RUSSIA AND ENGLAND
A New Era--The Russian Ideal--The Trick of Double Nationality--Lord
Kitchener's Legacy--The Armenian Inventor--The Kaiser and Double
Nationality--The Future of Prussia--Russia's Hope of Victory--Germany's
Influence on Anglo-Russian Friendship--Days of Suspicion--Lord
Clarendon's Opinion--An ex-Cabinet Minister's Boast--Russian Memories
of England--A Glorious Future
At the time I left England in May, 1914, there was, of course, no
thought of the coming calamity. I wished to return in the autumn of
that year to follow my usual habit of spending the winter in London;
but the declaration of this unexpected war changed all my plans, and I
remained in Russia, returning in the late autumn of 1915.
It has been a great happiness to me to see how the friendship between
England and Russia has become realised, and how with all the sufferings
and mutual anxieties it becomes stronger day by day. The idea of an
Anglo-Russian alliance has inspired me a good portion of my life. It
is what I have worked for--my dream, my ideal.
The war takes an intolerably long time and is a great strain. The
sacrifice of men is terrible; the cost unprecedented. We have
undergone much and lost much. Our Russian soldiers are equal in {287}
bravery to the British, the French, the Belgians and the noble Serbs.
We are inspired by the same high ideal, and therefore we must win. The
new conditions of warfare have horrified the world--the suffocating
gases, the atrocities, the diabolical machinery. Our task is not easy,
but I do not think anyone in Russia doubts the final result. In spite
of the new German weapons, the terrible cost, the German intrigue and
corruption, and the tremendous sums that must have been secretly
economised by Germany for the purpose of bribery, we shall win.
Then there is the German trick of double nationality--the becoming
naturalised in Russia or England and yet retaining allegiance to the
Emperor Wilhelm. I rejoice to notice that Great Britain is dealing
with that so wisely and energetically, not, I believe, recognising
nationality obtained within the last ten years.
Perhaps one of Lord Kitchener's most valuable legacies to his country
may be his advice that no Germans should be given naturalisation papers
in England for the next twenty-one years. The whole system of
naturalisation in general is never a good or praiseworthy one. It
kills real patriotism. Why can one not abolish it entirely in the
whole world? We cannot at will take a new father or mother and break
all the ties God and nature have given us--why then a new nationality?
The habit of becoming a naturalised subject of some adopted country is
most common among Germans, their Government rather encouraging the
practice than otherwise, but not allowing naturalisation abroad to
interfere in {288} any sense with the full rights of citizenship at
home. This, of course, creates the great evil of double nationality
that has done so much harm, among others to countless Russian subjects
of German birth or parentage. The legalisation of the practice was
accomplished soon after the Franco-German war of 1871, but it was kept
quiet and very little was heard of it. I should like to quote an
example of the harm done by this pernicious system.
A talented Armenian had invented some important novelty in connection
with naval matters. For some reason no one took any interest in him in
Russia, and his life's work seemed unlikely to achieve any result. In
despair, he turned his steps to Berlin. There he was immediately
appreciated, but as, by the German law, the Government cannot finance
the enterprises of any but its own subjects, my poor Armenian, after
much hesitation and grief, and with the permission of the Russian
Government, became a German subject. Thereupon the German Government
bought his invention, largely rewarding and providing for the
inventor--only, however, after his official naturalisation as a German
subject.
Some time after, this same Armenian, having lost all his means, and
having suffered much from illness ana other troubles, set to work and
tried his luck in London. Here, however, his double nationality
brought him nothing but trouble. Germans, in spite of his
naturalisation, regarded him as a Russian, and Russians, since he had
chosen to become a German subject, considered him a German. Neither
the one nor the other would help him, and he was driven to despair and
starvation.
{289}
The German Emperor has caught at the system of double nationality, and
has done all in his power to create confusion in this connection. It
is as though he had wished above all things to revenge himself on those
of his former subjects who have adopted Russia as their country, and
have become naturalised there. He has, by legalising the practice,
sown discord and mistrust between the German Russians and the people
among whom they might have continued to live peaceably and happily. Is
not this the action of a wicked foe?
One of my friends, an experienced and clever judge, recently returned
from the front, expressed himself to the effect that Wilhelm had
dragged his hapless country into a state of Satanism and had everywhere
sown dissension and bribery and evil and sorrow. This is indeed a fact
and a danger of which by now not only Russia, but also France and
England are convinced, and this very conviction has drawn the Allies
more closely together, uniting them by an indissoluble bond, as they
fight side by side in this war of liberation and self-defence.
