitution remained essentially the same
except that the State Council became a more powerful governmental body
than the Presidium of the National Assembly that it replaced and, in
effect, overshadowed the Council of Ministers in authority. The new
document continues to define Bulgaria as a people's republic but also
refers to its socialist character and to its membership in the
international community of socialist states. Two new features are the
declaration of principles in the preamble and the sanction given to the
leadership of the BKP, aided by the Bulgarian Agrarian Union (also
called the Agrarian Party) within a united Fatherland Front (see ch. 9).
The Constitution of 1971 reflects the new changes in the sociopolitical
and socioeconomic development of the country as viewed by the communist
leadership. The first chapter consists of twelve articles that briefly
define the political philosophy upon which the constitution is based and
the direction in which the party expects the country to move under the
new charter. Simply stated, the philosophy avows that Bulgaria is "a
socialist state of the working people of town and country, headed by the
working class," and "the guiding force in society and the state is the
Bulgarian Communist Party." The direction of movement expected by the
country's leadership is evidenced by the assertion that "the socialist
state shall promote the evolution of the socialist society into a
communist society." This chapter also affirms the Marxist-Leninist
principles that underlie the functioning of the state and the society.
The new document also addresses itself to significant changes in the
interrelationships between the National Assembly, State Council
(formerly the presidium), and the Council of Ministers. For instance,
the constitution expanded the right of legislative initiative to include
not only the National Assembly and the Council of Ministers but also the
State Council, the permanent commissions of the National Assembly, the
Supreme Court, the chief prosecutor, and the district people's councils.
The rationale was that the National Assembly is not a continuously
sitting body so that its functions must, of necessity, be assigned to
state bodies of a permanent nature.
Twenty articles explain the economic system and development of the
republic based on the socialist ownership of the means of production.
The constitution recognizes four kinds of ownership: state, cooperative,
public organizations, and individual or personal.
The Law on Citizen's Property passed during the session of the National
Assembly in March 1973, however, nearly abolished the private ownership
of the means of production which, according to communist theory, is the
basis for the exploitation of man by man. The new measure gave legal
expression to what had been planned since the constitution was
promulgated in 1971 and reflects the complete predominance of collective
ownership in furtherance of the spirit of the tenth BKP congress.
Private ownership is confined to "items for personal use."
Basic rights and liberties of citizens get constitutional guarantees,
but in almost every stipulation that hinges on personal, civil, and
political rights, in practice, the interest and welfare of the state
take precedence. Basic rights and obligations embrace a wide scope of
personal, civil, and political freedoms. Among these guarantees are the
right to Bulgarian citizenship; civil rights of spouses, parents, and
children; rights to work, rest, and receive health care and free
education; freedoms of speech, press, association, and demonstration;
rights to secrecy of correspondence and communication except in cases of
national emergency; and freedom of worship. All citizens are declared to
be equal before the law regardless of national origin, creed, social
status, education, or sex. Article 36 extends to women equal rights with
men. Mothers are guaranteed all-expense-paid hospitalization and
maternity care, paid maternity leave of absence, and provision for
children's care in nurseries and other establishments provided by the
government. The protective arm of the state also extends to its citizens
overseas.
Rights have commensurate obligations defined by the constitution to
ensure the survival and strengthening of the socialist foundation.
Foremost among these are the obligation to work according to one's
abilities, the defense of the state, compulsory military service, and
tax obligations for state support. Treason and other high crimes against
the state, such as inciting war and disseminating propaganda, are
treated with severity.
STRUCTURE AND FUNCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT
The Central Government
The constitution exhibits an image of legislative supremacy asserting
that power belongs to the people and is exercised through such elected
representative bodies as the National Assembly and the people's
councils. The practice, however, shows executive political hegemony
exercised by the party leadership occupying positions of governmental
responsibility, such as the head of the Council of Ministers and head of
the State Council. The power exercised by a government organ is
directly linked to the party positions held by its head and by its
members. For example, Todor Zhivkov as president of the State Council (a
position that automatically makes him president of the republic) is at
the same time first secretary of the party and a member of its
Politburo. Stanko Todorov, who is chairman of the Council of Ministers
and thereby premier of the republic, is also a member of the Politburo.
Several other members of the State Council and the Council of Ministers
are concurrently members of the Politburo, the Secretariat, or the
Central Committee. This interlocking of positions, which occurs not only
at the national level but at all levels, ensures party control of the
entire governmental system (see fig. 6).
State Council
The source of executive direction and control in the government is the
State Council, a twenty-four-man executive committee within the National
Assembly elected for an indefinite term until a new National Assembly
elects a new council. It functions as a collegial executive and
legislative body, and its president assumes the title of president of
the People's Republic of Bulgaria.
The State Council of the National Assembly replaced the former
presidium, to which the 1947 Constitution had given honorific titles but
largely ceremonial functions. Conceived during a plenum of the party
Central Committee in 1968 but not established until after the
promulgation of the new constitution in 1971, the State Council was
designed to be a powerful force, both executive and legislative, in the
overall governmental structure. The best evidence to the power inherent
in the structure of the new State Council was the fact that party leader
Zhivkov chose to relinquish the premiership, which he had held for
several years, in favor of the newly created position of president of
the State Council. Zhivkov is one of a very few leaders of communist
countries who continues to retain the top position in both the party and
the government.
The State Council exercises a wide spectrum of authority that would
theoretically be the responsibility of the National Assembly. In effect
the State Council becomes the alter ego of, or a surrogate for, the
National Assembly and arrogates to itself the constitutional
prerogatives of the people and the elected legislature. Most members of
the State Council are concurrently high-ranking members of the BKP.
Among the many duties and responsibilities of the council, the most
important can be divided into two definite groups: those functions that
are specifically defined and thereby permanent and those functions that
the council assumes when the legislative body is not in session. During
wartime, when it might not be possible for the assembly to meet, the
constitution provides for the complete assumption of legislative and
executive authority by the State Council.
The State Council's specific and permanent functions include, among
others, calling the National Assembly into session, exercising the
right of legislative initiative, determining bills that should be
submitted to the people for nationwide discussion, interpreting the laws
and decrees binding on everyone, creating and eliminating departments
below ministerial level, appointing and recalling diplomatic
representatives, granting Bulgarian citizenship, ratifying international
treaties concluded by the government, and implementing the general
direction of the defense of the country.
[Illustration: _Figure 6. Bulgaria, Structure of Government, 1973_]
When the National Assembly is not in session, the State Council is
empowered to promulgate decrees and other acts of legal validity dealing
with problems arising from laws and decrees of the legislative body.
Furthermore, these acts and decrees have the force of law and need no
legislative confirmation at the next assembly session.
Additionally, the council exercises executive control over the Council
of Ministers, its members, the local people's councils, and the Office
of the Chief Prosecutor; it can repeal decisions of the ministries and
other central departments, which in effect reduces the Council of
Ministers to a grade below the State Council. In the event of war the
State Council, in the absence of the National Assembly, is empowered to
sign peace treaties, to amend the constitution, to grant amnesty, and to
change the territorial boundaries of the country. In sum, the functions
of the State Council can be categorized into executive, legislative,
judicial, and police. In carrying out these multifarious
responsibilities, six councils and two committees assist the State
Council, (see fig. 7).
