In all these points I think he is in error. Maya grammar does not

authorize the derivation of _uinal_ from _uinic_ (in which Seler follows

Brasseur); but it may come from _u_, month, _uin_ or _uen_, “relating to

a month.” His statement that the 20–day period was not spoken of as an

_uinal_, is disproved by Landa, who calls it _uinal hun ekeh_, “a dark

month,” to distinguish it from one lighted by the moon. A close

examination of most of the drawings will show that the line on which the

supposed bare teeth are shown is not that of the mouth, but that of the

necklace above mentioned, which has the value _u_. Cf. Fig. 3, No. 3.

No. 1, Fig. 37, I introduce from Mexican pictography; it is the sacred

green jade jewel, the _xihuitl_, meaning “precious, divine.” By it I

explain the very common No. 2, a modification either of it or of the

_kin_ sign, constantly associated with deities (on the hand, Cod. Dres.,

p. 21; on the leg, id., 12; on the back, id., 39; and always on the

head-dress of the God of Growth).

[Illustration: FIG. 37.—Supposed Derivatives of the Sun Sign.]

No. 3 may be a modification of the _kin_. It is given in Landa’s

alphabet, where it stands for _be_, footprints. It may also be the

stones of the hearth, and signify “house.” As a “directive sign,” it

stands for the point south, and the color yellow; and it appears as an

occasional variant of the day-signs _lamat_, _muluc_, and _chuen_.

No. 4 is thought by Seler to be merely an ornamental form of the _kin_

sign; but by Förstemann is taken for the monogram of the planet Venus,

at least in the Cod. Dres., where it is very frequent on pp. 46–50. It

is repeated with slight variations on the Copan pottery.

[Illustration: FIG. 38.—The Knife Signs.]

The flint knife was an important implement. Landa speaks of the numerous

large ones kept by the priests for slaughtering their victims.[115] They

were called _ta_, and _licil dzicil_; in Tzental, _chinax_, from _chi_,

to bite. Fig. 38, Nos. 1, 2, and 4, show the usual forms in which they

are drawn, the small squares at the end being the biting edges. No. 3,

surmounted by the “trinal” sign, refers probably to lightning. No. 6 is

a rare sign for a dog, showing his biting teeth (Cod. Tro., p. 25). The

flint knife typifies sacrifice, death, war, the East, and fire. As a

rebus, it could stand for _ta_, excrement; _tah_, a dramatic

representation, etc.

No. 5 is a very common affix. It has been regarded as a variant of the

knife (Seler, etc). But it is too constantly distinguished from it to

have this meaning. I consider it the sacred bean, with which divination

was practiced and lots cast. This was called _bul_, a word which, as an

affix, means “all,” the whole of anything, as _bulkin_, “the whole day.”

This may suggest its signification.

[Illustration: FIG. 39.—The “Fish and Oyster” Sign.]

The curious objects in Fig. 39 were long a puzzle to me, and have not

been explained by previous writers. I believe them to be representations

of the food products of the sea, showing a fish and two shellfish. My

reasons for this are that in Cod. Dres., p. 34, they are seen along with

other food-offerings (see Fig. 30); in some places the fish tail is

unmistakeable (Cod. Dres., pp. 6, 7, 36); in Cod. Cort., pp. 20, 21,

they are associated with a fishing bird,—a pelican or cormorant; in Cod.

Dres., p. 50, the two shells are replaced by one conch shell; and in

Cod. Dres., p. 67, a fish and two shells are painted separately, to

represent food from the sea. The two shells are often seen in other

relations, as sprinkled with blood (Cod. Tro., p. 18*), and as an affix

(see Fig. 31, No. 10). I shall refer to this as the “fish and oyster”

sign.

Shells had a peculiar sacredness in Maya symbolism. The robes of some of

the priests were bordered with them.[116]

[Illustration: FIG. 40.—The Sacred Food-Offerings.]