Prussianism deserves merciless punishment, and a radical cure for its
mad and boundless greed and ambition. Prussia must be forced back to
its former modest dangerless limits. All the mischief done by and
since '71 must be undone, and their military system destroyed once and
for all.
Some people pretend that Prussia should be returned to the limits not
only of the year '71, but to those of the Paris Treaty. I hardly think
that so drastic a measure could be carried through. But of course we
may remember that Berlin has {290} been once invaded by Napoleon, and
that the same victories could be repeated in our time.
This is _par excellence_ a war of good against evil. The good must
always triumph--we must only be patient, stand loyally side by side,
and struggle, struggle, struggle on to the end!
In spite of all, we shall win. On our side are--(1) Belief in the
cause; (2) Faith in God; (3) Faith in the Emperor; (4) Faith in our
Allies; or, to put it shorter, in the words of the motto of our Army,
"Snami Bog" ("God is with us").
We sympathise deeply, too deeply for words, with England, and
appreciate all she is doing. Our enemies, of course, have done their
best to shake our confidence in each other. That is only natural, but
we know that, but for the British Fleet, the Germans would have passed
through the English Channel and invaded the coasts of France; that our
Baltic shores would have been in greater danger; and that the German
trade would have continued. We know what the British Army is doing,
and we view with deep compassion and fellow-suffering the losses which
it has suffered in Gallipoli, chiefly for our sake. We follow with
deep sympathy Britain's Roll of Honour.
My personal belief is that our friendship will survive all strains, and
will persist into the coming time when, with God's help, peace in
Europe will be restored for many, many years.
[Illustration: MYSELF WITH MY FAITHFUL MAX AT BRUNSWICK PLACE, N.W.]
It is now very interesting to look back and trace the growth of the
understanding between Russia and England that developed into an
Alliance. Symptoms of Russophobia began to disappear {291} about the
middle nineties. Once the Indian north-west-frontier bogy disappeared,
my mind became easier. Anglo-Indian suspicion has been not a little
responsible for the breach.
The change was largely due to the rise of Germany. In the old days
there was only one continent where the shadow of a European Power fell
across the English doorstep. As Russia was that Power she monopolised
alike the attention and suspicion. What puzzles me most is, how it has
been possible for a nation that has shown itself almost uncannily
suspicious of Russia, to permit Germany to make all the preparations
she has made, and which for years it has been known she was making,
without suspicion. British ministers became quite cross at the mere
suggestion that Germany's aims were not entirely pacific, as if a man
builds a Dreadnought for Cowes, or a submarine for Henley. Sometimes
politicians seem to me very silly.
I remember Charles Villiers once writing to me that "in England there
is a disposition to believe that Russia is an enemy of Liberty and a
sort of ogre that goes about looking for sickly people to swallow them
up."
This is exactly what England did believe for very many years. Nothing
Russia did could be right. If she appeared to be actuated by high
principles, people sought for some hidden motive; if, on the other
hand, they could trace self-interest, then they contented themselves
with saying that it was just what was to be expected from Russia.
There were, of course, exceptions to this rule. Charles Villiers
himself, in that same letter, added {292} that he was not a party to so
ridiculous a belief. Later, Lord Clarendon wrote to me expressing
disbelief that Russia would go to war with Turkey; but in his mind
there was the same suspicion of her actions. "That she should," he
said, "see with the utmost confidence and resignation troubles excited
in the East by others I think very likely indeed, and I cannot believe
that the Prince of Serbia would make these preparations for exciting
war unless he had the sanction of Russia. Russia may perhaps say with
a safe conscience that she did not advise such measures, but can she
declare that she ever said one word to disapprove or check them?" If
she had done so, or would even now exert her authority, the Prince
would become as tame as a mouse.
"I am not one of your category who 'cares not a straw for Russia,' for
I know what vast elements of greatness she has, and that if she gives
herself to develop her resources and consolidate her power, and does
not yield to the lust of conquest, she must be the greatest nation of
the world."
I quote these words because Lord Clarendon was in every sense a man who
thought carefully before expressing an opinion, and it is easy to see
even in his words some suspicion of Russia.
Another cause for the gradual change of public opinion that for some
years past has been manifesting itself in England, is that Africa has
displaced Asia in the international arena, and that over British Africa
Russia casts, and can cast, no shadow, whereas other nations have been
treading with heavy foot upon England's colonial toes.
{293}
No nation can be on bad terms with all its neighbours, as Germany will
have good reason to know in the very near future, and the rising menace
of German ambition synchronised with the lessening of the tension
between Russia and England. The national danger for England had
shifted to another zone.
