LAWSUITS AND A PENSION

The storm of which d’Eon appeared to think so lightly was far from

abating, however, for de Guerchy, enraged by his failure, had not yet

given up the fight. He began by attacking his adversary’s partisans,

and had just obtained from the minister an order recalling M. d’Eon

de Mouloize to France, and arbitrarily divesting him of his rank of

lieutenant of cavalry. Then, having exhausted all the resources of

official pressure, he tried less circuitous means—launching out in

a paper war which originated in the incident that occurred at Lord

Halifax’s. The English newspapers had given a discreet explanation of the

dispute on the following day. They were unfavourable to the ambassador,

who realised that the laughter was not with him. Desirous of publishing

his own version of the incident, he employed the services of a writer

called Goudard, singularly unskilful in the profession by which he earned

his livelihood. In exchange for a few guineas, Goudard delivered to de

Guerchy a little pamphlet of a harmless description, but in which the

facts were related in a light so favourable to the ambassador that d’Eon

naturally felt prompted to reply. De Guerchy knew by experience how quick

d’Eon was at repartee, and hoped that his adversary, unable to resist

such a temptation, would expose himself in consequence to the penalties

of English law, so severe in matters of libel.

However, whether he did not deem himself insulted, or whether he

suspected a trap, d’Eon kept quiet, and the ambassador was once more

disappointed in his expectations. At this juncture de Vergy came to

offer his services to de Guerchy for a modest consideration. He, too,

had reasons for taking offence at the pamphlet, and this pretext was

sufficient to envenom matters. Accordingly he published a little brochure

openly attacking the Chevalier. This time d’Eon thought it necessary

to reply, but in doing so he made use of language mild enough to put

an end to the discussion. This did not suit the ambassador, who never

allowed his sense of dignity to prevent him insisting on the last word.

He pursued the petty warfare, making one blunder after another, and

issued his “Contre-Note,” a genuine piece of bathos, a severe and absurd

condemnation of d’Eon. This publication produced the singular effect of

animating persons unconcerned in the quarrel. Anonymous lampoons written

in English were distributed among the public, also manuscript pamphlets,

some taking d’Eon’s part and some the ambassador’s. Vergy, Lescalier,

late clerk at the embassy, Henry Fielding, Justice of the Peace in

London, took up the quarrel. A woman even, called Bac de Saint-Amand,

signed a few pages which were deemed so comic that a second edition was

rapidly exhausted.

For three months, during which over twenty different publications were

produced, d’Eon contained himself; but his patience, as also his funds,

was daily diminishing. Deserted by the King and without resources he

wrote to the Duc de Choiseul asking him for permission to enter the

service of England with two of his cousins, since, as he said, “he could

not obtain justice in M. de Guerchy’s proceedings.” At the same time

he made a last appeal to the Duc de Nivernais for support, in humbler

and more friendly terms, but in which the threatening allusions were

also clear. These letters remained unnoticed, as well as those he sent

to the Duc de Broglie and to Tercier. Impelled by necessity as much

as by a desire for revenge, d’Eon then determined upon making use of

his last weapons against de Guerchy. On March 22, 1764, he published a

book, full of impertinence and gross allusions to the ambassador and the

ministers. It consisted of a vehement account of all his contentions

with de Guerchy, written in a sarcastic tone, at times full of wit, and

throughout aggressive. D’Eon reproduced, besides, the letters he had

ventured to address to his ambassador and those he had received from him;

intimate letters in which de Guerchy displayed, in a heavy, involved

style, all his shabby parsimony and perplexity at the outset of his

diplomatic career. Lastly, in a third part, d’Eon gave extracts from

the correspondence exchanged between the Duc de Praslin and the Duc de

Nivernais, which the latter had communicated to him, and in which the two

friends expressed themselves freely and confidentially upon the subject

of de Guerchy’s meagre qualifications.