Council of Ministers
The Council of Ministers is described in the constitution as "a supreme
executive and administrative body of state power." In practice the
council is more of an advisory body to the State Council than it is a
supreme body even though it oversees the day-to-day functioning of the
government. In 1973 the council consisted of a chairman (the premier),
two first deputy chairmen, five deputy chairmen, twenty ministers, and
several chairmen of committees subordinate to the council. Additionally,
there are other members in the council; they are ministers without
portfolio (two) and the deputy chairman of the State Control Committee.
Within the council there is an inner executive committee known as the
Bureau of the Council of Ministers; its membership includes the
chairman, his seven deputies, the minister of finance, and the chairman
of the State Planning Committee.
Election and organization of the Council of Ministers is done by the
National Assembly, which determines the number, kind, and names of the
ministries and of other departments with ministerial rank. For this
reason the number of ministries and central agencies may vary from time
to time. The Constitution of 1971 introduced two new features that did
not exist in the 1947 Constitution. One obliges the Council of Ministers
to give an accounting of its work to the State Council and another
limits the rights of the Council of Ministers over the executive
committees of the people's councils.
Some of the functions of the Council of Ministers overlap those of the
State Council. Categorically, these functions may be grouped together as
executive, legislative, economic (budget preparation), police, and
military.
The Council of Ministers also has jurisdiction to form--for the purpose
of administration--committees, councils, general boards, and offices.
Also within their competence, ministers and heads of departments with
ministerial rank have the right to issue orders and rescind unlawful or
irregular acts and actions of the special bodies of the people's
councils. They also have the right to suspend acts of the executive
committee of the people's councils.
[Illustration: _Figure 7. Bulgaria, Organization of the Council of
Ministers, 1973_]
The constitution empowers the Council of Ministers to draft and
implement national economic plans for submission to the National
Assembly. The council has police power in the maintenance of public
order and security and has general command of the armed forces. Along
with the State Council it implements the direction and control of the
activities of the people's councils.
The National Assembly
The National Assembly, a unicameral legislature, is the only legislative
body of the central government, but legislative initiative has been
extended to several other governmental organs. In practice the State
Council appears to be the most powerful organ of government as well as
the principal initiator of legislative matters. The assembly, which
meets only three times each year in short sessions, would appear to have
more form than substance in the actual governmental affairs of the
country. It would seem to be impossible for anyone to become a member of
the assembly or of the State Council without prior approval of the BKP
(see ch. 9).
The assembly's 400 members represent voting districts of equal numbers
of inhabitants per delegate. The term of office is five years. This was
another innovation in that the BKP hierarchy decided that party
congresses would be held every five years instead of four and,
therefore, elections to the National Assembly should be changed in the
same manner. In the exercise of its functions, the National Assembly can
dissolve itself, and in emergency situations it may extend its term.
The manner in which the National Assembly operates, that is, the
infrequency and brevity of sessions, makes it imperative for permanent
commissions, in addition to the State Council, to carry on the
multifarious functions of the assembly. In 1971 there were twelve
permanent commissions, half of which had overlapping functions with
various ministries. The constitution does not specify how many permanent
or interim commissions the assembly should appoint but leaves such
matters of organization to the assembly itself.
Local Government
Territorially, Bulgaria is divided into twenty-eight districts
(_okruzi_; sing., _okrug_), about 200 municipalities, and about 5,500
villages. The municipalities, if size warrants, are divided into urban
constituencies (_rayoni_; sing., _rayon_), whereas villages are usually
grouped together to form rural constituencies known as _obshtini_
(sing., _obshtina_). Since 1959 the number of districts has remained
constant at twenty-eight, which includes one for the city of Sofia. The
number of urban and rural constituencies, on the other hand, changes
frequently as the population increases and as people move from the
countryside to the cities or move from cities to suburban areas.
Districts and urban and rural constituencies are governed on the local
level by people's councils, and in the 1971 elections there were almost
1,200 such councils with a total of more than 53,000 elected officials.
Each people's council has an elected executive committee, which is
constantly in session and which acts for the council during the long
periods when the full body is not meeting. On the local level the
executive committee is to the people's council what the State Council is
to the National Assembly on the national level. An executive committee
usually consists of a chairman, a first deputy chairman, several deputy
chairmen (depending on size), and a secretary. The interlocking of party
and governmental positions that is the hallmark of the central
government is repeated at the district and rural and urban constituency
levels, and often the members of a people's council executive committee
are also the most prominent members of the local party organization. An
executive committee usually serves for the entire term of its people's
council.
In the implementation of national policy, people's councils are under
the supervision and control of higher councils all the way up to the
central government. The hierarchical and pyramidal structure of the
people's councils, wherein the lowest bodies are subject to the
direction of the next higher and of the highest bodies, is an example of
the application of Lenin's principle of democratic centralism.
Coincident with this structure of government is the parallel structure
of the BKP, whose members are in control or are influential at every
level.
People's councils are empowered to adapt decisions and orders of higher
authorities to their own individual needs. Local councils prepare plans
and budgets in consonance with the national plans and, after decisions
have been made at the national level, the local councils conform to the
national policy. People's councils are involved in the day-to-day
affairs of their constituencies in government services and
administration, the maintenance of public order, the protection of state
and communal property, and the protection of the rights of its citizens.
In these areas the local police, known as the People's Militia, are the
instruments of the local council, but their responsibility is also to
the next higher level and on up to the Ministry of Internal Affairs (see
ch. 15).
JUDICIAL PROCEDURE
The highest judicial organ is the Supreme Court, the members of which
are elected by the National Assembly for five-year terms. Below it are
twelve regional and ninety-three district courts, and the military
courts. The Supreme Court is a court of original jurisdiction as well as
of appellate jurisdiction. It is organized into criminal, civil, and
military divisions. In the administration of justice, courts and
prosecution are referred to as "weapons of the dictatorship of the
proletariat." Judges and assessors take part in the dispensation of
justice. These positions are elective.
The Office of the Chief Prosecutor is established to see that the laws
are obeyed by the ministries and other national departments, bodies of
local state power, economic and public organizations, and officials as
well as citizens. The chief prosecutor is elected to a five-year term.
He is subject to recall, however, before the expiration of his term and
is responsible only to the National Assembly. Again, as is true with the
Supreme Court, between sessions the chief prosecutor reports to the
State Council.
The chief prosecutor exercises wide powers in the performance of his
functions. Because he is elected by the National Assembly, he is certain
to be a loyal party member; he appoints prosecutors (district and
communal) for lower levels and can recall them before the expiration of
their terms. Together with the minister of justice, he controls the
judicial system for the communist party.
In interpreting the communist theory of "unity of power," the
constitution places the judiciary below the executive and legislative
branches of state power. It also lumps together the judicial bodies and
prosecutors in overlapping and parallel functions. The fact that judges
and lay assessors are elected indicates that the party echelons can
control the workings of the judicial machinery.
THE ELECTORAL PROCEDURE
The basic election law of Bulgaria is embodied in a document adopted on
February 17, 1953, and published as the Law of Election for the National
Assembly of the People's Republic of Bulgaria. It has been amended many
times since then.
Article 6 of the 1971 Constitution extends the right to vote to every
Bulgarian citizen who has reached the age of eighteen, regardless of
"sex, nationality, race, creed, education, occupation, official or
social status, and property status." The only exceptions are those
persons under "complete tutelage." An earlier law had denied the right
to vote only to those who had been sentenced by a court.