Twenty years ago I wrote:
"It appears as if, at last, Englishmen were really beginning to
understand that Russia is a sister nation, which is as great by land as
England is by sea."
As I write I call to mind a dinner-party, at which an ex-Cabinet
Minister, obviously wishing to frighten a foreigner, somewhat pompously
remarked:
"You have no idea of the great power which England represents by her
fleet. No other nation is a match for us."
He may have been right, but the tone amused me, and I said in reply:
"So much the better. It is a new argument in favour of my beloved
scheme--the Anglo-Russian Alliance. Our army stands to us in the same
relation as your fleet to you, and in case of need might supply your
military deficiency. On the other hand, your fleet might perhaps work
in union with ours. But even putting aside an offensive or defensive
alliance of this kind, there is one fact which is clear--left to
themselves, England and Russia, having such different weapons, cannot
fight each other."
If I had ventured this as a prophecy instead of an ideal how I should
have been laughed at; yet it has been realised, and the British Navy
and the Russian {294} Army have been united at last. No matchmaker
ever had more trouble in bringing together a self-conscious youth and
coy maiden than those who have fought so long and so hard to bring
England and Russia together.
Again, there was always that tendency on the part of England to
interfere in the internal affairs of Russia. To this I have referred
elsewhere. If we had started in Russia a society called "The Friends
of Irish Freedom," with the names of Russian Cabinet Ministers upon the
title-page, what an uproar there would have been. I have, time after
time, striven to emphasise the evil done in the past to the growth of a
proper understanding between the two countries by such societies as
"The Friends of Russian Freedom."
Anyone who is cold to Russia may be said at this moment to be rather a
pro-German. Also any Russian who is cold to England is also rather
pro-German. Such people no doubt do exist. Every good cause has its
enemies, and the cause of our friendship has had enemies all along.
But our friendship is founded on a genuine mutual admiration of
Russians and English for one another. And when one says admiration,
does not one mean in reality love? We like one another. We do not
really distrust one another. Knowledge is this case always breeds
affection. Against that fact all hostility from German and pro-German
intriguers must fail.
The Anglo-Russian alliance is first of all one of hearts. My heart is
with England. I feel that I now have two countries, Russia and my
foster-country {295} England. The hearts of many English are with
Russia. There are now many friendships.
It is also an alliance of minds. You read our literature with profit,
we yours. You are interested in our arts and institutions, we in
yours. It is also an alliance of economic interests, of pockets, may I
say? We both stand to help one another in commerce. After the war
this will increase with the passage of each year.
It is also an alliance of arms. We are both in the field against the
common enemy, and the ideals for which we are fighting are one and the
same, the motives similar.
Everything is helping forward the cause of Anglo-Russian friendship.
As far as my own experience of England goes she is not only unselfish,
but really enthusiastic and full of generosity. Her patriotic
self-sacrifice is displayed every day during this monstrous war. Young
or old, experienced or inexperienced, everybody is anxious to fight or
die for the glory of his country. As to her generosity, can anybody
doubt that? In these two fundamental feelings Russians and English are
very dear to each other. They only need to know each other better.
I have said this in Russia, and have described it many times. Let us
remember, for instance, the splendid generosity of England during the
famine of 1891 in Russia. That was a terrible time, especially in the
province of Tamboff as I have explained, and we all remember how
England helped.
Last summer, when I was at Alexandrofka, one of the old porters began
talking to me about the {296} "English bread, which was sent by
England." At first I did not quite grasp what he meant. Little by
little I understood that he spoke of the English subscriptions which
had allowed my son to sell bread at very cheap prices when everywhere
else in our neighbourhood the cost was monstrously high. People came
from the remotest districts to buy our bread. More than 100,000 people
were thus saved from starvation. The philanthropic Grand Duchess
Elizabeth, sister of our Empress Alexandra, also hurried to help us.
The magnificent part played in Russia by the Society of Friends,
represented by Mr. Burke and Mr. W. Fox, is well remembered by all of
us Russians.
Somebody has said there are no small things. Everything may have great
and important results, but nevertheless real.
At this moment, to my great satisfaction, my room is crammed with
pamphlets and books about Russia, all kindly disposed and insisting
upon the Anglo-Russian alliance. One regrets not to be able to grasp
gratefully every hand that wrote such useful and excellent books. But
there is no time to be lost. We must strive as much as we can to work
harmoniously together. Even when this war is over and when written
treaties are definitely signed, we must go forward hand in hand.
Friendship lies not so much in the letter and the word as in the spirit.
