CORONATION OF QUEEN ANNE BOLEYN, AND TERMINATION OF THE BAILLY’S LONG
EMBASSY TO ENGLAND
That auspicious day was now rapidly approaching. The very date, May 23,
which saw the despatch of Dinteville’s letter, just quoted, was also that
on which Cranmer pronounced the sentence that declared Henry VIII.’s
marriage with Queen Katherine to be null and void. Less than a week
later, the coronation festivities were inaugurated.
The pomp and pageantry of Anne Boleyn’s coronation have been so often
described that it would be superfluous to dwell on them here, were it not
for one specially interesting circumstance. There can be little doubt
that the unsigned account of the proceedings printed by Camusat in his
“Meslanges Historiques”[176] is the actual report drawn up by Dinteville
himself for Anne de Montmorency. One little sentence gives us the clue to
the whole. The Grand Maître had written to the Bailly of Troyes asking
for details of the ceremonies.[177] In describing the distance traversed
on foot by Anne Boleyn on the morning of her coronation, the writer
states that the road might contain in length “autant de fois que _le
jardin de Chantilly_.” It is hardly necessary to point out that Chantilly
was the famous château of Anne de Montmorency.
The interest of possessing the Bailly’s own narrative of that wonderful
scene, in which he himself played a conspicuous part, may perhaps be a
sufficient excuse for glancing once again at its well-known details:
[178]“La Royne d’Angleterre,” says the writer, “partit de
Grenevich le Jeudy[179] environ les 4 heures après midy, et
vint par eauë dans une barque raze, en façon de brigantin,
laquelle estoit paincte de ses couleurs par dehors, avec
plusieurs bannieres sur le haut de ladicte Barque; et estoient
ses Dames et Damoiselles avec elle. Outre il y avoit cent ou
six vingts autres semblables Barques qui l’accompagnoient
toutes à la flote ensemble, et fort garnies de banieres et
estendars. Ils avoient dressé ausdites Barques de petits masts
subtils et bien haults, ou estoient attachez des cordages en
grande quantité comme a gros Navire, lesquels cordages estoient
tous garnis de petites baneroles de tafetas, et a mon advis
d’or clinquant, car cela reluysoit fort contre le Soleil; et
y avoit force tambourins, trompetes, flustes, et hauxbois; et
vindrent depuis Grenevich en moins de demie heure jusques à
la tour de Londres, ou toute l’artillerie mena grand bruict.
Il fit tres beau veoir ceste arrivée, car outres les barques,
je croy qu’il y avoit plus de deux cents petits bots qui tous
venoient à la queuë et estoit toute la riviere couverte de
basteaux.
“Le Vendredy la Royne ne bougea de son logis.
“Le Samedy environ cinq heures apres midy, ladicte Dame vestuë
de ses habits royaux qui sont a la mode de ceux de France, ou
peu s’en faut, monta en une litière couverte dedans et dehors
de Satin blanc; laquelle estoit descouverte, et, dessus elle,
l’on portoit un poisle de drap d’or; et apres venoient douze
dames sur haquenées, lesquelles estoient toutes vestuës de
drap d’or, et pareillement leurs dites haquenées garniës de
mesme. Apres venoient douze Damoiselles sur haquenées toutes
accoustrées de velour cramoisi. Apres venoit un Cheriot couvert
de drap d’or avec son équipage de mesme. Audit Cheriot estoient
seulement Madame de Norfort,[180] et la mere de la Royne.[181]
Apres, trois Cheriots dorez ou estoient force Damoiselles;
et derrière vingt ou trente autres sur haquenées vestuës de
velouz noir. A l’entour de la Litière de la Royne estoit Mr.
de Suffoc,[182] qui pour ce jour là estoit Connestable [et le]
frère de Mr. de Norfol Millor Grillam[183] lequel servoit en la
place de sondit frere de grand Mareschal et de grand Chambellan
de ce Roiaume qui est office hereditaire. Devant eux marchoient
deux hommes lesquels avoient deux grands bonnets fourrez
d’hermines, quasi de la sorte du premier Huissier de Paris,
lesquels l’on nommoit les Escuyers.