Members of both national and local representative bodies--the National
Assembly and the people's councils--are elected by direct and secret
ballot on the basis of universal, equal, and direct suffrage.
Theoretically, they are responsible to their electorate and render an
accounting of their activities. In this frame of reference they can be
subject to recall even before the expiration of their term. In practice
they are removed at the discretion of the BKP.
The State Council schedules dates for elections to the National Assembly
and people's councils. In no case is the date fixed later than two
months after the expiration of the current mandate. The council is also
empowered to schedule dates for holding referenda on decisions of the
National Assembly. All election dates are set on weekends or nonworking
days to ensure continuous work production.
Under the election law and in accordance with the constitution,
elections are called by the State Council and conducted by the Central
Election Commission, a body created by the National Assembly and
directed by the State Council. The Central Election Commission comprises
representatives of various organizations, such as trade unions,
cooperatives, youth organizations, special professional and interest
groups, and other public organizations and societies, which must be duly
registered according to acceptable procedures established by the
National Assembly. The election commission is headed by an executive
committee consisting of a chairman, a deputy chairman, a secretary, and
twenty members, all of whom must be approved by the State Council.
Corollary to the right to elect is the right to be elected to public
office. Candidates are nominated according to electoral areas.
Theoretically, the right to nominate candidates is secured through
meetings of public organizations and such societies as trade unions,
youth organizations, cultural societies, and cooperatives. In practice,
however, candidates are nominated by the BKP leadership of these public
organizations, and their names are submitted for discussion during
meetings. This procedure ensures the candidates' election and at the
same time meets the obligation in the electoral law that nominations be
discussed at public meetings.
Lists of candidates for public office are compiled in each village,
town, and district and are submitted to the BKP-controlled National
Council of the Fatherland Front where a final list of candidates is
drawn. Only candidates nominated by the BKP, the Bulgarian Agrarian
Union, and other mass social organizations approved by the Fatherland
Front are allowed to go on the ballot. Quite expectedly, the single
slate of candidates presented by the Fatherland Front usually gets
elected unanimously.
In the parliamentary election held on June 27, 1971, voters elected
assembly deputies, people's councillors, judges, and lay assessors. Out
of 6,168,931 registered voters, 6,159,942 cast ballots, representing
99.85 percent of the electorate. A total of 6,154,082 voters, or 99.9
percent, voted for all Fatherland Front candidates as contrasted to
1,487 who voted against. About 4,373 election ballots were declared void
because of irregularities.
The speed with which election results are tallied and announced was
exemplified by the election of 1971. Two days after the election the
Central Election Commission--headed by its chairman, Angel
Velev--examined the protocols of the 400 urban constituency election
commissions and announced the results. As expected, all 400 candidates
nominated by the Fatherland Front were elected. Announcements of local
election results in towns and villages are made by the respective
executive committees of the people's councils.
The BKP's method of organizing the government after an election was
illustrated by the plenum of the Bulgarian Communist Party's Central
Committee held on July 6, 1971. It discussed and approved proposals for
candidates for chairman and deputy chairman of the National Assembly,
membership of the State Council, Council of Ministers, heads of the
different commissions, chairman of the Supreme Court, and chief
prosecutor. Nominees were submitted for discussion and confirmation
during the first session of the sixth National Assembly held on July 7,
1971.
An amendment to the 1971 Constitution on the nomination of candidates by
the leadership of public organizations obtained official sanction not
only for the purpose of expediency but more importantly to guarantee the
election of the nominees, as there had been cases of nonelection during
the previous elections for people's councils. The election law also
provides that candidates must garner 50 percent plus one vote in the
electoral districts before being declared elected. Statistics of
election results for people's councils in 1949 and 1966 showed that the
percentage of votes ranged from 96.48 percent of the voting population
in 1949 to 99.56 percent in 1966. The new amendment required that
two-thirds of the registered voters cast their ballots in favor of the
candidates before declaring that an election had taken place.
CHAPTER 9
POLITICAL DYNAMICS
In mid-1973 political affairs and the administration of the country
remained completely in the hands of the ruling circle of the Bulgarian
Communist Party (Bulgarska Komunisticheska Partiya--BKP, see Glossary),
headed by First Secretary Todor Zhivkov. Political power was exercised
by him and by the few select officials in the Central Committee of the
Bulgarian Communist Party, particularly those who were members of the
Politburo and the Secretariat. The extent of such power was best
described by Vulko Chervenkov, onetime premier and Politburo member, who
declared that "no institution, organization, or person can be above the
Politburo and the Central Committee." This statement, made in the early
1950s, continues to be the cardinal rule of communist power in Bulgaria.
Retention of power by the party was ensured through its absolute control
of governmental machinery and of all organized activities. Virtually
every important government post was held by a high-ranking party member.
First Secretary Zhivkov, for example, was also president of the State
Council, the leading government body, which made him the top man in both
party and government. In addition to the interlocking of government and
party posts at all levels, it was also customary for the top officers of
mass organizations to be members of the party hierarchy. The continued
existence of a second political party, the Bulgarian Agrarian Union
(Bulgarski Zemedelski Suyuz--BZS), did not encroach on the
monopolization of political power by the BKP because the prerogatives of
the union had been curtailed to the point where it had become an
auxiliary of the BKP rather than a competitor. Any opposition to the
ruling elite had come from within the party rather than from outside
organizations. As recently as 1965 an abortive attempt to overthrow
Zhivkov was made, but this was the result of intraparty factionalism
rather than antiparty opposition. Zhivkov managed to avert the attempted
coup d'etat and afterward strengthened his power base within the party.
At the helm of the party for nineteen years, Zhivkov, despite occasional
intraparty struggle and friction, remained the undisputed leader and, as
such, he maintained very close relations with the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union and with the Soviet government. On the one hand the close
Bulgarian-Soviet relationship has been interpreted by Marxist
theoreticians as the application of "proletarian internationalism"--a
theory that contends that proletarian unity is "historically the higher
right than that of national self-determination." On the other hand, many
observers of Bulgarian-Soviet relations maintain that the nature of the
unequal alliance stems not only from historical and cultural
affiliations as well as political and ideological identification but,
more important, from Zhivkov's need for strong Soviet support.
At the Tenth Party Congress in 1971 Zhivkov reiterated the necessity for
close ties with the Soviet Union and introduced a five-year economic
plan that continued the long emphasis on heavy industry. The congress
reelected the Politburo, despite the advanced ages of some of the
members and their demonstrated concern for maintaining the status quo at
a time when the changes necessary to transform Bulgaria into a modern
industrial country have placed new demands on old methods and
institutions. Success or failure of the Communists' ongoing efforts to
industrialize, modernize, and communize the country depends on the
adaptability of the leadership and the political institutions to meet
the challenges of the 1970s.
MAJOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS, 1965-71
After discovery of the plot to overthrow him in April 1965, Zhivkov took
steps to secure his position and to prevent future conspiracies. Because
the threat to his regime had come mainly from the army, Zhivkov and his
minister of defense often spoke to assemblies of military officers to
explain party policies and to assuage dissident feelings within military
ranks. In addition, state security functions were realigned in an
attempt to tighten the system in order that such conspiracies would not
be able to germinate in the future. The Ministry of the Interior lost
its responsibility for security to the newly created Committee of State
Security, which was under the direct supervision of Zhivkov in his
position as premier. Later, in 1968, the Committee of State Security and
the Ministry of the Interior were again merged under the latter's title.