As to the future, with Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy working
hand in hand, what has Europe to fear? In July, 1914, the Prussian War
Party saw a "decadent" England, a still more {297} "decadent" France,
and a Russia not yet recovered from her last war. In July, 1916,
Germany has to face a New England, a New France, and a New Russia, and
the time is not far distant when we shall have something like pity in
our heart for Germany, the pity that one feels for alienated criminals.
It would be most unfair (not to say stupid) to forget the hundreds,
perhaps thousands, of men with foreign names, who at this very moment
are bravely fighting and sacrificing their lives for Russia and
Russia's glory.
Every Russian--even those with scanty and superficial education--should
always remember certain names with gratitude.
Let me take a few names at random. The best friend of the Slavonic
cause was _Hilferding_. The great Academician, A. Behr, has opened
Russia's eyes to our fishing riches, a great branch of our commerce.
Ostaken, who took the Russian name of Vostokoff, was the author of
_Slavonic Philology_.
Dr. Haas--whom the people always call "our Saintly Doctor."
Then there were Barklay de Tolly, Todleben, and many others--who will
always live in our history, and ought to be remembered with admiration
and gratitude.
Thackeray said that three generations were needed to make a gentleman.
But, surely, three centuries of honest allegiance to a country are
required to make a trustworthy subject.
The present war will undoubtedly bring in its {298} train many reforms
and changes in the most varied directions. Among these, it is
imperative to look very seriously into the question of necessary and
unnecessary expenses, and of luxury in both its good and its bad sense.
That there is a clearly-defined dividing line between the two, is an
obvious truth, an indisputable truism. Russia, as well as other
countries, will, for a long time after the war, be obliged to exercise
economy of the severest order. Self-defence will be necessary even
when the clash of arms and the thunder of the guns have ceased. Great
and inevitable problems face us wherever we turn. We need more
churches, general education, new roads, and the development of all the
latent natural wealth of our country.
All this is as important as our daily bread, without which there can be
no life.
Yes, it is indeed a fact that well organised economy spells great and
mighty results. Unfortunately, we cannot hide from ourselves the truth
that large sums of money are constantly being spent on needless and
foolish vanities. There comes to my mind a conversation that took
place many years ago, during one of my visits to Moscow. The subject
under discussion was connected with the buttons and gold braid on our
military uniforms. Their arrangement was to be altered, and something
added or taken away, I forget which. I listened for some time in
silence, and then remarked with a smile that the whole thing reminded
me of some typical discussion among Gogol's "fair ladies." "But you
are mistaken," answered one of the Moscow experts seriously, "this is a
matter that {299} has to be examined very carefully. Do you realise
that the simplest change, the taking away or adding of one button or
one inch of braid represents an enormous sum of money? When one is
dealing with an army and a navy numbering millions, every extra thread
deserves consideration. One must keep most careful accounts and weigh
every detail conscientiously!"
Unfortunately, this is all too often left undone. Gogol's ladies
disputed about "frocks and frills"; in our case the matter under
discussion concerns our national income, of which we need every penny,
and which it is incumbent on us not to waste. I repeat, we need, for
instance, more churches. Have you ever been to the St. Isaac's
Cathedral in Petrograd at Easter? Even such huge places of worship as
this, or as the Kazan Cathedral, cannot accommodate half of the throngs
waiting and thirsting for prayer.
I myself have often stood waiting for two hours among the crowd in the
street unable to force my way through into the church.
But in addition to churches, we need general education. We must have
more schools and universities, more roads, more libraries, more books.
All this is anything but on a line with the "frocks and frills" of
Gogol's ladies--no, we are discussing the welfare of Russia, and that
is for us no trifling matter. Every insignificant change in connection
with buttons or trimming affects the budget of our Empire--how much
more then could be saved by giving up all the needless splendour and
extravagance of our magnificent uniforms?
{300}
At the time of the discussion to which I have referred, there was no
thought of war, but happily, even in days of unclouded peace and
prosperity, there are people who occupy themselves with the good of our
country, and their passing remarks sometimes remain deeply engraved on
the memories of their hearers.
If some good fairy were to appear before me at this moment and ask me
to pronounce a wish, I would, without a moment's hesitation, repeat the
words of my Moscow friend, and would add on my own account the wish
that luxury might be done away with, that we might after the war never
again see the old gorgeous military attire, but that it might give
place for good to the modest war-time uniforms of the moment. These
simple uniforms, indeed, will always bring back soul-stirring memories,
for they are connected with the brilliant victories of our heroes,
whose glorious deeds have astonished the whole world. These glorious
deeds, this magnificent self-sacrifice is one of Russia's trophies.