“Apres estoit l’Ambassadeur de France accompagné de
l’Archevesque de Canterbery.[184]
“Apres estoit celuy de Venise accompagné du Chancelier.[185]
“Apres, plusieurs Evesques; et puis le reste des grands
Seigneurs de ce Royaume, et Gentilzhommes, qui pouvoient estre
environ de deux a trois cents.
“Et devant tous, marchoient les Marchants de France vestus de
velouz violet avec une manche des couleurs de la Royne, leurs
chevaux encaparassonez de tafetas violet avec quelques croix
blanches.
“Par les carrefours il y avoit eschafaux ou jouoient quelques
misteres, et fontaines jettans vin et par les ruës estoient
tout les marchants arrangez sans bouger d’une place.”
In such procession the queen arrived at Westminster, where, after
partaking of some wine, she retired to her apartments.
“Le Dimanche, au matin,” continues the report, “accompagnée
de tous lesdits Seigneurs et Gentilhommes, [ladite Dame] alla
a pied depuis son logis jusques à l’Eglise; le chemin par ou
elle marchoit estoit tout couvert de drap, et pouvoit contenir
ledit chemin en longueur autant de fois que le Jardin de
Chantilly. Tous les Evesques et Abbez allerent querir ladite
Dame accoustrez de leurs Mitres et ornements Pontificaux,
et la conduirent jusques a l’Eglise, et apres avoir oüy une
petite Messe, elle monta sur un eschafaut que l’on lui dressa
au devant du grand Autel, lequel eschafaut estoit tout couvert
de drap rouge; et a l’entour du lieu ou elle estoit assize,
qui estoit d’avantage eslevë de deux marches, estoit couvert
de tapis veluz. Et là fut le lieu ou se tint ladicte Dame
durant le service apres avoir esté couronnée par l’Archevesque
de Canturbery lequel luy bailla la Couronne et la sacra tout
contre le grand Autel, puis paracheva l’office et la Messe de
ladicte Coronation.
“Et estoit pour ce jour-la Mr. de Suffoc grand Maistre,
tousjours pres de ladicte Dame, avec une grande verge blanche
en la main: aussi y estoient aupres ledict Milord Grillam et
le grand Chambellan. Derriere ladicte Dame estoient force
Dames, Duchesses et Comtesses vestuës d’escarlatte, avec
manteaux fourrez d’hermines, qui sont manteaux de Duchesses et
Comtesses;[186] et leurs chapeaux sur la teste. Pareillement
les Ducz et Comtes avec beaucoup d’autres Chevaliers estoient
vestus de robes d’escarlate fourrées d’hermines, de la façon
quasi des premiers Presidents de Paris, avec leurs chaperons.
“Ladicte Coronation faicte, ladicte Dame fut conduitte comme
ou venir, excepté des Evesques, en une grande salle[187] qui
estoit appareillée pour disner.”
There followed a long state dinner, served with great magnificence. The
queen’s table was on a raised daïs. Cranmer alone, to whom she owed her
final victory, is mentioned as having a seat at her table, though even he
was placed “bien loing d’elle.” The greatest of the realm waited upon her
in their furred robes.
“La salle est fort grande et fut sans presse, car il y
avoit fort bon ordre, Au dessoubz dudit parquet il y avoit
quatre grandes tables qui contenoient la longeur de ladicte
salle,[188] ou du hault costé estoient ceux de ce Royaume qui
ont la charge des ports,[189] et au dessoubz d’eux à la mesme
table force Gentilshommes: a l’autre, aupres et du coste, les
Archevesques, Evesques, le Chancelier, et plusieurs Comtes
Chevaliers.[190] Aux deux autres tables de l’autres coste de
la salle, à celle du hault bout estoit le Maire de Londres
accompagné de Messieurs les Eschevins: et à l’autre table
estoient les Dames, Duchesses, Comtesses, et autres Dames et
Damoyselles.
“Mr. de Suffolc estoit gorgiaisement accoustré avec force
pierreries et perles, sur un coursier encaparaçonné de velours
cramoysi; lequel a cheval se pourmenoit par toute la salle et
a l’entour des tables. Aussi pareillement faisoit le Millord
Grillam, et prenoit garde au service et a l’ordre. Et estoient
tousjours nuë teste comme scavez que est la coustume de ce
pays. Le Roy se mist en un lieu qu’il avoit faict faire fort
a propos, par ou il pouvoit veoir toute la ceremonie, et sans
estre veu; ou il fit aller avec luy l’Ambassadeur de France et
celuy de Venise.