Some other sacred food-offerings are shown in Fig. 40. The first is the

haunch of venison tied up (identified as such by Brasseur); the second

is the fish, here shown with a subfix; the third is the wild turkey,

represented by his head in a dish. Another is the iguana (see p. 122,

No. 14); and a fifth is the object shown on p. 122, No. 12. It has been

explained as a grain of corn sprouting from the ground, or a mole

emerging from its hole (Schellhas). The true explanation is that of

Brasseur, that it portrays the forequarter and head of a food-animal,

tied up. He does not specify what animal, but in some of the drawings I

distinctly recognize the dog, with his sharp teeth, the species raised

by the Mayas to be eaten on festival occasions, as stated by Landa.[117]

[Illustration: FIG. 41.—The _ben-ik_ and other Signs.]

Nos. 1 and 2, Fig. 41, are variants of an element often occurring with a

_ben-ik_ superfix. Dr. Seler, who is apt to see gory human heads

everywhere, thinks it is one carried in a sling and means “conquered in

war.”

Dr. Förstemann, with greater probability, considers that it symbolizes

an astronomical event connected with the motions of the sun. (See the

significant designs, Cod. Tro., 28* _b_.)

The _ben-ik_ sign referred to is rendered by Seler to mean conquest and

destruction; by Förstemann, astronomically, as the lunar month of 29

days; in a general sense, I would say, “strength and deific power.” It

is a very constant association of the two day-signs so named, _ben_

giving the idea of motion, and _ik_ of life and power.

In No. 3 is a long worm-like figure under the _ben-ik_ sign. Brasseur

pointed out that it is a variant of the day-sign _men_, and explained it

as a caterpillar (_chenille_). Seler speaks of it as an eagle, and as a

symbol of “mother earth;” Schellhas, as perhaps the serpent goddess. It

sometimes is drawn to have a fish-like appearance (Cod. Per., p. 7), and

may symbolize the waters; the more so as it has occasionally as a

superfix the “cloud-balls.”

No. 4 is explained by Brasseur as the girdle, _xoc_, around the body;

and I prefer this to later suggestions. A similar design was the tress

of hair, _kax pol_ or _kaaxi_, worn by women (see Cod. Tro., p. 27; Cod.

Dres., p. 45). Its signification would seem to be “to tie together, to

join,” or, as a rebus, “rain, to rain,” for _kaxala_ (llover, y la

lluvia).

[Illustration: FIG. 42.—The Drum Signs.]

No more prominent hieroglyph than No. 1, Fig. 42, can be found in the

Mayan inscriptions, and none which has proved such a stumbling block to

interpreters. Valentini has called it the picture of a censer or

brazier; de Rosny thought it a variant of the _ahau_ sign; Dr. Seler

explained it as a precious stone; and Thomas as “a stone heap!” It is

the upper figure in the “Initial Series” of glyphs at Palenque, Copan,

Quirigua, etc. (see above, p. 24), and recurs with but slight variations

in all the Codices.

I first announced what it represents and its signification at the

meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science,

August, 1894.[118] It is the picture of a _drum_, the large variety,

made of the hollow trunk of a tree resting upon short feet, the trunk

being sawed across partly through so as to give two vibrating surfaces,

which were often decorated with cross-hatching. Such drums are described

by the early Spanish writers, and one is shown in the Atlas to Duran’s

History.[119] Their sound could be heard for two leagues, and they were

important adjuvants in the services in the temples.

In the hieroglyphics the significance of this design is primarily

phonetic. The name of this particular kind of drum was _pax che_, from

_pax_, musical instrument, and _che_, wooden; a large one was _bolon pax

che_, the word _bolon_, nine, being a superlative prefix in Maya.

Employed according to the ikonomatic method, this expressed the word

_paxan_, a very common term in Maya, meaning “it is finished,” and

applied to anything completed, ended, or destroyed, in a good or bad

sense.[120] This is why in the numeral signs it marks the end of a

series (see above, p. 22), and in the so-called “Initial Series” (which

I believe to be terminal), it surmounts and thus closes (reading from

below upward) the rows of computation signs. For the same reason it is

the support of the figure representing the dying year in the ceremonies

at its termination (Cod. Tro., pp. 20–24), and is often associated with

the deities of old age, destruction, and death.

Several other varieties of drums were in use among the Mayas. That shown

Fig. 42 No. 2, is noteworthy. It is the _dzacatan_ (Berendt), or

medicine-drum (from _dzacah_, to cure, to practice medicine). It was

used in the sacred ceremonies (see Fig. 30), and Itzamna is portrayed

playing upon one (Cod. Dres., p. 34). Its representations in the Codices

are peculiar, and have been entirely misunderstood by previous writers.