After the abortive plot against him, Zhivkov offered some reforms to
placate disgruntled elements and to avoid a repetition of the incident.
Although the principal plotters were imprisoned, Zhivkov's reaction to
the conspiracy was one of general appeasement. This policy of
appeasement was shown by the fact that no general purges took place and
that people who could have been suspected of dissident activity were
allowed to remain in positions of authority in the party and in the
government rather than being summarily swept aside. The programs of
liberal reform that had been implemented before, but interrupted by, the
1965 plot were resumed, and Bulgaria seemed to be reaching for a
national destiny rather than accepting the role of a Soviet puppet. The
reforms affected all fields--political, economic, and cultural--and for
a time it seemed that the abortive coup d'etat had given new impetus to
Bulgarian national interests.
The promise of reform appeared to be the focal point around which the
Ninth Party Congress was convened in 1966, and at the congress party
leaders underscored the need for the widest participation in the
democratic process. Reforms, however, fell victim to the conservatism of
older party leaders, and Zhivkov did not have the personal strength or
magnetism to push forward his program. The ninth congress ended with the
reelection of the essentially reactionary Politburo and a reaffirmation
of the status quo. The bright hopes for economic, political, and social
progress that had been evident in late 1965 and early 1966 collapsed in
a return of rigid ideological dogma and a firm reliance on Soviet rather
than Bulgarian initiatives.
The failure of the ninth congress to rejuvenate the party hierarchy and
to chart a reform course for the future had repercussions throughout
Bulgarian society. Initiatives in foreign affairs that had been taken in
1965 and 1966 foundered in the retrenchment into party orthodoxy.
Negotiations that had begun with Western European countries as well as
with Balkan neighbors bore no fruit as the Zhivkov government failed to
follow up earlier moves toward better relations. Even more detrimental
to Balkan relations was Bulgarian participation in the Soviet-led
invasion of Czechoslovakia, which Yugoslavia and Romania strongly
opposed. In the cultural area the party tightened its controls over
creative artists and reorganized the Committee on Art and Culture to
better serve the needs of the government. The First Congress of Culture,
held in 1967, emphasized the constructive role of culture in society and
called for an intensification of anti-Western propaganda in order to
counter the dangerous influence of so-called bourgeois culture.
There was also great concern among party leaders about the so-called
nihilistic attitude of the country's young people. In December 1967
Zhivkov published his "Youth Theses" in an attempt to counter what the
party considered to be dangerous apathy on the part of Bulgarian youth.
Zhivkov's theses initiated some institutional reforms that dealt heavily
with patriotic education in an attempt to instill some national pride in
the young people, but about a year later patriotic education was
deemphasized. Evidently the program had aroused strong feelings of
nationalism that interfered with the pro-Soviet attitudes that have been
characteristic of Zhivkov's government. After publication of the "Youth
Theses," all youth activities came under the aegis of the Dimitrov
Communist Youth Union (Dimitrovski Komunisticheski Mladezhki Suyuz),
referred to as Komsomol, which is the junior auxiliary of the BKP. The
moves to politicize young people failed to arouse any widespread
interest, and in the early 1970s Bulgarian youth remained essentially
apolitical and apathetic.
In the economic sector the BKP blueprint for reform commonly referred to
as the New Economic Model offered innovations in decentralized
decisionmaking that delegated more responsibilities to public and state
organizations on the lower level as well as to individual enterprises.
The attention given to economic reform at the time--late 1965--was
motivated not only by Zhivkov's need to shore up his own political
position after the attempted coup but probably more so by the examples
of new economic programs that were sweeping the Eastern European
communist countries and the Soviet Union. More important than the
liberal reforms for decentralized management of the economy was the
decision to allow planning from the bottom to the top. From the time of
the enactment in 1965 up to about 1968 there were definite signs of
change. The July plenum of the BKP Central Committee in 1968, however,
formalized a number of changes that called for considerable reduction in
the autonomy of the existing public and state organizations, thus
setting aside the entire economic reform program. After the July plenum
and another in November 1968, a reorganization of state enterprises took
place in line with the new centralization policy.
During the remainder of the 1960s and into the early 1970s, Zhivkov's
position remained stable, and there were no overt threats to his regime
such as the 1965 plot to overthrow him. In 1969 and again in 1970
agreements were signed in Moscow that tied the Bulgarian economy even
closer to that of the Soviet Union. Bulgaria's position, or more
precisely the BKP's position, on relations with the Soviet Union was
summed up in a statement made by Zhivkov just before the Tenth Party
Congress in 1971: "The fraternal friendship and cooperation of the
Bulgarian Communist Party with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
and the ever broader and deeper alignment of Bulgaria with the Soviet
Union will remain the immovable cornerstone of the entire work and the
domestic and foreign policy of our party."
At the Tenth Party Congress, which was attended by General Secretary
Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, there were no startling changes
either in party policy or in high-ranking personnel assignments. The
same Politburo, with an average age of sixty-three, was returned to
office, and the party program promised no alteration in the heavily
centralized, pro-Soviet policies that had marked most of Zhivkov's
tenure. A new constitution was proposed by the party and later adopted
by the government and, although some institutional changes were
made--for example, creation of the State Council as a collective
executive branch of government--the absolute supremacy of the BKP over
every aspect of Bulgarian life was in no way diminished. On the
contrary, the power of the top leadership was probably enhanced along
with its ability to perpetuate itself in office.
THE BULGARIAN COMMUNIST PARTY
Organization
Party statutes define the organization, membership, and program of the
BKP. A statute promulgated during the Sixth Party Congress in 1954
proclaimed the party to be an "inseparable part of the world communist
front" and acknowledged the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as the
leading political force within the communist bloc countries. Later party
statutes refined the basic document but did not change the premise that
the BKP looks to the Soviet party for leadership.
Central to the observance of basic communist policy is adherence to the
principles of democratic centralism. Patterned after the Soviet model,
these principles call for a pyramidal form of command responsibility in
which lower party organs are subordinated to the next higher body. This
also means that decisions of higher bodies bind those below,
individually and collectively. Party policy and practice encourage open
discussion of issues during meetings of local party units as well as
during conferences and congresses at higher levels; however, party
discipline requires unitary action after a decision has been reached by
the hierarchy.
The party hierarchy is composed of the Politburo, the Secretariat and,
to some extent, the Central Committee, the membership of which interlock
as one man may occupy two or more positions at any given time.
Theoretically occupying the apex of power is the congress of the party
that is held every five years, following the example of Soviet party
congresses. The congress is made up of delegates from various party
units on the basis of proportional representation of party members. The
main statutory functions of the congress include revising or amending
party statutes, deciding party policy, electing the Central Committee,
and receiving reports concerning past progress and future plans. It is
customary for major governmental programs or reforms to be presented to
a party congress before promulgation. The Tenth Party Congress, for
example, listened to readings of the draft of a new constitution and the
Sixth Five-Year Plan (1971-75) and approved both unanimously. Actually,
the purpose of a congress is to demonstrate unanimity and accord. The
size of the congress (1,553 delegates in 1971) and the fact that it
meets only at five-year intervals preclude carrying out its statutory
role as a deliberative and policymaking body. Public politicking or
wrangling by delegates to a party congress would be unprecedented.