Let our children understand the meaning of these simple uniforms, and
never forget them. Such economy and simplicity would be of immense
benefit not only to our pockets, but to our ethical and moral education.
Wise remarks should be remembered. Of course, the great men of the day
are not always those of the century.
On the other hand, simple, unpretentious, humble people make sometimes
remarks of deep importance. We all ought to learn how to listen and
understand what we hear.
{301}
Ah, yes! we have much, much to learn in every way!
One sometimes hears strange theories advanced in favour of magnificent
uniforms. It is said, for instance, that they attract young people to
the service. I cannot understand how one can even repeat such an
ignoble argument. People who wish to serve their country are not
guided by such thoughts as this. They have far higher moral
requirements and ideals--ideals indeed that are far more likely to
destroy than to encourage mean and petty vanities that sometimes show
themselves in such varied forms among men and women alike.
Money can be a great power for good, when it is applied to the
development of latent but deep-rooted national possibilities. This war
has awakened all our activities and will guide our energies in the
right direction. Russia, with God's help, will grow stronger than
ever, will free herself from foreign elements and dangerous help, and
will become a greater power than ever before.
{302}
CONCLUSION
And now I have finished. I have told of some of the things I have
seen, heard, and felt. I have drawn upon my recollections just as one
might draw tickets at a raffle.
From my earliest childhood I have always been greatly attracted by
people much older than myself. They taught me things that I wanted to
know but was too lazy to learn through books and from governesses, who
generally appeared to me stiff, cold, and unsympathetic.
Ugly and whimsical child as I was, outsiders generally took a fancy to
me, and, through their conversation, my mind unconsciously obtained the
habit of meddling with serious questions which I very often felt to be
beyond me. This habit of meddling with things beyond my depth has
never left me, with the natural consequence (Heaven knows!) of frequent
disillusionments.
Now I have to reverse the order of my youth, and find interest in the
younger generation more than I did when I was a contemporary.
However, my raffle is closed. I hope that some words of mine have not
been in vain. It remains for Russians and Englishmen to get to know
each other. When they do, their friendship will be indissoluble--I
know both.
{305}
INDEX
Abdul Hamid, 48, 157, 158, 161
Afghanistan, 81
Aksakoff, Ivan, 37
Alcohol in Russia, 168, 169
Alexandra, Empress, 23
Alexandrovna, Empress Marie, 73
Anglo-Russian agreement, 18, 25
Anglo-Russian Alliance, 94, 286, 293, 294
Anglo-Turkish Convention, 151
Armenia, 147, 148, 152, 161
Armenians, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152
Asquith, Mr. H. H., 79
Athens, 49
Austria, 95, 96, 203
Balkans, the, 31, 39, 41, 46, 85, 264
Baltic, the, 25
Baring, Walter, 26
Bartlett, Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, 99
Belgrade, 31
Belgium, 23, 51
Berlin, 87
Berlin Congress, 149, 159
Béust, Count, 82
Bismarck, Prince, 50, 51, 60, 98, 277
Bludoff, Countess, 73
Bosnia, 31
Brunow, Baron, 23, 108
Bulgaria, 19, 23, 40, 113, 265, 267, 270
Bulgarians, 19, 267, 269
_Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, The_, by Mr.
Gladstone, 26
Campbell-Bannerman, Lady, 78
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 76, 78, 79
Carlyle, Thomas, 80, 81, 163
Cettingje, 31
_Christ or Moses? Which?_ by Madame Novikoff, 58
Clarendon, Lord, 292
Cologne, 69
Constantine, Grand Duke, 247, 253
Constantinople, 47, 49, 72, 163, 266
Constantinople Conference, 46, 48
Cossacks, 37
Crete, 49
Crimean War, 203
Cyprus Convention, 151, 161
_Daily News, The_, 26, 39, 120
Disraeli, Mr. (Lord Beaconsfield), first meeting with Madame Novikoff,
24; his policy resented by Russia, 29; against the freeing of Bulgaria
from Turkish oppression, 113; his high opinion of Abdul Hamid, 157-158;
on the Treaty of Berlin, 159; on England's policy with regard to Asia
Minor, 160; opposes Russia's entry into Constantinople, 266
Dmitrieff, General Radko, 267
Dogger Bank incident, 197
Dolgorouki, Prince Vladimir, 74
Döllinger, Dr., 57, 58, 68
Dostoyevsky, Fiodor, 236, 237
Douma, the, 49
Egypt, 94
Elizabeth, Grand Duchess, 137, 296
Emperor, Russian, 21
England, 20, 29, 30, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 49, 50, 52, 89, 93,
96, 97, 99, 100, 113, 118, 149, 151, 155, 158, 160, 164, 185, 186, 193,
194, 197, 201, 216, 217, 238, 242, 269, 292, 293, 294, 296
France, 79, 89, 203, 237
Franco-German War, 288
Freeman, E. A., 39
_Free Russia_, 199
Fock, General, 192
_Fortnightly Review_, 61, 163
Froude, Henry, 39, 66, 80, 82, 194
Germany, 22, 33, 50, 51, 95, 109, 203, 271, 277, 287, 291, 293, 297
Ghiray, Hadji, 31
Gibraltar, 49
Girardin, Emile de, 70
Gladstone, Mr. W. E., makes acquaintance of Madame Novikoff, 23; what
he called her, 24; solitary championship of Russia, 25; publishes his
pamphlet, _The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East_, 26; his
anxiety about the future of England and Russia, 27; speaks at St.