I show them in Fig. 43, Nos. 1, 2, 3. In a more highly conventionalized

form we find them in the Cod. Troano, thus: [Illustration] which has

been explained by Pousse, Thomas, and others, as making fire or as

grinding paint. It is obviously the _dzacatan_, what I have called the

“pottery decoration” (see p. 58) around the figures, showing that the

body of the drum was of earthenware.

Fig. 42, No. 3 shows the ordinary hand drum, the _huehuetl_ of the

Mexicans. Its name in Maya is _tunkul_, properly _tankul_, which means

either “before the gods,” or “now one worships” (ahora se adora, Baeza.)

It was either of wood and was struck with a stick; or of pottery with a

skin stretched over its mouth, when the sound was produced by the

fingers. Some were large and stood upright, as shown in Fig. 43.[121]

Representations of these are common in the Codices, and have generally

been mistaken for vases. (See Cod. Cort., p. 27.) Even Nos. 4 and 5,

Fig. 44, are probably some such musical instruments. (See Cod. Cort.,

pp. 12, 30, 31.)

[Illustration: FIG. 43.—A Standing Drum. (From the Cortesian Codex.)]

[Illustration: FIG. 44.—Graphic Delineations of Drums.]

[Illustration: FIG. 45.—The _yax_ and other Feather Signs.]

Few glyphs are more frequent than No. 1, Fig. 45, either alone or in

such combinations as Nos. 2 and 3. The guesses as to what it represents

have been singularly divergent. Brasseur said, a kind of gourd; Seler, a

tree; Schellhas, the zapote; Rosny and Förstemann, the phallus, etc.

None of these suggestions seems to me tenable. I believe it represents a

common feather decoration made of short green or blue feathers, attached

to a style or staff. It is frequent on Mexican and Maya figures, and in

No. 4, Fig. 45, I copy one from a Maya war dress. The lower portion

represents the ornament to which I allude. It was called _yax kukul_,

and this gives the phonetic rebus value of the sign, which is _yax_,

green, and (metaphorically) new, young, fresh, strong, virile, etc.

[Illustration]

Care must be taken not to confound this with the character seen in the

sign of the dog (see p. 70), which really represents the ribs and

breast-bone, although called a “phallus” by Rosny, an “article of food”

by Thomas, a “breastplate” by Allen, and a “vertebral column” by

Seler.[122]

The three feathers which surmounted the _yax kukul_, as shown in No. 4,

Fig. 45, also developed in the hieroglyphs to an important sign. It is

shown in Fig. 46, No. 1, and is the uppermost sign in the “Initial

glyph” of Palenque (see p. 137) and was a mark of eminent distinction.

(See Fig. 47, No. 2.)

These three feathers indicated in Maya symbolism the highest place and

power. They appear on the head of the important statue unearthed by Dr.

Le Plongeon at Chichen Itza, which he calls “Chac Mool,” in the form

given Fig. 46, No. 2. Three was a sacred number with the Mayas, and with

this in mind I shall refer to it as the “trinal” sign.

[Illustration: FIG. 46.—The “Trinal” Feather Emblem.]

In Mexican writing the three feathers appear in the ikonomatic sign for

_tecpan_, royal, in the _Lienzo de Tlascala_, pp. 56, 57, 78. As feather

in Maya is _kukum_, which is allied in sound to _ku_, god, _kul_,

divine, etc., we see what an appropriate rebus the “trinal” makes.

Rounded figures, identified by Seler as “feather balls,” are sometimes

portrayed above the _men_, or “Mother Earth” sign, and in other

relations. See Cod. Peres., p. 7, for a good example.

[Illustration: FIG. 47.—The “Cross-hatched” Signs.]