Because the party congress meets so infrequently, it delegates its
functions to the Central Committee that it elects. Election of Central
Committee members is also a pro forma action wherein the congress
unanimously approves the list of names provided by the party leadership.
The Central Committee is a large working party organ, which in 1973
included 147 members and 110 candidate (nonvoting) members. The
committee is charged with the administration of party work between
sessions of the congress and the implementation of party policies
presented by the leadership. For the performance of its duties, the
Central Committee has fourteen permanently operating departments and six
schools and institutes, the latter ostensibly to promote political
educational goals. As set forth in party statutes, plenary sessions of
the committee are to be held at least twice a year, and special sessions
may be called from time to time.
Within the Central Committee sits the nine-man permanent Secretariat
headed by the first secretary who, by party structure, is the most
powerful man in the country. The Secretariat is elected by the Central
Committee during the party congress, but the election, once again, is
merely formal approval of the members already selected by the top party
leadership. Since 1954 the position of first secretary has been
continuously held by Zhivkov, who also heads the State Council and is
therefore the head-of-state. In addition to the first secretary, six
other secretaries and two members complete the composition of the
Secretariat. The main function of the Secretariat is to supervise the
implementation of party policy.
Sharing the center stage of political power with the Secretariat is the
Politburo, elected by the Central Committee in the same manner as the
Secretariat. In effect the Politburo is a self-perpetuating body, and
any change in membership is dictated by the members themselves. Composed
of eleven members and six candidate members, all Politburo members
belong to the Central Committee. They provide collective political
leadership in both party and government.
The Politburo is the policymaking and decisionmaking branch of the
party. In theory the eleven members of the Politburo are equal, but in
practice the party first secretary occupies the topmost position of
power in the party and is therefore first among equals in the Politburo.
Such is the concentration of political authority in the top bodies that
multiplicity of membership by party officials in any or all of the
central party organs is more the rule than the exception.
Membership
After the successful coup d'etat in September 1944, communist party
membership grew with unprecedented speed. From prisons and internment
camps and from self-exile abroad, party leaders began to converge in
Sofia to restructure the party and to form a new government. Party
members assisted by sympathizers helped fill the necessary manpower
requirements as functionaries and working groups in the new coalition
government. A period of intensive recruitment and propaganda followed
that swelled the number of members from 15,000 to 250,000 in just four
months. By the time the Fifth Party Congress convened in December 1948,
party membership reached 500,000. This was in part due to the merger of
the Social Democrats with the BKP in August 1948. In large part,
however, Bulgaria's egalitarian peasant society--coupled with
indiscriminate recruitment using hardly any criteria for
qualification--produced a predominantly peasant membership. Workers
accounted for slightly over one-fourth of the total membership as
compared to one-half made up of peasants.
Ironically, the intense campaign for new members was accompanied by
wide-scale purges within the party during a power struggle between the
Stalin faction and the home faction of the BKP. Led by Chervenkov, the
Moscow-oriented leaders succeeded in getting rid of their political
opponents and soon after established a Stalinist kind of government in
the country. Observers noted that this was aimed not only at weeding out
undesirable party elements but, more important, at increasing the number
of workers and consequently achieving a numerical balance with the
peasant members.
Once in full control of the party and government, the BKP hierarchy
turned its attention to more systematic methods of recruitment. By the
time the Eighth Party Congress convened in November 1962, the BKP had
528,674 members plus 22,413 candidates. It was also at about this time
that the Zhivkov government relaxed the open police terror and pardoned
6,000 political prisoners, most of them Communists.
The Ninth Party Congress, held in November 1966, provided new
regulations concerning party composition and acceptance of new members.
Qualifications of candidates had to be checked thoroughly, and only
those qualified could be accepted. Education as the main criterion of
selection was emphasized among target groups of workers, peasants,
specialists, women, and young people. As a result of this improved
recruitment procedure, the new members after the congress were 44.3
percent blue-collar workers and 32 percent women. Of this group, it was
estimated that 60.4 percent had at least a secondary education.
It was reported by the Secretariat that district (_okrug_) party
committees after the Ninth Party Congress showed improvement in
"content, style and methods of their work," and that they understood
better the political approach in guiding local economic tasks as well as
leading primary party organs in the political and organization work of
their constituencies. Furthermore, over 77 percent of full-time
secretaries of local party committees and about 90 percent of chairmen
of cooperative farms had higher or secondary education. Formal training
as well as in-service education was given serious attention. Educational
training for party members includes two-year university courses, short
courses, seminars, informal meetings, and conferences of local party
committees.
Statistics reported in 1971 showed that 25.2 percent of about 700,000
members of the BKP were women. Increasingly more important positions
were assigned to women in the party hierarchy. In the same period (1971)
there was a woman member of the Politburo, several women members of the
Central Committee, and two women ministers. Not only were women active
in party activities, but they could also be found in boards of
management of government enterprises.
Party Congresses
Party statutes formerly stipulated that congresses would be held every
four years, but a decision was made to extend the interval to five years
after the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had made the same change.
Decisions of the congresses appear as party statutes that usually
reflect the desires of the leadership and the circumstances that
necessitated the additions, deletions, or amendments to already existing
statutes. The most important innovations embodied in BKP statutes
emerged from congresses beginning with the Sixth Party Congress, held in
1954, and continuing through the Tenth Party Congress, held in 1971.
The Sixth Party Congress abolished the position of general secretary and
in its place created the post of first secretary, again following the
lead of the Soviet party, which had done the same thing after Stalin's
death a year earlier. Party leader Chervenkov, who was premier and a
Politburo member, kept those posts and allowed the election of Zhivkov
as first secretary. Zhivkov was then an unknown functionary who had
risen from the ranks of the Sofia party structure. Aside from the usual
exhortation for party unity and the changes in six Politburo positions
as well as an increase in Central Committee membership, the Sixth Party
Congress was uneventful. Zhivkov's rise to power did not take place
immediately, and a period of intraparty struggle ensued as he gradually
consolidated his authority as first secretary.
The Seventh Party Congress, held in June 1958, proved even more
uneventful. It passed the Third Five-Year Plan for the development of
the economy, the fulfillment of which was drastically reduced to three
years even before the ink was dry on the document. With Central
Committee approval, new plans for economic targets were prepared;
meanwhile, Zhivkov prepared an elaborate propaganda campaign to push
this program through. Zhivkov's Theses, as the collection of
instructions have come to be known, advocated increased cultivation and
production in agriculture and industry to obtain yields that were double
those of previous plans. An unprecedented flurry of activity followed on
the heels of extensive media coverage. Aided by the press, the Agitation
and Propaganda Department under the Central Committee's direct
supervision launched a vast campaign that surpassed even those efforts
in neighboring countries.
This period is characteristically known as Bulgaria's Great Leap
Forward, patterned after the Chinese experience, and historians put
forth political and economic motives for such an economic experiment.