“A la porte de la salle y avoit conduicts jettents vin, et
en prenoit qui vouloit. Semblablement y avoit cuisines a
bailler viandes a tous venantz pour ce jour-la, et y eut une
merveilleuse mangerye: trompettes et hault-boys sonnoient a
chacun service, et heraulz cryoient largesse.”
The next day a grand tournament of eight against eight, conducted on
the one side by Lord William Howard, on the other by Sir Nicolas Carew,
Master of the Horse, terminated the festivities.[191]
Such was the brilliant opening of Anne Boleyn’s short-lived triumph. But
all was not so smooth as it appeared on the surface. On the 7th June,
the king requested Dinteville to write to Du Bellay, as the ambassador
did also to Francis I. and to the Grand Maître, to inform them of
some intelligence he had received from Rome which had given him great
annoyance. He had heard that it had been declared in open Consistory,
on the part of the King of France, that the latter sovereign intended
to resist the Lutherans in every way possible. Francis did, in fact,
persecute them in his own kingdom, while making alliances, for political
purposes, with their leaders in Germany. Henry declared to Dinteville
that such a declaration in Consistory was sufficient to overthrow all
the good intelligence they had established with Germany. In his opinion
it was most ill-advised. He had but a short time before warned Francis
to communicate to their common allies, the German princes, the project
of the Papal interview, in order that its purport might not be mistaken.
Dinteville wrote that he had never seen the king so angry.[192]
Henry was in fact beginning to doubt the sincerity of the King of
France. The Bailly assured him that, excepting the Medici marriage, of
which Henry had been told long ago, Francis had no motive in wishing
to see the Pope beyond the arrangement of the King of England’s great
affair. Dinteville suspected, however, as he says in his interesting
letter to the Bishop of Paris, that other causes had contributed to the
king’s wrath. Henry had heard that further censures of the Church were
in preparation for him. The common people of England were much attached
to Katherine of Aragon; and Dinteville, like many foreigners, thought
it likely they might break into open rebellion if encouraged by a Papal
sentence of excommunication against the king. In his opinion, one of the
wisest features of Henry’s rule was the cordiality he kept up with the
leading personages of the realm. Thus, if things should come to extremes,
the people would have none to lead them.
The health of the ambassador had been troubling him again, and he ends
his letter to Jean Du Bellay by a piteous appeal to the bishop to assist
his departure from England. “Je vous promets sur ma foy,” he writes, “que
si je y demores encore gueres, j’ai grand peur de y laisser la peau et
les os. Jamais je ne y ai eu que huit jours de sante. Le 22 du mois qui
vient[193] mes six mois seront achevez, je voudrois bien qu’il pleust au
Roy et a Monseigneur le grand Maistre penser et pourveoir un autre de ma
place.”[194]
On the last day of June he writes to announce to the King of France the
death of the ex-queen Mary, sister of Henry VIII., widow of Louis XII.,
and wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.
An event now took place which made a profound sensation at the Court
of France, and threatened once more to disturb the peace of Europe.
It forms but an incident, perhaps, in the long roll of history. But
it echoed in the ears of contemporaries with a sinister roar, and the
bitter indignation it aroused in France was not soon or lightly appeased.
As a minor consequence, it probably had considerable influence on the
composition of certain portions of Dinteville’s picture; and for this
reason shall here be related in some detail.[195]
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, had been one of the chief parties to the
League of Cognac. That combination, it will be remembered, was directed
against Charles V., and was called into existence by the French king in
the first heat of his resentment, on his return from captivity. Some
years later Sforza sent his Chancellor to propose to the King of France
that a resident French agent should be secretly established at Milan.
This step, so the Duke believed, would much conduce to the furtherance
of their common interests. It was also suggested that the appointment
should be bestowed on a certain Italian gentleman, named Merveilles,[196]
who for twenty-five years had been in the service of France, and was at
present an equerry in the household of Francis I. The advantage of this
selection, if the matter was to be kept secret, was obvious. Merveilles,
being of Milanese extraction, would not, it was thought, be an object
of suspicion to the Emperor. To make security sure, however, the French
emissary was to be provided with a double set of papers, in one of which
the king was to recommend him to the good graces of the Duke, as though
Merveilles were merely staying at Milan for the settlement of his private
affairs. These papers could be shown to Charles V., should any difficulty
arise. The marriage of Sforza with the Emperor’s niece, Christina,[197]
daughter of the King of Denmark, was just being negotiated. He was
therefore doubly anxious to give Charles no cause of offence.