A number of drawings in the Codices represent textile materials—mats,

cotton cloth, wicker-work, etc. That Fig. 47, No. 1 is frequent, both as

an affix and as part of costume. Thomas calls it a trellis or lattice

work; Seler, an imitation of a snake skin; Förstemann, of the shell of a

tortoise. In some places it is clearly a part of a helmet made of

interlaced and twisted cords attached to a frame. (See Cod. Tro., pp. 2,

3, 6, 19, 22*, 23*.)[123] In Nos. 2 and 3 it appears as a written

character with superfixes. It forms part of the sign of the day

_chicchan_, and is attached to the sign of the sun and of the world.

This cross-hatching I regard as showing woven stuff, or that twisted,

knotted, and plaited; and I consider its value when used phonetically to

be “strong, mighty,” because the word for “strong” in Maya is _chich_,

and that for twisting and interlacing cords is _chich-kuch_,—again a

simple rebus.[124]

The designs, on p. 129, are supposed by Seler and Thomas to represent a

house, the roof of which is indicated by the cross-hatched or plaited

objects, [Illustration] and [Illustration]. I regard them as meaning a

_canopy_, the practical and symbolic uses of which article are often

referred to by the early visitors to these tribes.[125]

In Fig. 48, No. 1, I give a frequent postfix. In the pictures it

portrays the wing of a bird, the foot of an animal, the claw of a

reptile or insect, or the tail of a dog (Cod. Tro., p. 27).

No. 2 is the conventional sign for _smoke_, as may be seen in Cod. Tro.,

pp. 5*, 6*, etc.

No. 3 is called by Seler an ideogram for “man” or “person.”

[Illustration: FIG. 48.—Some Linear Signs and Dots.]

[Illustration: FIG. 49.—The Use of Dots.]

No. 4 I introduce from the Mexican pictography to illustrate the use of

black dots. They have many significations which I have not traced in

Mayan Codices, such as seed, salt, ashes, stars, sand, earth, and from

the latter, place, region, world.[126] In the sign for the day, _ix_, I

believe we see the dots with the signification _xiix_, “grain-husks.” A

line or lines of dots mean “speech” or vocal sound, as attached to the

drum, Fig. 44, No. 3; coming from the mouth of a dog, Cod. Tro., p. 20,

singing, etc. Some have mistaken this for the sign of death. Dots in

Maya are _ua_ or _ual_, akin in sound to _u_, month, _uil_, food, and

may be allusive for these ideas.

The _kan_ and _imix_ signs are often associated under two superfixes

enclosing dots, as in Fig. 49, No. 1. These have been interpreted by

Seler to indicate copal gum, or the burning of incense. The sign is

associated with various deities, especially those of a beneficent

character.

The same objects, however, occur elsewhere as superfixes over various

glyphs, as Fig. 49, No. 2, where it is not easy to assign them any such

meaning.

[Illustration: FIG. 50.—Linear Prefixes.]

Modifications of Fig. 50, No. 1 are quite frequent. This sign has had

various explanations, as typifying fire, lightning, or wind (Seler,

Schellhas); but I believe it represents divine or magical power exerted

by blowing. As I have explained in my _Nagualism_, “the act of blowing

was the essential feature in the practice of the ‘medicine men.’ It

symbolized the exercise and transfer of spiritual power.”[127] Where the

deity is portrayed with this addition, he is in the act of exerting his

divine influence. For examples, see the “bee god,” in Cod. Tro., pp. 5*

and 10*, where the head is as in No. 2; and the scorpion, in Cod. Tro.,

p. 2, precisely like one in the Cod. Porfirio Diaz, lam. I. At times it

also conveys the idea of speech, or vocal sound, or that from a drum,

etc., _e. g._, Fig. 44, No. 3.

No. 3 represents the usual mode of portraying the antennæ of scorpions,

insects, etc., of interest because the word for these in Maya, _matzab_,

also means the rays of the sun and of light, and the figure might so be

interpreted.

Dr. Förstemann believes that the circle of dots, as in the lower portion

of No. 2, means “movement or precession;” as in Cod. Dres., p. 68. The

[Illustration] sign is so surrounded, indicating the junction of two

time-periods; or, as others would say, the crooked lightning darting

from the sky.

[Illustration: FIG. 51.—The “Cloud-Balls” and the “Cork-screw Curl.”]