James's Hall, 43; a misunderstood incident, 44; his fearless
denunciation of Turkey, 45; his friendship with Madame Novikoff
criticised, 48; his dying utterance, 53; his character, 54; he reviews
Madame Novikoff's _Russia and England_, 55; Cardinal Manning's opinion
of him, 56; his interest in the Old Catholics, 57; a letter to Madame
Novikoff, 58; another letter, 62-64; his interest in Shakespeare, 65; a
talk with Hayward, 67; his love of books, 68; an incident at Munich,
69; at a dinner in Paris, 70; his knowledge of French, 71; a comment by
the _Pall Mall Gazette_, 102; on the Berlin Treaty, 147; urges the
coercion of the Sultan, 152; a letter on Lord Salisbury's position,
153; on the Sultan of Turkey, 154; condemns the policy of Prince
Lobanoff, 156; on the Cyprus Treaty, 161; on the history of nations, 219
Gladstone, Mrs., 40, 55, 67
Gladstone, Miss Helen, 69, 70, 71
Gortschakoff, Prince, 37, 51, 95, 105
Goya, Francisco, 84
Great Britain, 23, 34, 40, 48, 162
Greece, 49
Grey, Lady Sybil, 137
Grey, Earl, 137
Hague Conference, The, 30, 186
Hamilton, Bishop, 56
Harcourt, Sir William, 39
Hayward, 65, 67, 193, 194
Helen, Grand Duchess, 73, 74-77, 141, 142
Herzegovina, 31
Ignatieff, General, 46, 47
_Is Russia Wrong?_ by Madame Novikoff, 162
Italy, 32, 203
Japan, 197, 257
Jews, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121
Kaiser, 20, 87
"Karaims," ancestors of, 122
Kinglake, A. W., 34, 39, 66, 82, 93, 97, 186, 187, 188, 192, 193, 194
Karaite Jews, the, 119
Keyserling, Count, 60, 77, 89
Khalil Pasha, 72
Khanoff, General Ali, 21
Khvostoff, Mons., 23
Kiréeff, Alexander, 31, 32, 50, 125, 248
Kiréeff, Nicholas, 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 41, 51
Kireevo, 41
Kovalsky, Bishop, 179
_La Revue Internationale dc Théologie_, 61
Liszt, Franz, 138, 143
Lobanoff-Rostovsky, Prince, 103, 160
Loftus, Lord Augustus, 36, 37
London, 23, 77, 87, 100, 102, 104, 114, 115
Lucca, 32
Manning, Cardinal, 56, 57
Mariavites, the, 179
Mikoulin, General, 189
Milan, Prince, 32
Mohammedans in Russia, 21
Montefiore, Mr. George, 121
Moscow, 17, 18, 19, 36, 37, 49, 51, 68, 85, 141, 142, 298
_Moscow Gazette_, 106, 165
Munich, 69
Murchison, Sir Roderick, 89
_My Secret Service_, 271
Naoumovitch, Father, 96
Napier, Lord, 39, 72, 73
Nesselrode, Count, 95
Newmarch, Mrs., 145
Nicholas, Count, 47
Nicolaevitch, Grand Duke Constantine, 76, 141
Nicholas I, Emperor, 90-95, 97-98
Nicolas, Grand Duke, 74
Nihilism, 199, 201, 202, 204, 276
_Nineteenth Century, The_, 55, 163
Nordau, Dr. Max, 121
Novikoff, Alexander, 125, 127, 128, 170, 174
Novikoff, E., 104
Novikoff, M., 129, 134, 135
Novikoff, Madame Olga, in Moscow, 17; her ambition being realised, 18;
memories of 1876, 19; introduction to Mr. Gladstone, 23; and to Mr.