These disclosures, so painful and humiliating for the ambassador, made a

great stir in London. Fifteen hundred copies of the work were sold in the

course of a few days. But the scandal did not in the least produce the

desired effect. D’Eon only lost much of the sympathy which his wit and

good-humour had formerly won for him, and which all his wanton insults

had not yet exhausted. Walpole, writing at this time to the Earl of

Hertford, British Ambassador in Paris, reflects faithfully the opinion of

Englishmen, who blamed d’Eon severely, though not without regret:

D’Eon has published (but to be sure you have already heard

so) a most scandalous quarto, abusing Monsieur de Guerchy

outrageously, and most offensive to Messieurs de Praslin and

Nivernais. In truth, I think he will have made all three

irreconcilable enemies. The Duc de Praslin must be furious

at de Nivernais’ carelessness and partiality for d’Eon, and

will certainly grow to hate de Guerchy, concluding the latter

can never forgive _him_. D’Eon, even by his own account, is

as culpable as possible, mad with pride, insolent, abusive,

ungrateful, and dishonest—in short, a complication of

abominations, yet originally ill-used by his court, afterwards

too well; above all, he has great malice, and great parts to

put that malice in play.... The Council have met to-day to

consider what to do upon it. Most people think it difficult for

them to do anything. Lord Mansfield thinks they can; but I fear

he is a little apt to be severe in such cases.

The Privy Council approved Lord Mansfield’s intentions. If the work was

not, strictly speaking, libellous, it contained defamatory insinuations

which admitted of the application of the act. Moreover, the whole

diplomatic corps supported de Guerchy in his demand for an inquiry, and

the Attorney-General brought an action for libel against d’Eon in the

King’s name, which was tried a few months later.

The sensation in London was enormous, and even greater in Paris,

where the author of the scandal was far more severely condemned, as a

contemporary who kept a diary of political and literary events relates,

under date of April 14:

M. d’Eon de Beaumont’s book has made a great stir here.

It contains letters attributed to Messieurs de Praslin,

de Nivernais, and de Guerchy, annotated by the inaccurate

editor. They give a poor idea of the talent, the wit, and the

statecraft of those who wrote them. The work is preceded by a

preface in which M. d’Eon sets forth his motives for publishing

these letters. His infamous behaviour, and the incongruity

between his conduct and his style in the statements denote a

malicious madman.

And he adds, under date of April 26:

The trial of M. d’Eon has begun, who is exciting much interest

just now as the author of a most scandalous libel and most

atrocious calumnies.

The volume so severely and justly condemned by public opinion was

destined not only to rouse indignation at Versailles, but also to cause

the utmost anxiety. Indeed, there was everything to fear from a man whose

mind was so disordered. D’Eon had confined himself so far to talking

about his own affairs; but it was by no means certain that he would

prove equally circumspect for the future, or that he would refrain from

divulging the secret and delicate negotiations in which he had been

implicated, at the time of the conclusion of the last treaties.

The Duc de Praslin decided that the book should be torn up; but while

giving this order he bethought himself of treating with the author. The

King encouraged him to do so, for he shared his minister’s apprehensions,

having just examined two letters addressed by d’Eon to Tercier, who did

not wish to answer them. Moreover, they expressed only too plainly their

author’s intentions:

I will never be the first to desert the King or my country

(wrote d’Eon in one of them); but if, unhappily, the King and

my country should think fit to sacrifice me by deserting me, I

shall be obliged, in spite of myself, to abandon the latter,

and in doing so, I will justify myself before the whole of

Europe, and nothing will be easier, as you are well aware.

I will not conceal from you, sir, that the enemies of France,

believing they may be able to take advantage of the cruel

position in which I find myself, have invited me to enter

their service. Whatever the benefits they offer, I cannot be

influenced, and I shall be guided under these circumstances by

honour only. I have answered as became me.