In Fig. 51, Nos. 1 and 2, copied from the great tortoise of Copan, show

the rain-clouds as conceived by the native artist. In the Codices they

are seen in the day-sign _cauac_; and elsewhere. An almost identical

conception appears in the pictography of the northern tribes.[128] Seler

speaks of them as _Wolkenballen_, “cloud-balls,” an appropriate name for

the element.

[Illustration: FIG. 52.—Symbols for the Earth.]

No. 3 has been explained by Thomas and Seler as the portrayal of

trickling fluid; or, again, by the latter, as a “nose ornament.” Dr.

Schellhas first saw its real intention. It is a picture of a twisted

lock of hair, or “cork-screw curl,” worn by the Maya women. It appears

in the monograms of various goddesses. Ideographically it has two

meanings, one, woman or female; the other, down or downward; either from

its name (which we do not know), or because it hangs downward. In the

latter sense, it is in the hieroglyph of the Earth, as that which is

down or below us, Fig. 52; although, as the Earth is the feminine

principle in nature,—Mother Earth,—I would suggest that this is the

intimation conveyed by the sign.

[Illustration: FIG. 53.—Signs for Union.]

No. 1, Fig. 53, occurs with great frequency. Allen explains it as “the

radical of the mouth,” others as “falling water,” etc., but I accept

without hesitation Brasseur’s identification of it as the side view of

the joint of a reed or maize stalk, with the meaning “union.” In the

writing it is probably among other things the conjunctive conjunction,

_yetal_, “and,” which explains its frequency. It is common in the form

No. 2, in the Vienna Codex, signifying the union of day series (pp. 58,

61, 64, etc.); it may imply sexual union, as in the “Tableau des Bacabs”

(see above, p. 50.)

[Illustration: FIG. 54.—The Knotted Head Dress.]

Other signs for union are No. 3, which is a knotted head-dress common on

males, and No. 4, from the Cod. Troano, p. 5, which perhaps indicates

the union of two month periods, or the new and old moons, in relation.

The middle design between the two crescents is frequent as an affix (_e.

g._, Cod. Tro., p. 7, etc.).

[Illustration: FIG. 55.—The “Tree of Life.”]

I have already hinted at the significance of the “tree of life” in Mayan

mythology. It is shown in the Codices under two forms, Fig. 55, Nos. 1

and 2. In the former it seems to be growing from a bottle-shaped vase.

The leaves (omitted in this instance) are well shown in Cod. Tro., p.

17*. They are cordate and pendent.

No. 2 is taken from the Cod. Peres., p. 3; it beautifully shows the

sacred tree, here distinctly anthropomorphic,[129] in the vase of the

heavenly waters, lifting its fourfold branches. In the original, the god

of the north star is resting upon them. Usually the tree is associated

with Itzamna. Both forms are frequent in the Mexican manuscripts, and

the myths relating to them have been subjects of study by various

writers.[130]

[Illustration: FIG. 56.—The “Machete” and Similar Signs.]

Forms like Nos. 1 and 2, Fig. 56, and perhaps No. 3, are usually taken

to represent a chopper or _machete_. The representation of this weapon

or implement is seen in Cod. Tro., p. 17, where a man is killing a snake

with one. In the conventional and negligent manner in which these

characters are often written, it is not easy to distinguish them from

others of different origin and meaning. Nos. 2 and 3 may be feather

signs. Seler explains the machete as the symbol of striking or wounding

(“Ausdruck des Schlagens”).

[Illustration: FIG. 57.—Supposed Bird Signs.]

Characters like the above recur in all the forms of writing. No. 1 has

been called by Seler the representation of “man,” but this is doubtful.

It may be a variant of No. 2, which is a “closing hand” from Fig. 31,

No. 3. Nos. 3 and 4, from Copan and Guatemalan pottery, follow closely

the Codices. With a “comb affix,” Förstemann calls No. 4 “a well-known

form of _moan_,” meaning the Pleiades (_Entziff._ IV); while Dr. Seler

explains it as an owl symbol. The design enclosed is held to depict the

bill of a bird.

The “Crotalean curve,” the outline of the jaws of the rattlesnake,

_Crotalus horridus_, has been dwelt upon with emphasis by Allen and

Maudslay as one of the most notable emblems in Maya art.[131] Fig. 58,

Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, show some of its forms in the Codices, and No. 5, from

Stephens, illustrates its radical. As a graphic element, it is less

prominent than in architecture.