Disraeli, 24; what Mr. Gladstone called her, 24; her fight against
prejudice, 26; Mr. Gladstone's visits, 27; her brother, Nicholas, goes
to help the Slavs, 31; his death, 32; effect on Russia, 34; she assists
the ambulance work, 38; in despair she blames England, 39; her English
correspondents, 39; letter from Mrs. Gladstone, 40; at the St. James's
Hall meeting, 43; Mr. Gladstone sees her home, 44; she writes to him,
45; back in Russia, 48; Russia declares war against Turkey, 49; she
publishes her book, _Russia and England_, 54; which Mr. Gladstone
reviews, 55; a letter from Mr. Gladstone, 58; she publishes a German
pamphlet, 60; a letter from Prof. E. Michaud, 61; Mr. Gladstone writes
to her, 62; Hayward, the critic, 65; her memory of Tyndall, 68; a visit
to Miss Helen Gladstone, 69; her Thursday receptions in Russia, 72; her
mother-in-law, 74; at the Grand Duchess Helen's ball, 75; she meets the
Campbell-Bannermans, 77; her last talk with Sir Henry, 79; visits from
Carlyle and Froude, 80; she visits Carlyle on his death-bed, 81-82; a
memory of Mark Twain, 82; her friendship with Verestchagin, 84; her
meeting with Skobeleff, 85; his last visit to her, 86; a talk with
Prince Gortschakoff, 95; a reminiscence of childhood, 96; a tribute
from Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, 99; her detestation of the word
"mission," 101; a remark of the _Pall Mall Gazette_, 102; a letter from
Prince Lobanoff-Rostovsky, 103; her brother, E. Novikoff, 104; a Press
comment on her friendship with Count Shouvaloff, 105; her last
interview with Prince Gortschakoff, 105; why she used the initials
"O.K.," 106; in London, 108; a speech on Shakespeare, 110-111; her
first public expression of views on the Jewish question, 112; letters
to _The Times_, 114--116; her comment on the Sydney Street affair, 118;
her attitude towards Jews, 121; in Russia, the famine, 125; her son,
Alexander Novikoff, 127; interviewed by _The Week's News_, 128-136; a
visit to Paris, 139; about Nicolas Rubinstein, 140-142; a talk with the
Grand Duchess Helen, 142; memories of well-known musicians, 143-146;
she hears of the Armenian massacres, 152; letters from Mr. Gladstone,
153-154; she tries to persuade her country that Disraeli does not
represent England, 156; what she was told about the Cyprus Treaty, 161;
she publishes _Is Russia Wrong?_ 162; her dream of an Anglo-Russian
understanding, 165; a conversation on the drink question in Russia,
166-170; in Petrograd, 175; in the village of Novo Alexandrovka, 177;
about the "Mariavites," 179; memories of Scotland, 184; her first
meeting with John Bright, 186; a talk with Kinglake, 187; his weekly
letters, 193; about the Dogger Bank affair, 197; in London, 200; on the
English idea of Siberia, 216; why prisoners are sent to Siberia, 217;
her introduction to _Siberia as it is_, 220; her friend, Helen
Voronoff, 226; on Russian prisons, 227; a visit from Dostoyevsky, 236;
about Russia in 1905; on the Grand Duke Constantine, 247; a letter from
him, 251; on Prince Oleg Constantinovitch, 252; a visit from
ex-President Grant, 266; on prisoners of war, 272; on the Russian
Slavophils, 282; her ideal in life, 286; on Prussianism, 289; on
England, 295
_Pall Mall Gazette_, The, 102
Paris, 70, 73, 139
Parliamentary system in Russia, 214
Pasha, Madame Nubar, 100
Pears, Sir Edwin, 26, 47
Pears, Sir Edwin, _Forty Years in Constantinople_, 47
Petrograd, 18, 19, 36, 49, 68, 72, 97, 100, 111, 115, 118, 139, 141,
144, 166, 170, 175, 242, 243, 269, 299
Pobyedonostzeff, C. P., 68
Rakovitz, 32
Ratchinsky, Mr. Serge, 176, 177
_Revue des Deux Mondes_, 70
Roumiantzoff Museum, Moscow, 41, 86
Rubinstein, Nicolas, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143
_Russia and England_, by Madame Novikoff, 54, 107, 163
Russia, Tsar's reception in Petrograd and Moscow, 18; sympathy for