The Duke had probably imagined he could play off the rival sovereigns
against each other. He hoped thus to strengthen the foundations of his
tottering throne, on which, as he well knew, the jealous eyes of both
potentates were always fixed. But he had over-calculated his strength.
The Emperor got wind of the true position of Merveilles, and neither
papers nor explanations sufficed to appease his wrath. Sforza was
frightened, and learned too late that he could not serve two masters.
Forced into a tardy choice, he sent a cynical message to the Emperor
to the effect that the course of a few days would show whether his
affections were fixed on France. He kept his word. Early in July the
French Court was startled by the intelligence that Merveilles, on some
trumped-up charge, had been thrown into prison and foully murdered at
dead of night, by order of the Duke of Milan.
The King of France was furious. Did he consider, when raving over the
treachery of Sforza, that, just as he had given Merveilles a double set
of papers, with one of which it was intended to hoodwink the Emperor, so
he had committed to the two Cardinals negotiating the Medici marriage
a double set of instructions, one of which had for its object to wrest
Milan from the hands of his ally, the Duke? For, as early as 1531,
Francis had proposed to Clement VII., through Cardinal Grammont and
the Duke of Albany, the reconquest of the Duchy of Milan, as part of
the secret stipulations of the marriage contract.[198] These proposals
had recently been repeated and accentuated, of course with the utmost
secrecy, by Cardinals Grammont and Tournon at Bologna.[199] The
suspicions of Charles V. had been aroused by the evident eagerness of
Francis for what appeared so great a _mésalliance_. Was Sforza made aware
of the Emperor’s fears? Did he reward treachery with treachery? At any
rate, the blow fell, and great was the fall of it.
Dinteville, at his post in London, must have shared the general quiver of
indignation. Apart from the brutality of the crime, the insult to France
in the person of her envoy, the danger of the precedent if the sacred
position of ambassador could thus be lightly violated, the regret for
the well-known and respected individual, were keenly felt. The King of
France, by way of protest, sent despatches to all the Courts of Europe,
including that of Charles V., to inform them of the outrage. The Emperor
drily turned the tables on Francis by replying that he had seen the
king’s letters which proved that Merveilles was only a private gentleman,
and no ambassador. In due course he bestowed on Sforza, as arranged, the
hand of his niece.
Thus ended in fierce hatred and discord, so far as the coveted Duchy
of Milan was concerned, all that the League of Cognac, the Holy League
as it had once been called, had in years gone by promised of peace
and harmony. The League had indeed gone through vicissitudes enough
since its formation in 1526. The Italian alliances were unstable as
water, and waxed and waned with every moon. But the main trend of
French policy, to keep the upper hand in Italy, and the Emperor at bay,
by heading a powerful coalition of the Italian states, had remained
unchanged. The compact just made between Pope and Emperor at Bologna,
into which some other Italian states had been drawn, was a blow directed
at French policy. But this the King of France hoped to parry by the
Medici marriage. The murder of Merveilles, by which the Duke of Milan
definitely embraced the Imperial side, was a far more serious matter. “Je
vous declare,” writes the King of France to the Bailly of Troyes, on the
16th July, “que je suis delibéré de m’en ressentir jusques au bout, et de
sorte que la mémoire en demourera perpetuelle.”[200]
Notwithstanding the entreaties of the Bailly of Troyes to be released
from his post, his presence in England was still deemed too necessary to
admit of his being replaced.
The interview of the King of France with the Pope was postponed from
one month to another; the Duke of Norfolk was waiting about in France,
losing his time; Henry VIII. was growing morose and distrustful. The
French king, however, had no desire merely to exchange one set of
allies for another. Though determined not to sacrifice his own objects
with the Pope, he was ready, short of that, to do all in his power to
conciliate Henry and retain his friendship. English sympathy had too
often been useful to France to be lightly thrown overboard. Norfolk and
his companions were therefore treated with the utmost honour. Francis
proposed that they should remain at Lyons till the deferred interview
could take place, and appointed to accompany them the Bishop of Paris,
Vaulx, La Hargerie, and other gentlemen of standing.