Politically, after Nikita Khrushchev started his de-Stalinization policy
in the Soviet Union, the Bulgarian repercussion was evident in
Chervenkov's disenchantment with the Soviet trauma and his looking
favorably instead toward the Chinese example. The Great Leap Forward was
neither a spectacular success nor a dismal failure and achieved no more
than the expected progress in three year's time. The ensuing period
marked a return to earlier patterns and heralded the end of Chervenkov's
political career and the concurrent elevation of Zhivkov. The election
of Zhivkov's friends--Stanko Todorov and Mitko Grigorov--to full
membership in the Politburo gave him added support. Khrushchev's visit
as the head of a large Soviet government delegation did not hurt Zhivkov
but rather gave convincing proof of Khrushchev's support of the
Bulgarian first secretary. Anton Yugov was premier at this time, but it
was not long before he too was purged, the final blow coming only hours
before the start of the Eighth Party Congress.
The Eighth Party Congress in 1962 marked the end of the open opposition
to Zhivkov's leadership. With Chervenkov and Yugov out, Zhivkov was in
full control. A month earlier, in October 1962, a special plenum of the
Central Committee announced Zhivkov's assumption of government power as
premier while retaining the first secretaryship of the party. In the
economic sector, the Twenty-Year Plan of Economic Development--patterned
on that of the Soviet Union--had been passed. It featured more realistic
goals in contradistinction to its predecessor. As usual, heavy
industrial priorities ranked high in the development plan.
In November 1966 the Ninth Party Congress was held in Sofia. During the
deliberations changes were made within the Politburo whereby Zhivkov's
former protege, Grigorov, was dropped from membership without an
explanation and Todor Pavlov, a theoretician of Marxism, and Tsola
Dragoycheva, head of the National Council of the Fatherland Front, were
added as full members. Boyan Bulgaranov and Ivan Mihailov, both older
party members, were retained--a move that indicated the influence of
older functionaries over young potential leaders. Economically, the
congress supported principles of new management, tying political
progress with economic advancement.
Collectively the aforementioned congresses accomplished little. On the
contrary the 1971 congress introduced considerable changes in the
sociopolitical and socioeconomic patterns of growth--among them the
drafting and adoption of a new constitution (see ch. 8).
Tenth Party Congress
Whatever political changes are visible in Bulgaria are the result of the
Tenth Party Congress held in Sofia from April 20 to April 24, 1971. It
was attended by 1,553 delegates representing roughly 700,000 party
members, a ratio of about one delegate for every 450 members.
Additionally, foreign representatives from eighty-nine countries were on
hand. Leading the Soviet delegation were Brezhnev, general secretary of
the Soviet party, and four other high-ranking officials.
As is customary, Zhivkov opened the congress with his usual
state-of-the-nation address, extolling Bulgarian-Soviet ties and
stressing friendship between the two countries. Included in the agenda
were the adoption of a new five-year economic plan; discussion and
adoption of the new party program; discussion and approval of the new
constitution; the election of party members to the Central Committee,
Politburo, and Secretariat; and a change in party statutes calling for a
congress every five years instead of four.
The central theme of the party congress revolved around the concern or
"care for man." To this end resolutions were passed during the
deliberations purportedly giving "everything for the sake of man;
everything for the good of man." A separate report on the subject also
emphasized the need for improving the economic plight of the people. By
the time the resolutions and directives were being implemented, however,
noticeable variations in interpretation and emphasis had taken place.
For example, the draft directives for the Sixth Five-Year Plan showed
projection of industrial production that went up by 60 percent, whereas
production of consumer goods was projected to increase by only 50
percent.
Special attention was given to the areas of education and culture by the
Tenth Party Congress. Zhivkov underscored the need to close the
educational gap between workers and peasants, who often had no more than
an elementary education, and the intelligentsia and white-collar
professionals, who had attained the secondary level and more often had
gone on to higher education.
Far more significant changes in party statutes took place in the area of
governmental operations. With the adoption of a new constitution,
modified structural arrangements were worked out, the most important of
which was the creation of the powerful State Council of the National
Assembly; the council's functions are not entirely dissimilar to, but
greater than, the presidium that it replaced (see ch. 8).
The composition of the new Politburo and Secretariat remained
essentially the same. The congress seemed anxious to demonstrate unity
by stressing continuity of tenure for its senior members. All of the
eleven Politburo full members elected in 1966 were reelected in 1971;
four were over age seventy, and the youngest was fifty years old. All
Politburo members except one had been with the party since before
September 9, 1944. Some Western observers wondered whether the retention
of the entire old guard signified stability or exemplified stagnation.
At a time when observers were expecting an infusion of new blood into
the hierarchy, the leaders chose the status quo. Zhivkov, in his closing
speech, seemingly aware that the political conservatism of the old
ruling elite left something to be desired, maintained that "the
communist is ... an official up to a certain age; but he never ceases to
educate, to inspire, to unite, and to organize the masses." In effect he
apologized for retaining the same old membership in the hierarchy.
THE BULGARIAN AGRARIAN UNION
The egalitarian character of Bulgaria's society derives from its
basically agricultural economy. Its peasant organization--the Bulgarian
Agrarian Union (Bulgarski Zemedelski Suyuz--BZS) was formed as early as
1899, making it one of the oldest agrarian organizations in Europe.
Founded to promote the well-being and educational advancement of its
members, it developed into a political party and a powerful machine that
in the 1920s became the governing party under Alexander Stambolisky.
After Stambolisky's government was overthrown in 1923, it did not rise
to power again. The party split in 1931, and in 1942 the radical half of
the party, known as the Pladne (the name of their newspaper) faction,
joined the BKP in the Fatherland Front coalition.
The BZS in the early 1970s was a secondary political party subservient
to, and controlled by, the BKP. Its membership was reported to be
120,000, of which 80,000 were cooperative farmers and approximately
15,000 were active militants in government jobs. It has a more
simplified party hierarchy, being governed by an executive council
elected by delegates of its congress, which meets every four years. The
Executive Council--corresponding to the BKP Central Committee--is
composed of ninety-nine members and forty-seven alternate members. From
among them are elected members of the Standing Committee, comparable to
the Politburo of the BKP, which directs the entire activity of the BZS.
The Standing Committee derives its authority from the Executive Council
and reports to it.
Assisting the Executive Council is the Auditing Commission, which
oversees the financial accounts of the BZS. Another leading central
organ of long historical tradition is the Supreme Council. It is not as
large as the congress, but it is important enough to make policy
decisions affecting the great mass of agrarian rank and file. It
consists of all members and alternates of the Executive Council, members
of various commissions, and all the chairmen of district committees.
There are twenty-eight district committees; 1,027 village committees;
and 3,848 local branches of the BZS below the national level.
Jurisdictionally, they all follow an orderly system of organization
whereby lower organs fall under the supervision and control of higher
organs, and all fall under the final jurisdiction of the BKP agencies
above them.
The preamble of the 1971 Constitution recognizes the existence of the
BZS as united in "purpose and action" with the BKP in the establishment
and development of the People's Republic of Bulgaria. In keeping with
this pledge, the BZS leadership and prominent members are elected to,
and in some cases appointed to, important bodies of state administration
through all levels of the government. There was an increase in the
number of BZS members elected to public office in the general elections
that followed the BKP congress in 1971. It appeared that the Communists
had decided during their congress to broaden the base of representation
by including more BZS members in the government as well as more members
from various mass organizations and the Turkish minority. Regardless of
affiliation, all candidates for office are carefully screened by the
BKP, and after election all officials are under the control of the BKP.