oppressed Slavs, "Red Cross" collections, 19; pledge to save Serbia,
20; Mohammedans, 21; Emperor's New Year address, 21; political unity,
22; attitude towards Great Britain in 1876 and in 1914, 23; crisis
between Great Britain and Russia, 25; inclination for war with Turkey,
26; bitterness against Disraeli's policy, 29; England blamed for Slav
oppression, 30; Russian volunteers to help Slavs, 31; army eager to
assist, 34; effect of Nicholas Kiréeff's death, 35, 38, 39; Cossacks in
disguise sent to Balkans, 36; chivalry of Russian nature, 37; Great
Britain and Russia's distrust of each other, 40; England's attitude
hostile, 43; war declared against Turkey, England's neutrality, 48;
plans ascribed to England, 49; receipt of the news of declaration of
war, 49; mission to Afghanistan, 81; eve of Russo-Turkish War, 85;
smoking not common among women, 100; "Russians are Slavs," 106; Jewish
question in Russia, 112; what the Hebrews did in 1876, 113; feeling
between Slavs and Jews, 113; Yiddish jargon not used by Russians, 117;
vigilance with regard to criminals, 117; famine of 1892, 125;
sufferings of people, 126, 128-136; Moscow and Petrograd
Conservatoriums, 141; people's interest in England's expressed sympathy
for oppressed Armenians, 162; temperance measures, 167; Germans
encourage sale of alcohol in Polish provinces, 178; reforms in Russia
effected rapidly, 180; arrest of alleged Englishwoman at Warsaw, 196;
Dogger Bank incident, 197; and a parallel, 198; feeling towards
Nihilists, 202; war never desired, 203; effect of political murders,
209; people's loyalty to Emperor, 210; unlimited faith in new theories,
211; difference between students of 1840 and 1860, 212; parliamentary
system unsatisfactory, 214; Russian nature, 214, 215; meaning of
Siberia to Englishmen, 216; the convict's treatment in Siberia, 217;
proportion of prisoners, 218; revolution of 1905, 237; the "Court of
Petitions," 241; the Court of Appeal to Mercy, 242; prisoners taken for
active service, 244; political prisoners' patriotism. 245; the ancient
Russian parish, 279; proposed reforms, 281, 282; appreciation of
England's assistance in European War, 290
Russo-Japanese War, 88
Russo-Turkish War, 85
Salisbury, Lord, 46, 47, 115, 152, 153, 161
Safonoff, M., 145
San Stéfano treaty, 149, 150, 266, 267
Sassoun, 148, 149, 151, 152
Serbia, 17, 20, 35, 41, 216, 217, 218, 248
Seymour, Sir Henry, 93
Seymour, Vice-Admiral, 198
Shouvaloff, Count, 103, 104, 105
_Siberia as it is_, by Harry de Windt, 220
Skobeleff, General, 85, 86
Skobeleff, Madame, 85
Slavonic Saints, 47
Slavs, treatment in 1875, 18; Russian sympathy, 19; Russia's pledge to
help Serbia, 20; England blamed for Turkey's cruelty, 30; help from
Russian volunteers, 31; Mr. Gladstone's sympathy, 45; Russia the only
Power which cares for Slavs, 95
Smirnoff, General, 192
Smoking in Russia, 106
Sofia, 31
Staal, Baron and Baroness de, 102
_State and its Relation to the Churches_, by Mr. Gladstone, 56
Stead, W. T., 24, 103, 106, 237
St. James's Hall Conference, 43, 45, 51, 55, 105
Sultan, the, 30
Sydney Street outrage, 117, 118
Talmudist Jews, 119, 122
Tchaikovsky, 144
Tchernaieff, General, 32, 33
Tikhomirov, Leon, 204-215
_Times, The_, 112, 114, 115, 116, 154, 194
Treaty of Berlin, 147, 159
Treaty of Paris, 95, 105, 147
Troubetskoi, Princess Lise, 100
Tsar, the, 17, 18, 21, 51, 100, 114, 166, 177
Turkey, 30, 39, 45, 46, 48, 49, 72, 96, 97, 150, 160, 162, 181
Twain, Mark, 82, 83, 84
Tyndall, 60
_Unsterblichkeítslehre nach der Bibel_, 60
Vatican, the, 57
_Vatican, The_, by Mr. Gladstone, 57
Verestchagin, Vassily, 84-88
Verneuil, M. de, 89
Victoria, Queen, 50, 54, 55, 108
Vienna, 104
Viennese aristocracy, the, 66
Villiers, Charles, 39, 82, 291
Volnys, Madame, 73
Voronoff, Miss Helen, 226-228
Warsaw, 196
Watson, Mr. William, 157
Witte, Count, 178
Zaitschar, 37