[Illustration: FIG. 58.—The “Crotalean Curve.”]

Fig. 59, Nos. 1–4, are outlines of objects often seen in the Codices.

No. 1, which looks like a carriage-wrench, is in fact a serpent wand, as

can readily be seen by comparing Cod. Tro., pp. 6, 7, 31*, with Cod.

Dres., pp. 40, 42, 43.

[Illustration: FIG. 59.—Objects Held in the Hand.]

No. 2 is the “medicine rattle.” Sometimes it was a gourd, at others of

earthenware, as we see by the “pottery decoration” in Cod. Tro., 34, 35,

etc. Sometimes it looks like a fan or a mirror.[132]

No. 3 is the hatchet, and No. 4 the chisel. The peculiar shape and mode

of use of the latter are seen Cod. Tro., 34, etc. Both of these

implements were made of metal obtained from Tabasco, and Landa

especially says that the latter was that with which they carved their

idols, exactly as we see in the MSS.[133]

The word for the tomahawk in Maya was _bat_; and from the same root come

_batul_, “to fight;” _batab_, “a chief;” _batan_, “first or in front

of;” _bat_, “hail;” for any of which ideas the weapon might be a symbol

or a rebus. It is of frequent occurrence in the texts. One of its uses,

I am persuaded, was to indicate a thunderbolt or stroke of lightning.

The name for this in Maya was “the blow of the cloud,”[134] and in the

group of the _moan_ sign and the tomahawk we have this well expressed.

The first design in Fig. 60 shows the aspersorium, _lilābal_, with which

the high priest sprinkled the holy water (which was the dew collected in

the early morning) during the ceremonies. To it were attached the

rattles of the rattlesnake and tails of poisonous serpents.[135] It is

often portrayed in the Codices and inscriptions.

The second design is the throwing-stick, in Nahuatl, _atlatl_. The

admirable monograph of Mrs. Zelia Nuttall explains its important

symbolic uses.[136] Examples where it is well portrayed are: Cod. Dres.,

p. 60, 65; Cod. Tro., pp. 21* and 22*.

[Illustration: FIG. 60.—The Aspersorium, the Atlatl, and the Mimosa.]

The third design in Fig. 60 is what Seler calls a broom (Spanish,

_escobilla_, Nahuatl, _mallinalli_,) and Schellhas, a feather. But that

it is, as Brasseur said, a mimosa, seems clear from Cod. Tro., p. 29,

where it is shown growing. In id., p. 32*^c, where it is above the

turtle, it has an astronomic significance.

Other objects sometimes depicted are fans, _ual_ or _picit_; mirrors,

_nen_; shields, _chimal_; and planting sticks, _xul_.

The designs shown in Fig. 61 recur in all the Codices, and I agree with

Dr. Förstemann that they must refer to the celestial bodies and their

relative motions (contrary to the view of Dr. Seler). That they have not

all been identified is perhaps because none of the students of the

subject has been astronomer enough to understand the lessons they

convey.

A few we are certain about. No. 1 is the sun, No. 2 the moon; No. 13

must be “the rope of the moon” (see above p. 36) indicating its

conjunction;[137] No. 12, from the Cod. Peres., might reasonably

indicate its opposition; No. 14 is the pole star, occurring in Cod.

Tro., pp. 20, 22, 23. Dr. Förstemann has offered certain reasons,

reaching a moderate probability, that Nos. 3 and 4 symbolize the planet

Mercury; Nos. 5 and 6 the planet Venus; No. 7, Jupiter; No. 8, Mars; and

No. 11, Saturn; No. 15 I have seen only on the casts from Sastanquiqui,

Peten, at the World’s Columbian Exposition.

[Illustration: FIG. 61.—The “Constellation Band.”]

These designs are arranged in rows of three or more, forming ribbons or

bands, and therefore I shall refer to the series as “the constellation

band.” Some members of it usually are placed above the representation of

the sun and moon (day and night), frequent in the Codices and

represented in Fig. 62.

[Illustration: FIG. 62.—The “Heavenly Shield.”]

A Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics · 第 6 / 9 段