... The leaders of the opposition have offered me any money

I demand, on condition that I deliver to them my papers and

letters, under seal, promising to return them to me in exactly

the same state when the money is brought to me. I unbosom

myself to you, and you must feel how repugnant to me must be

such an expedient.... But if I am entirely forsaken, and if,

between this and April 22, Easter Sunday, I do not receive a

promise, signed by the King or by the Comte de Broglie, to the

effect that reparation will be made to me for all the ills I

have endured at the hands of M. de Guerchy—then, sir, I declare

to you, formally and authentically, I shall lose all hope,

and in forcing me to clear myself entirely before the King of

England, his ministry, and the two Houses of Parliament, you

must make up your mind to a war at no distant period, of which

I shall surely be but the innocent cause, and this war will be

inevitable. The King of England will be driven into it by the

force and nature of circumstances, by the voice of the nation

and the opposition.

Louis XV., who did not go so far as to believe that d’Eon had in his

portfolio the means of bringing about war with England, took the danger

with which he was threatened coolly enough; but he was aware that his

secret was in peril. M. de Praslin had not concealed his earnest desire

“to see d’Eon safe in France, under lock and key.” The minister had even

sent police officers to England, with orders to secure d’Eon, but only

alive. Louis XV., however, “could not believe his agent was a traitor.”

He judged him more justly and dispassionately than his secret ministers.

Notwithstanding his faults, his pride and his imprudence, d’Eon was

incapable of committing a disloyal action. If he had been induced to

write such compromising letters, he had done so only under compulsion,

and when driven to extremities by the excessive severity, or by the

equally excessive weakness, of the means employed against him, and also

by the obstinate silence preserved towards him by the Comte de Broglie

and Tercier. On learning of the death of Madame de Pompadour, which

occurred at this time, he believed that the secret ministers were at

last publicly to enjoy their credit with the King. But his hopes were

shattered: Louis XV. continued his double game, and the Comte de Broglie

did not feel powerful enough to take advantage of the situation by

obtruding himself upon the King, nor did he venture even to plead d’Eon’s

cause.

Deserted by everybody, the Chevalier was extremely flattered by the

offers of the Liberal party, which compared him to Wilkes, the idol

of the people and the victim of a trial for libel. His popularity was

increased rapidly in London, where his name was cheered after that of the

patriot, but he was flattered chiefly because it was hoped that he might

divulge some scandalous details with regard to the conclusion of the last

peace. The Liberals expected him to furnish them with formidable weapons

against Lord Bute, the late ministers and their successors, who were said

to have been bribed by France. Though d’Eon did not intend to respond to

their advances, he did not reject them, and he boasted of them to the

secret ministers, hoping to obtain by intimidation the aid which had been

denied to his entreaties. He was not altogether unsuccessful, since he

was causing the King grave anxiety, if not on the score of the peace of

Europe, at least on that of his secret correspondence. At the Comte de

Broglie’s suggestion, Louis XV. despatched M. de Nort to England, with

the mission of pacifying de Guerchy, but also with formal instructions

to conciliate d’Eon by advice and promises, and to discover at least the

nature of his demands. D’Eon, who had frequently met de Nort at the Comte

de Broglie’s, welcomed him with enthusiasm, and proved unexpectedly

moderate, believing that his rehabilitation was now imminent.

Hardly had he read the Comte de Broglie’s letter, brought by M. de

Nort, when, elated with the alluring promises and the flattery which it

contained, he wrote to the King on the spur of the moment:

SIRE,—I am innocent, and have been condemned by your ministers;

but from the moment that your Majesty wishes it, I place my

life, and the recollection of every outrage I have experienced

from the Comte de Guerchy, at your Majesty’s feet. Be

persuaded, Sire, that I will die your faithful subject, and

that I am more than ever in a position to serve your Majesty

for your great secret plan, of which you must never lose sight

if you wish your reign to be the period of France’s greatness,

and the humiliation and, perhaps, the total destruction of

England, which is the only power really always hostile and

formidable to your kingdom.

I am, Sire, your Majesty’s faithful servant in life and in

death,

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