In the midst of all this, urged by the Imperial party amongst the
Cardinals, and unable, for his public credit, to pass over in utter
silence the king’s defiance of his authority, the Pope pronounced the
expected sentence of excommunication against Henry VIII. The step was
taken with a faint heart, no doubt: Clement had played a double game, and
was caught in his own trap. Just now, when forced to make the unwelcome
move, he was especially anxious to give satisfaction to the King of
France, whom he knew the step must displease. The Pope therefore hastened
to soften the effect of the sentence, so far as possible, by promising
that the censures should not come into force before the approaching
interview. On that occasion, it was hoped, some means of compromise might
yet be devised. The King of England was profoundly irritated. The Dukes
of Norfolk and Richmond, Lord Rochford, and other members of the party
that had been sent to attend the interview, were immediately withdrawn.
Had it been possible, Henry would have annulled the projected meeting
of Francis and Clement altogether. The King of France once more filled
the breach with soft words. He persuaded his English ally to substitute
other ambassadors for those who had been recalled, urging that, for
the advantage of the King of England’s cause, it was most desirable he
should be represented. The Bishop of Winchester and Sir Francis Brian
were appointed to attend the meeting. So well, indeed, did the French
king succeed in pacifying the Duke of Norfolk, that, when the latter
returned to England at the end of August, Dinteville was able to assure
Francis that he had never seen the King of England in a mood of greater
confidence and friendship.[201] Henry’s good humour was not destined to
be of long duration, but for the moment the sun shone again.
Domestic affairs just now claimed an unusual amount of his attention.
On the 7th of September the future Queen Elizabeth was born at the
palace of Greenwich. Much correspondence passed on this occasion between
Dinteville and the King of France, who had promised to act as godfather
had the child been a boy. Henry’s disappointment on this score was keen;
doubly so because the position of the infant princess at once entered
into competition with that of Princess Mary, the daughter of Katherine of
Aragon. A question was thus raised which the birth of a son would have
immediately disposed of.
At about the same time the French king sent a letter to convey to
Dinteville the long-coveted permission to return to his own country.
“Monsieur le Bailly,”[202] writes Francis, “congnoissant très-bien
le long temps qu’il y a que vous estes pardela, et qu’il est
très-raisonable que vous faciez un tour chez vous, pour pourveoir et
donner ordre a vos affaires, je vous ay bien voulu accorder vostre congé
pour vous en venir quant bon vous semblera; et envoye en vostre lieu le
Sieur de Castillon, gentilhomme de ma Chambre, porteur de ceste.”[203]
As a matter of fact, however, the new ambassador, Castillon, did not
arrive in England, and the letter was probably not delivered, until
the second week in November. The period of the Papal interview was
at last approaching; and it was, no doubt, thought desirable that
Dinteville should remain at his post till that event had taken place. The
blandishments with which Clement and Francis had endeavoured to pacify
Henry would then be put to the severe test of fact. It would be seen how
much the king might hope to reap of the promises which had been so freely
sown. And Francis perhaps felt that the result was likely to put a very
severe strain on the already weakened friendship between him and his
“good brother.”
Dinteville, who was in favour with Henry VIII.—several of his letters
at about this time are dated from Greenwich, where he was the king’s
guest—was, no doubt, considered more likely to bring things to a good
issue than a stranger coming fresh to so delicate a task.
Early in October he was able to inform the King of France that a truce
had been concluded for one year between the Kings of England and
Scotland. This was chiefly due to the efforts of the Bailly of Troyes, on
the one hand, and of Beauvais on the other; and certainly reflected some
credit on their diplomacy.
Before the middle of the month the Pope had at length arrived at
Marseilles. He was received with all due ceremony by the King of France.
Mutual efforts were made, by Francis on behalf of Henry VIII., by Clement
on that of Charles V., to pave the way for a further understanding; but
in each case without success. The Pope briefly excused himself as to the
King of England’s affair, by saying he had left the papers concerning it
at Rome, and that it was therefore idle to discuss it further for the
present.[204] The main object of the meeting was in fact the marriage
between Henri, Duke of Orleans, and Catherine de’ Medici. On neither side
was there any intention of wrecking the policy of which that union was
the expression by insistence on the demands of importunate friends.