Of the national officials in January 1973, Georgi Traykov, leader of the
BZS, was one of two first deputy chairmen of the Fatherland Front.
Earlier, he had been released as chairman of the National Assembly,
which approved his nomination to the State Council, a move that was
politically expedient in the view of Zhivkov to establish a "closer
relationship ... between the State Council and the National Council of
the Fatherland Front."
During the Thirty-Second Congress of the BZS, held in Sofia in October
1971, the presence of high-ranking BKP Politburo members as well as
foreign delegates was very much evident. Boris Velchev, Politburo member
and secretary of the Central Committee, delivered a speech praising the
work of the BZS in its partnership with BKP in all aspects of Bulgaria's
socialist development. Domestically, BZS was lauded for its efforts in
the technological progress in agriculture resulting in the production of
large quantities of cheap produce. BZS members were also praised as good
machine operators in factories and as "innovators and frontrankers in
field brigades and livestock farms."
Internationally, the BZS maintains contacts with dozens of agrarian and
related organizations in various countries. As diplomats, national
officials among the BZS leaders had demonstrated exceptional ability in
foreign relations, especially where the regular high-ranking BKP
representatives had been found less acceptable.
MASS ORGANIZATIONS
Mass organizations are auxiliaries of the BKP through which the party
hierarchy exerts control over the bulk of the population. Established to
serve the immediate interests of a particular class of workers or
professionals, mass organizations work as transmission belts for the
administration of party policies and the achievement of party goals.
Most, if not all, of their chairmen are trusted and loyal BKP members.
The right to form organizations for any purpose not contrary to public
law and national security is guaranteed in the constitution. These
organizations may be political, professional, cultural, artistic,
scientific, religious, or athletic. Furthermore, unions and other
associations may be formed within public organizations and cooperatives.
In all cases the guidelines set by the BKP for the development of a
socialist state impose limitations on the operations of mass
organizations. Recognition of the BKP as the leading political party and
the subservience of all other organizations is clearly understood. The
most important mass organizations are the Fatherland Front, the Central
Council of Trade Unions, and the Komsomol and its affiliate Pioneer
organization.
Fatherland Front
The Fatherland Front grew out of the internal dissension between the
government and various political parties, in particular, the pro-Soviet
elements who objected to the alliance with Nazi Germany. In March 1942
the government launched repressive measures in an attempt to immobilize
communist activities. Working with a group of exiled Bulgarian leaders
in Moscow, Georgi Dimitrov, former secretary-general of the Communist
International (Comintern), urged action against the country's rulers,
"who have sold themselves to Hitler." As conceived by Dimitrov, the
program of the Fatherland Front aimed not only to bring down the
"Hitlerite" regime and consequently establish a "true Bulgarian national
regime" but also to declare Bulgaria neutral and dissolve its alliance
with Germany.
Established in 1942, the Fatherland Front operated underground under
communist leadership but also included other political parties.
Cooperation among these political parties, however, did not take place
without problems, mainly because each one espoused its own particular
interests and viewed the BKP with suspicion. Leaders of each party
worked as members of the National Committee (later known as the National
Council) of the Fatherland Front. It was from within the Fatherland
Front movement that the coup d'etat of September 1944 took place, the
result of which was a coalition government.
When the Communists took full control of the government and dissolved
the coalition, they retained the Fatherland Front as an umbrella
organization. The BKP, of course, is the leading force within the front,
which also includes the Bulgarian Agrarian Union and several other
organizations. In effect the Fatherland Front is an instrument of the
party through which most of the country's organized activities are
controlled and supervised. Some of the tasks relegated to the front
include the nomination and discussion of candidates for election to
central and local bodies of state authority; the right to supervise the
activities of enterprises, institutions, and organizations operating
public utilities and services; and the right to supervise activities of
workers and professionals to ensure conformance to party line and
policy.
In 1973 the Fatherland Front continued to be a large mass organization
working fully for and with the BKP. Available statistics showed a
membership of 3.86 million in July 1970, of which 3.1 million were
nonparty members. It included both individual members and collective
groups--mainly trade unions and youth organizations.
Central Council of Trade Unions
Trade unions are workers' and professionals' organizations--the
function, role, and responsibility of which echo the economic directives
and decrees of the BKP. With the abolition of capitalist ownership
declared by the Fifth Party Congress in December 1948, the structure and
activities of trade unions changed to conform to the party's management
of the economy as the vanguard of the state in its socialist
development. Since then the Bulgarian trade unions have been reliable
mainstays and faithful transmission belts of BKP policies among the
working masses. Thirteen individual trade unions unite to form the
Central Council of Trade Unions, which accepts the leading role of the
BKP in all Bulgarian affairs. In 1973 total membership in the central
council was about 2.6 million.
Following the principle of democratic centralism, all trade union
officials are elected from bottom to top but, following the pattern set
by the BKP, all candidates for union offices are carefully screened and
selected by officials at higher levels. Each trade union local is the
basic organization unit at a factory or business enterprise, and there
is an ascending hierarchical structure based on territorial
organization. At the district level there is a district trade union that
reports to the central organization. Theoretically, the trade unions are
independent and nonparty, but they are organized hierarchically, and
their activities are closely monitored and controlled by the BKP. In
effect, the trade unions look after the interests of the state rather
than the interests of the workers. To ensure party control there is an
interlocking of positions in the highest realms of the unions, the
government, and the party. For example, the chairman of the Central
Council of Trade Unions in 1973 was also a member of the State Council
of the National Assembly as well as being a candidate member of the
Politburo. At lower levels many district and local trade union
executives are also members of the district and communal people's
councils. Under this arrangement the unions take a direct part in the
management of state affairs--such as labor and labor legislation,
recreational activities, workers' sports, and so forth.
Dimitrov Communist Youth Union
Young prospective members of the BKP come from the Dimitrov Communist
Youth Union (Dimitrovski Komunisticheski Mladezhki Suyuz), also referred
to as the Komsomol. Established as the youth's counterpart of the BKP,
it is organized much as the parent structure, having a secretariat of
nine members headed by a first secretary and a bureau of seventeen
members and five candidate members that is comparable to the party
Politburo. The Komsomol is under the leadership of party committees and
is supported by the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of
National Education, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Bulgarian Red
Cross, and the Civil Defense Staff in interlocking roles of authority
and supervision. Founded as a sociopolitical organization to train the
youth in the ideological principles and goals of the BKP, the Komsomol
also serves as a source of manpower reserve in government and as an
instrument for the application of party policies and directives. In the
early 1970s membership was about 1 million (see ch. 2; ch. 15).
Despite all the attention given to youth affairs, alienation of young
people manifests itself in many different ways. There were no tangible
signs of protest such as outward demonstrations, mass rallies, or
disruptions during congresses, plenums, annual meetings, or regional
conferences to show this alienation. But the negative attitude and
sagging interest in political indoctrination and economic activities
increasingly worries party leaders. The ideological and political gap
between generations prompted the administration to prepare and publish
Zhivkov's "Youth Theses" in December 1967. This work is basically an
inspirational treatise to counter what Zhivkov averred was national
nihilism among the youth, characterized by apathy, absence of
discipline, improper family upbringing, misdirected school discipline,
and ill-prepared Komsomol programs, among other things. The theses also
deplored the "degenerate influences" of capitalist society that were
evident in conspicuous material consumption in food and beverages,
dress, music and dance, and social mobility brought about by bourgeois
affluence.
In an effort to bring the youth back into line, the theses emphasized
patriotic political education within a Marxist-Leninist frame of
reference, defined the duties and privileges of the young people, and
finally directed the reorganization of the Komsomol under closer party
supervision. The initial reaction to the theses was one of increasing
passivity.
In another effort to court the Komsomol-age group, political speeches
openly lauding the youth union as the instrument for the realization of
the technological and scientific as well as the military technical
training of young people and their patriotic education have been
resorted to. Further, in extolling the work and importance of the youth
union to the all-round development of Bulgarian socialist society,
Zhivkov also enjoined the youth to implement the Sixth Five-Year Plan of
the BKP.
The organization for Bulgarian children still too young for the Komsomol
is the Pioneers, also known as Young Septembrists to commemorate two
September events in Bulgarian political history--the abortive communist
coup d'etat in 1923 and the successful overthrow of the monarchy in
1944. The Pioneer organization is composed of children of elementary
school age. It is structured like the Komsomol and operates as its
junior division. A special division within the Komsomol National Central
Committee oversees the affairs and work of the Pioneers. Lower
committees at the district and municipality levels are directed by the
soviets for working with students, which are charged with youth work in
their respective territorial jurisdictions. Each district has a Pioneer
battalion that is divided into companies corresponding to school classes
and further subdivided into classroom rows, the lowest unit of Pioneer
organization. The chain of command flows from the central committee and
reaches down to the youngest member of the organization living in the
remotest part of the country. The content of academic curriculum and
party training is generally in accord with the ability levels of the
children.
Committee of Bulgarian Women
There is no mass organization, as such, for Bulgarian women. The
Committee of Bulgarian Women, with a membership of 171 in 1973, is a
group dedicated to looking after the affairs of women in the country,
whether they be workers or housewives. The Constitution of 1971
guarantees to Bulgarian women the enjoyment of equal rights with men. In
the complex structure of the BKP-controlled government, recognition of
women as a significant working force in the socialist movement is given
great attention. An earlier provision contained in the 1947
Constitution, known as the Dimitrov Constitution, similarly guarantees
the "right to work, equal pay for equal work," and the attendant
benefits, such as paid leave, social security, retirement pension, and
education.
Bulgarian women have become active participants in the political process
under communist rule. As noted earlier, 25.2 percent of BKP members in
1971 were women, and there was one woman in the Politburo. There were
7,000 women members of the BZS and almost half of the Komsomol members
were women (500,000); the same is true for the Fatherland Front, and
women made up 41.2 percent of the trade unions. In the unions of
writers, composers, artists, and actors women are also active. Most
teachers are women. They represented 67.7 percent of the Teachers Union.
The women's movement was active on a nationwide scale. On the initiative
of the Committee of Bulgarian Women, a plan for the development of
science and technical progress including the study of the social role of
women was presented to the presidium of the Bulgarian Academy of
Sciences. Another suggestion by the same women's group called for the
study of conditions defining women's role as "mothers, production
workers and public activists."
In the report to the plenary session of the party Central Committee in
July 1968, Zhivkov outlined the functions of the Committee of Bulgarian
Women. These included the coordination of state and administrative
organs in research institutes that studied the role of women in society.
Henceforth, according to Zhivkov, the Central Committee of the BKP would
receive reports on such research and would be directly concerned with
matters concerning Bulgarian women.
Ideological Training
How mass organizations relate to BKP party directives, orders, and
decrees is best illustrated in the area of political education and
indoctrination. The National Conference on Party Propaganda was held in
April 1970 and sponsored by the Agitation and Propaganda Department of
the Central Committee and by the district party committees. During the
conference one of the district secretaries detailed some aspects of a
three-stage system that is being applied.
The three-stage structure corresponds to the educational level as well
as to the political training and age of students. Schools in the higher
level of various district party committees and branches of the mass
organizations train administrative personnel, intellectuals, and party
activists. Training on this level includes theoretical seminars and
study groups. For intermediate personnel, including employees with a
secondary education, there are schools and institutes giving lectures
and talks on Leninism. A more elementary form of mass propaganda is
given to people with less training in theoretical political ideology;
people of advanced age fall also into this category. Political education
for this group consists of lectures in beginners' schools. Compulsory
subjects in primary party organizations are also discussed during
education sessions at party meetings. Except for Sofia, which has a high
rate of literacy, most districts employ this three-stage system of
political education. It is estimated that 60 percent of Communists in
Sofia have at least a high school education; many have college degrees
in contrast to some outlying districts where a large percentage of the
Communists have only an elementary education.
The three-stage system is also used for training newly inducted
Communists as well as youth groups. It was reported during the
conference that approximately 900 of the best party propagandists have
been sent to Komsomol organizations to train youth in the party school
system. Within the Komsomol there is evident need for considerable
changes in the training of youth in the system of political education,
designed to bring the youth closer to the practice of the principles of
Marxism-Leninism.
CHAPTER 10
FOREIGN RELATIONS
Throughout the communist era in Bulgaria, that is, since World War II,
the foreign policy of the country has mirrored that of the Soviet Union.
In addition to the close relationship resulting from bilateral
agreements between the two countries, Bulgaria was also a charter member
of both the Soviet-dominated Council for Mutual Economic Assistance
(COMECON--see Glossary) and the Warsaw Treaty Organization (Warsaw Pact)
military alliance. Bulgaria's loyalty to the Soviet Union throughout the
period is always a starting point in political writings on Eastern
European affairs.
The successive leaders of the Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP--see
Glossary) have consistently maintained that their country's fortunes
would rise with those of the Soviet Union. To the Bulgarian Communists,
such loyalty was not only natural from an ideological point of view but
was also the pragmatic course, given the factors of world power politics
in the postwar era. Todor Zhivkov, the BKP leader since 1954, and still
in office in 1973, continued to adhere to a policy of close alignment
with the Soviet Union and used the relationship as the foundation of his
regime. The nature of the relationship has developed along two parallel
lines: the BKP has maintained close ties with the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union at the same time that government-to-government affairs have
become increasingly intertwined.
As is true with other countries in which the communist party has become
the dominant political force, in Bulgaria the formulation of foreign
policy takes place at the highest party level--the Politburo. After the
party has announced the basic policy, the administration of foreign
affairs is handled by government ministries. The government has
repeatedly dedicated itself to the goals of the world communist movement
and, particularly, to the goal of solidarity among socialist states,
always acknowledging Soviet leadership. In the Sino-Soviet rift that
developed during the 1960s, Bulgaria continually expressed its
allegiance to Moscow and decried the divisiveness that resulted from
polycentric attitudes and actions.
In mid-1973 Bulgaria maintained diplomatic relations with eighty-two
governments, thirty-six of which had embassies in Sofia. The remaining
governments carried on diplomatic relations through their
representatives in nearby capitals. Bulgaria maintained fifty-four
embassies in foreign countries and, as a member of the United Nations
(UN), maintained an ambassador and a staff in New York. Bulgaria also
participated in the activities of many of the UN special agencies.
DETERMINANTS OF FOREIGN POLICY
Historical Factors