The contract was drawn up on the 27th October. It contained an agreement
that the Duchy of Milan should be reconquered by the French king at the
end of eighteen months. Urbino was to be reduced at the joint expense of
the contracting parties. Two hundred thousand crowns were to constitute
the dowry, and the Pope was to cede to the French Parma and Piacenza.[205]
It seems wonderful that it should have been worth while to go these
lengths for such a bubble. Francis, whose practical astuteness was always
outbalanced by his fervid imagination where Italy was concerned, no doubt
saw himself already master of the Peninsula. The Pope had completely
outwitted him.
The King of England entered an indignant protest against the proceedings
at Marseilles. He told Dinteville to write and say that, whereas it had
been agreed that the settlement of his affairs should take precedence
of the Medici marriage, Francis had sacrificed him completely to the
alliance with the Pope. The Bailly of Troyes felt that the relations
between the two kings had now reached a pitch not far removed from
breaking-point. On the repetition of Henry’s reproaches he therefore
replied with some spirit that he had rather be the poorest gentleman in
France than convey such expressions to the king his master; that he had
not come to England to transmit words that would diminish friendship, and
that he implored the king to carry such observations no further. These
representations seem to have produced some effect, for Henry thereupon
turned to Castillon, who had just arrived, and had that day been
presented at Court, remarking curtly that he was aware it was necessary
each should endure the other.
Dinteville’s memorandum of this scene adds the characteristic
postscript:[206] “Nota, que souvent le Roy après ses coleres m’a bien
dict qu’il m’estimoit tel que je ne dirois ny escriprois chose qui
diminuast amitié entre eux, et souvent m’ont prié ceux de son Conseil de
mesme.”[207]
The term of his residence in England at length drew to a close. Two last
letters he wrote early in November, respectively addressed to the king
and Grand-Maître, begging to know what reply was deemed most suitable to
Henry’s complaints and reproaches. In the absence of exact instructions,
he could only continue to administer such soothing words as his ready wit
might devise, which in the face of accomplished facts naturally lost much
of their force.
On the 11th November, 1533, the grant is recorded which permitted “Mons.
de Dintevilla, bailly de Troes, ambassador to the French king,” to “pass
beyond sea, with his servants, baggage, etc., and to convey out of the
realm horses, mules and mulettes, to the number of twenty-six.”[208]
A week later, on the 18th November, Dinteville set his face towards
France.[209]
Although the nature of the times was such that he left the alliance
between England and France cooler than he found it, his official career
as an ambassador was accounted a success. The fault did not lie at his
door. Given the difficult and exacting temper of the king with whom he
had to deal, and the slippery insincerity of his own master, it was
creditable to have prevented an open rupture between the two sovereigns.
Personally he was liked by Henry VIII., and the tact and skill with which
he met the king’s surly moods caused him to be employed in England more
than once subsequently on short diplomatic errands. His courage stood him
in as good stead as his courtesy.[210] “Je priay audit Sieur de Norsfort
et a aucuns qui me semblent estre des principaux du Conseil de cedit
Sieur Roy,” he writes in his last letter to Montmorency from England,
“qu’ils donnassent a entendre au Roy leur maistre ... que l’on peut bien
tant presser et fascher son amy que l’on s’en fait importun.” Before
leaving, he intends to declare these things to the king himself, “car
je doubte que Messieurs de son conseil ausquels j’en ay parlé ne luy en
osent dire si hardiment tel advis comme je feray....”[211]
The gist of it all was that a political alliance can only last so long
as the contracting parties are bound together by common interests. The
friendship flickered on intermittently for some time. But the aims of
England and France had now taken widely divergent paths.
It is not here possible to do more than touch upon the mass of letters
written and received by the Bailly of Troyes during his stay in England.
Besides the regular official correspondence with the King of France,
the Grand-Maître, and the Bishop of Paris, much of which is printed in
the collection of Camusat, he received friendly letters from the Queen
of Navarre; from the young Duke of Angoulême (his special charge); from
Philippe de Chabot, High Admiral of France; Beauvais, French ambassador
in Scotland; Claude Dodieu, Sieur de Vély, who occupied a similar
position at the court of the Emperor;[212] Oudart du Biez, Governour of
Boulogne, who forwarded his posts for him; Breton, secretary to Francis
I., and doubtless many others whose names have not been preserved.[213]